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1
Suryani, Desak Sinta Putu, et Abdul Razaq Cangara. « National Identity and Migration Policy Dynamics : Analysing the Effect of Swedish National Identity on Its Granting Asylum Policy to Syrian Refugees in 2013 ». Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) 1, no 1 (28 décembre 2022) : 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/hjsis.v1i1.24804.
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The Syrian conflict in 2011 has inevitably led to the massive forced migration of asylum seekers and refugees. Most of them fled to neighbouring and several countries in Europe. As a result of the European Union (EU) 's open border policy, their influx into Europe was reckoned a problem for many European countries due to increasing crimes and threats to its members' national security. Some European Union countries chose to be cautious by refusing or only providing financial assistance. Contrastingly, as an EU member state, Sweden received thousands of Syrian refugees until 2013. On October 3, 2013, the Swedish government announced an asylum policy of guaranteed housing provision and the right to bring families to Syrian asylum seekers until they obtain UNHCR refugee status. Such granting asylum policy to Syrian refugees shows differences in the identity of social security construction both in the society and its decision-makers compared to other EU countries. This article exposes the identity influence on the Swedish government's decision to grant asylum to Syrian refugees in 2013. This article employs the "aspirational constructivism" theory by Anne Clunan, arguing that a state's policy is based on a national identity sourced from society's historical reflections and the political elite's future aspirations. This article finds that Swedish society's history experienced cultural homogenization, known as a multicultural country, and the Social-Democracy and folkhemmet ("Home for the People") idea of the political elites resulted in the granting of asylum policy to Syrian refugees in October 2013.
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Ismayilzada, Tofig. « The European Union's Cooperation With Third Countries : Turkey And Libya ». Jurnal Kajian Pemerintah : Journal of Government, Social and Politics 8, no 2 (13 décembre 2022) : 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.25299/jkp.2022.vol8(2).11148.
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The European Union has recently been an attractive destination for asylum seekers and migrants. Despite the deadly migration routes, the migration crisis has proved that asylum seekers and migrants are willing to enter European Union territory. The flow of irregular migration to the European Union peaked in 2015. The intensity of migration movement over such a short period raised concerns about internal and external security. At the same time, due to the migration crisis, the European Union intensified its cooperation with third countries on the migration issue. This article first explores the concept of international cooperation on migration and assesses if the selected case studies have any common characteristics to the concept. Second, the paper studies the effectiveness of the European Union's cooperation with Turkey and Libya, which emerged due to the migration crisis. Additionally, the paper provides data to test the effectiveness of cooperation with third countries. The cooperation with Turkey and Libya was an essential tool for the European Union to control its Mediterranean borders. When the consensus was reached, the number of irregular arrivals significantly decreased.
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Stojanovic, Nikola. « Crisis in the Mediterranean neighbourhood : A test for the European union migration policy ». Medjunarodni problemi 67, no 4 (2015) : 328–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1504328s.
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The paper analyses the implementation of the EU immigration and asylum policy and the control of EU member states' external borders in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. The author argues that the European Union pursues an exclusive version of those policies aimed at reducing the immigration pressure as well as preventing illegal border crossings into the member states. Two key mechanisms have been identified in the EU policy implementation: 1) a restrictive border control regime, and 2) agreements to transfer border management and supervision tasks to the third countries (transitional countries). The author emphasizes that the development of an exclusive migration strategy was not followed by the needed changes of the inclusive aspects of the EU immigration and asylum policy and the control of external borders; in fact, the EU member state's asylum systems were not preventively strengthened as to enhance national capacities to receive and integrate new migrants. The dramatic increase of the number of illegal crossings of the European Union external borders in 2014 caused the collapse of the EU immigration strategy, and failures in national asylum systems of the member states. The author concludes that partially integrated EU immigration and asylum policy at national level led to the dysfunctional external border management and the EU's loss of control over massive immigration influxes.
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Vermeersch, Peter. « EU enlargement and immigration policy in Poland and Slovakia ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38, no 1 (1 mars 2005) : 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2005.01.006.
