Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Attempted assassination – Drama »

Few conflicts in imperial Germany were more important than theKulturkampf, a major dispute between the Catholic Church and the Prussian State and a notorious example of the destructive character of Bismarckian politics. TheKulturkampfbegan in 1871, gathered in intensity and bitterness until 1878, and then continued with slowly diminishing severity down to 1887. Despite all its drama (the attempted assassination of governmental officials, the arrest and trial of prominent churchmen, even riots and mass demonstrations) and its undeniable political importance, theKulturkampfremains among the neglected problems of nineteenth-century German history. For the most part what has been written is so contradictory and prejudiced that even now – more than one hundred years later – the issues remain controversial and, in many respects, obscure.

This paper aims to examine the concept of “death” in William Shakespeare's Macbeth and Arthur Miller's The Crucible in an analytical method as these two plays are filled with murder, executions, and assassinations. These plays show the subject of death in classical and modern drama by the two famous playwrights. The paper is divided into two parts: the first part tackles Shakespeare's Macbeth in (1606) and how the idea of death occupies a great place as the hero falls dead in the end. The second discusses Miller's The Crucible and the tragic events that put to death many people, fearing to spread the thoughts of communists in America. It also reveals people who are hung, crushed, and stifled by society powers, which filled its citizens' minds with certain myths, witchcraft and superstitions that may be against ethics and honor. The concept of “death” will be analyzed in two methods, the first one is a symbolic, spiritual, method while the second is a physical method. These two methods will examine the main characters. The death is the main feature that includes the heroes of selected plays to achieve nobility and perception. Consequently, this paper attempts to show how the dramatists succeed in providing a moral and human lesson to readers around the world, as well as changing this terrible truth of murder into something highly meaningful that it is a step towards the eternal life.

Political stories about deceit, terror and contract killings have a significant impact on the legal and political culture of all the nations. Crime narratives have the potential to fundamentally change international relations and national politics. From the description of the policy of violence pursued by Qin Shi Huang in ancient China to the criminal legends about Rodrigo Borgia in Rome, from the Sarajevo assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand on June 28, 1914 to the death of Salvador Allende on September 11, 1973 in Chile, we observe an aura of mystery around the motives of political crime and note the constant drama of the power struggle. Digital transformation has changed the format of criminal political stories by creating multimedia narratives around political leaders. It turned a traditional political detective story into a postmodern tragicomedy. The influence of end-to-end digital technologies on the modus operandi of terrorists, corrupt officials and political adventurers is due to the new opportunities that virtual reality provides for creating an image of the enemy in the political consciousness of the electorate. Stories about crimes possibly committed by the leaders of the party in power, and narratives about the betrayal of national interests by the opposition compete for the attention of the audience, whose worldview is becoming increasingly disenchanted in the context of a correspondence dialogue between Niccolo Machiavelli and Max Weber on the methods of legitimizing domination. Power elite’s crimes studied by narrative research methods reveal special patterns of actions of the party in power against the key opposition figures and vice versa, driven by their desire to destroy each other’s reputation. The analysis of political crime narratives confirms the hypothesis that the digital transformation of politics encourages the use of criminal narratives instead of physical violence in an attempt to defame and eliminate political leaders.

After the swiftly abolished liberal Constitution of 1835 and the imposed 'Turkish' one of 1838 (imposed by the Russians and Ottomans, guarantors of Serbia's autonomy granted in 1830, to limit the princely power), the development of constitutionalism in modern Serbia went through several phases. As elsewhere in the Balkans, constitutions usually resulted from a compromise between the ruler and the elites rather than from the will of the people. The 1868 Constitution drew to an extent upon the early nineteenth-century German constitutional monarchies, but, under pressure from the politically mobilized population, the 1888 Constitution, proposed by the Radical Party in response to the egalitarian aspirations of the nation's agrarian majority, adopted a French constitutional model - with a unicameral system and frequent coalition governments. Shaped on the model of the Belgian Constitution of 1831, which in its turn was a modified version of the French Charte of 1830, it restored a French influence, expressed for the first time in the 1835 Constitution. The 1888 Constitution was passed by the Grand National Assembly with its five-sixth majority of Radicals, representatives of the agrarian majority. It was soon annulled by the coup d'?tat of 1894 and the Court-imposed Constitution of 1869 was reinstituted. The Constitution of 1901 was an attempt to introduce a bicameral system as a means of upholding the influential role of the ruler, while limiting that of the Radical Party, which had enjoyed an ample electoral support since the 1888 Constitution. After the assassination in 1903 of the last Obrenovic ruler king Alexander, and his wife, queen Draga, the liberal Constitution of 1888 with minor modifications was reinstituted. Under this Constitution - which is commonly known as the 1903 Constitution and which, during the democratic reign of king Peter I Kardjordjevic, was no longer challenged - Serbian democracy remained fragile, because there was no upper house to counteract as it did in the French Third Republic, the predominantly party-biased way of running the affairs of state.