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With the enlargement of the European Union (EU), Poland and Slovakia have become crucial border areas at the eastern edge of EU. This has important implications for the EU’s immigration policy. Both countries have been traditionally known as countries of emigration. In recent times, however, they have increasingly become transit and target countries for immigrants and asylum seekers. The EU has exerted pressure on both countries to tighten their borders in order to fight illegal immigration; they have also been urged to restrict their entry conditions and increasingly consolidate their asylum systems. This article shows that in adopting new immigration and asylum policies these countries have mainly responded to EU interests and less to interests linked to domestic issues.
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Sicakkan, Hakan G. « Political Asylum and Sovereignty-Sharing in Europe ». Government and Opposition 43, no 2 (2008) : 206–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00253.x.
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AbstractIn focusing on the relationships between asylum recognition rates and the different institutional arrangements through which European states share or preserve their sovereignty, this article seeks to show how sovereignty-sharing affects the right to political asylum in practice. After a qualitative overview of variations in sovereignty-sharing forms, the article presents the results from a multiple regression analysis of the relationship between legal and institutional frames of asylum decision-making in 17 West European countries (EU-15, Norway and Switzerland) and the asylum recognition rates in these countries. The article ends with a brief assessment of the significance of the results for a potential policy change in the European Union.
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Freier, Luisa Feline, et Jean-Pierre Gauci. « Refugee Rights Across Regions : A Comparative Overview of Legislative Good Practices in Latin America and the EU ». Refugee Survey Quarterly 39, no 3 (1 septembre 2020) : 321–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/rsq/hdaa011.
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Abstract The office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has identified a number of legislative good practices in Latin American asylum and refugee laws. At the same time, academics and policy-makers have long called for cross-regional comparative analyses of policies and laws to allow different regions to learn from each other’s best practices. In this article, we compare refugee legislations of Latin American countries with European Union protection standards based on UNHCR’s legislative good practices across three areas: (i) Core Principles and Scope of Protection; (ii) Procedural Safeguards and Guarantees for Vulnerable Groups; and (iii) Integration. We find that six of 19 refugee laws in Latin America provide more expansive protection than the Common European Asylum System framework, whereas other Latin American countries fall behind. The gap between Latin American legislations and European Union protection standards is closer regarding procedural safeguards, the protection of vulnerable groups, and integration provisions. Finally, Latin American countries, on average, score significantly below the European Union regarding the core principles of asylum and the scope of protection. In the second part of the article, we engage in a qualitative discussion of these legislative good practices to allow for cross-fertilization, and deliver policy recommendations.
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Dudauri, Tamar. « REGULATION OF LEGAL MIGRATION FROM GEORGIA TO EU COUNTRIES AND INTEGRATION INTO THE LABOR MARKET ». International Journal of Social Science and Economic Research 07, no 12 (2022) : 4017–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.46609/ijsser.2022.v07i12.018.
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Migration processes have become not only an important factor in modern international relations, but also have a serious impact on the state's domestic policy. In addition to combating illegal migration, protecting borders and providing asylum, an integral part of migration policy is also regulation of legal migration channels, including labor migration. Effective management of legal migration is in the common interest of EU member states and the EU as a Union. The paper presents a comprehensive analysis of the stages and principles of the formation of the supranational component of the regulation of legal migration in the European Union. The author pays special attention to the political and legal component, methods and tools of migration regulation in the European Union. The assessment of the current situation of the common migration policy of the European Union is of interest for the integration processes and the future development of the European Union.
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Guild, Elspeth. « Between Persecution and Protection : Refugees and the New European Asylum Policy ». Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 3 (2000) : 169–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802859141.
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The admission, reception and treatment of asylum seekers in the European Union has been an issue of continuing political and legal concern throughout the 1990’s. The rising numbers of persons seeking protection at the beginning of the period coupled with a rapidly developing regional jurisprudence on the right to protection from the European Court of Human Rights in particular, changed the nature of the debate. The Member States began to search for common policies and practices as regards asylum through intergovernmental measures. With the Amsterdam Treaty, the most important aspects of asylum have been transferred to the EC Treaty: criteria and mechanisms for determining which Member State is responsible for considering an application for asylum; minimum standards on reception of asylum seekers; minimum standards with respect to the qualification of nationals of third countries as refugees; minimum standards on procedures for granting and withdrawing refugee status amongst others.
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Guild, Elspeth. « Between Persecution and Protection : Refugees and the New European Asylum Policy ». Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 3 (2000) : 169–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000003785.
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The admission, reception and treatment of asylum seekers in the European Union has been an issue of continuing political and legal concern throughout the 1990’s. The rising numbers of persons seeking protection at the beginning of the period coupled with a rapidly developing regional jurisprudence on the right to protection from the European Court of Human Rights in particular, changed the nature of the debate. The Member States began to search for common policies and practices as regards asylum through intergovernmental measures. With the Amsterdam Treaty, the most important aspects of asylum have been transferred to the EC Treaty: criteria and mechanisms for determining which Member State is responsible for considering an application for asylum; minimum standards on reception of asylum seekers; minimum standards with respect to the qualification of nationals of third countries as refugees; minimum standards on procedures for granting and withdrawing refugee status amongst others.
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Garry, Hannah R. « Harmonisation of Asylum Law and Policy within the European Union : A Human Rights Perspective ». Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 20, no 2 (juin 2002) : 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016934410202000202.
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From 1986 to the present, there has been a dramatic increase in the numbers of asylum applications within the borders of the European Union largely from Eastern European countries and former colonies in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. Reacting to the influxes of the 1980s, European States began to implement and coordinate policies to control entry of asylum seekers. Within this climate, the EU has moved towards harmonisation of asylum policy and procedure as necessary for its pursuit of an ‘area of freedom, security and justice’ without internal borders for the purpose of greater economic and political integration. In light of the current restrictive attitudes and practice towards asylum seekers in the individual Member States of the EU, the harmonisation of asylum policy through the institutions and law of the EU may prove to be problematic from a human rights perspective. This paper first traces the development of a common asylum policy within the EU through the Maastricht Treaty and the Amsterdam Treaty. Second, this paper analyses the implications of harmonisation after the Amsterdam Treaty with reference to the international obligations of the Member States under international human rights and refugee law. Third, this paper critiques the development of various current asylum policies and practice through intergovernmental development of ‘soft law’. Through this overview and analysis, it is argued that further steps towards harmonisation will continue to reflect European concerns with security, economic prosperity, and cultural homogeneity unless the moves towards supranationalism within the EU framework lead to a deliberate effort to make respect for human rights the core of asylum law and policy.
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Martirosyan, Diana G. « PROBLEMS OF LEGAL REGULATION OF MIGRATION PROCESSES IN THE EU AT THE PRESENT STAGE ». SCIENTIFIC REVIEW. SERIES 1. ECONOMICS AND LAW, no 2-3 (2022) : 120–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/2076-4650-2022-2-3-12.
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This article focuses on the legal regulation problems of migration processes in the EU at the present stage. The author seeks to identify and investigate the main challenges facing the legal system of the European Union in the migration field noting current global processes. The issue of legal migration and asylum has become one of the most debated issues in the European Union in recent years due to the unresolved problems of the 2015-2018 migration crisis, the subsequent Covid-19 pandemic and the special operation in Ukraine, which caused a wave of refugees to enter the European Union. In the near future, it is expected that legal migration policy will mainly be implemented at national level and will also be developed domestically due to the lack of motivation to develop it at supranational level. Many countries opposed a common European policy on migration during the migration crisis in Europe, which affects the current situation as well. European migration law needs to be developed and improved in view of several fundamental problems, on which the EU has made little progress since 2018. Disproportionate numbers of asylum applications, outdated Schengen law, lack of agreement in several European Union countries, disproportionate immigrational burden on member states, imperfect migrant identification systems in times of excessive influx and other problems described in the paper. There is a need to update the legal framework for European migration policy and to improve the migrant identification system. The main problem, in general, is that the normative regulation of migration in the European Union does not correspond to the situation in practice, which also needs to be corrected.
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Mohay, Ágoston. « Migration and asylum law of the V4 in the European Union context : between harmonisation and reluctance ». Politics in Central Europe 17, s1 (1 octobre 2021) : 761–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0031.
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Abstract Ever since the 2015 migration and asylum crisis, the legal regulation of this field in the European Union has been debated strongly in almost all its aspects. The member countries of the Visegrád Group (V4) have voiced dissent regarding a number of EU measures in this field, leading to political and legal confrontation. After a brief review of the public law context of EU migration and asylum policy and the general attitude of the V4 towards these regulatory fields, this paper elaborates how the EU and the V4 reacted – in legal terms – to the 2015 migration and asylum crisis and to each other’s measures, focusing on three key V4 policy goals. The paper also analyses the reception of the 2020 proposal on the New Pact on Migration and Asylum and discusses whether it can be seen as the way forward in terms of a more consensual policy approach. The paper finds that although the approach of the V4 has had a perceivable effect on that of the EU, elements of disagreement remain; it further argues that the harmonious elements of the approaches of the EU and the V4 could potentially be built upon to reach a compromise, but maintains that policy-based reluctance cannot have an effect on obligations laid down by EU law.
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Jäntti, Jyri J., et Benjamin Klasche. « ‘Losing Leverage’ in the Neighbourhood : A Cognitive Frame Analysis of the European Union Migration Policy ». International Studies 58, no 3 (juillet 2021) : 302–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00208817211030643.
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The European Union (EU)–Turkey deal consolidated a shift in the EU’s migration policy. The deal is the culmination of the dominance of the security frame and depicts the continuous externalization of the EU’s responsibility of asylum protection and burden sharing. The strengthening of the security frame has weakened the humanitarian norms that previously dictated EU’s behaviour. This has led to the EU losing some of its comparative advantages in negotiations. Simultaneously, the instrumentalization of the value of asylum, paired with an increased number of asylum seekers, has given negotiation leverage to the neighbouring countries turned service providers. These changes in perception and norms have created a power shift, at the disadvantage of the EU, creating a more leveled playing field for negotiations between the parties. This article tracks the historical shifts in the global refugee regime to explain how today’s situation was created. Hereby, the existence of two competing cognitive frames—humanitarian and security—is assumed, tracked and analysed. While looking at the EU–Turkey deal, the article shows that the EU has started treating refugees as a security problem rather than a humanitarian issue, breaking the normative fabric of the refugee regime in the process. The article also displays how Turkey was able to capitalise on this new reality and engage with negotiations of other neighbouring countries of EU that point towards a change of dynamics in the global refugee regime.
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Rybakov, Andrew Vyacheslavovich. « The Pact on Migration and Asylum as a the foundation of the new migration policy of the European Union ». Право и политика, no 10 (octobre 2021) : 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2021.10.36576.
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The relevance of the selected topic is substantiated by the fact that in modern world migration has become a significant factor in the development of both accepting countries and countries of origin. Europe hosts the largest number of migrants. Since 2015, the EU member-states have been experiencing strong migration pressure. The existing migration stands in need for reform. The New Pact on Migration and Asylum should be a significant step towards creating a reliable and effective system for regulation of migration. The subject of this research is the institutional and legal characteristics of the EU New Pact on Migration and Asylum. The article analyzes the proposals of the European Commission regarding the migration policy reform, as well as the political-legal mechanism for their implementation; contradictions between the member-states in the course of the relevant discussions. The following conclusions are made: 1) It must be admitted that the new approach of the European Commission is comprehensive and aimed at integration of the internal and external aspects of migration policy. 2) The structure of the Pact corresponds to the goals of migration policy and consists on three levels – external, namely relations with the countries of origin and transit of migrants; control over the external borders of the EU; a new system of permanent solidarity. 3) As an annex to the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, the European Commission has presented a roadmap for implementation of various proposals. However, by the end of 2021, the schedule for the adoption of legal documents is not being maintained. 4) The only common denominator between the different groups of countries is the orientation towards external actions aimed at curbing migration movements prior to their arrival to Europe. 5) The plan of the European Commission on adoption of rules obligatory for all member-states currently seems untenable, considering the clashing interests.
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Rizki, Aufar. « Presence of The Right Wing : Threatening the Refugee Crisis ? » Jurnal Sentris 1, no 1 (19 août 2020) : 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v1i1.4160.97-120.
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The presence of the right wing in The Western Europe, such as The Front National in French that is led by Marine Le Pen, Alternative Für Deutschland in Germany by Alexander Gauland, and Partij Voor de Vrijheid by Geert Wilders in Netherlands, are the whimsicality phenomenon in European political scene. The rise of the right wing groups in some countries, could impend the pluralism value in the respective country. Furthermore, this movement will be inducing the humanitarian crisis, specifically the refugee crisis. European Union has asylum policy for the refugees, but precisely the migrants who received the asylum policy are somehow causing the instability and insecurity in the country they are migrated to. That is a dilemma of conducting the asylum policy; first consideration is to receive the refugees with main purpose of decreasing the humanitarian crisis, but on the other hand it could induce instability, or other consideration is to close the asylum policy as the right wing postulate, which will increase refugee crisis but give more stable nation.
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Trojanowska-Strzęboszewska, Monika. « Counteracting Irregular Migration in the European Union as a Priority of Poland’s Position on the New Pact on Migration and Asylum ». Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 76, no 4 (2022) : 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2022.76.01.
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The analysis aims to reconstruct, explain and evaluate the position of the Polish government on the essential elements of the EU migration and asylum policy proposed by the European Commission in the New Pact on Migration and Asylum. Thus, the article discusses the potential priorities and objectives of the EU migration and asylum policy from the point of view of the Polish government, articulated both during the ongoing work on the EC document (2018–2020) and after its publication in September 2020. However, the article is not intended to present the Polish government’s position on the particular, detailed solutions contained in the legislative proposals of the EC due to the New Pact on Migration and Asylum. Although, it allows identifying what the Polish side considers desirable, tolerable and acceptable, and what is utterly unacceptable in terms of the proposed changes to EU migration and asylum policy. Therefore, the main priorities of the Polish government regarding the reformed policy are indicated and explained. The first two concern counteracting irregular immigration by enhancing the protection of external borders and intensifying cooperation with third countries (in particular as concerns readmissions and returns), which means approving the postulates of the EC. At the same time, the third priority opposes the EC’s proposal addressing asylum issues.
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Karageorgiou, Eleni. « The Distribution of Asylum Responsibilities in the EU : Dublin, Partnerships with Third Countries and the Question of Solidarity ». Nordic Journal of International Law 88, no 3 (29 août 2019) : 315–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718107-08803003.
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Because of the scale of global displacement, in particular from Syria, the European Union (EU) has stressed the need to work on an effective asylum and immigration policy through more robust forms of cooperation internally, between Member States, and externally, with third countries. This contribution investigates the extent to which the EU rules for distributing asylum responsibilities genuinely address the requirement of solidarity set out in EU law. It focuses on the Dublin system, which forms the main intra-EU responsibility allocation mechanism, and on the EU–Turkey partnership as an external mechanism. It suggests that instead of relieving countries that have disproportionate protection responsibilities and guaranteeing protection for every individual in need, such practices achieve the opposite. They ensure that overburdened countries remain the main protection providers and that the movement of refugees is strictly managed. This leads to the debasement of the right to asylum contrary to international and European law.
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Piotrowicz, R. « New Asylum Countries ? Migration Control and Refugee Protection in an Enlarged European Union ». International Journal of Refugee Law 14, no 2 and 3 (1 avril 2002) : 487–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijrl/14.2_and_3.487.
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VÂLCU, ELISE-NICOLETA. « EUROPEAN UNION LEGAL PROVISIONS ON THE ADMISSION OF THIRD-COUNTRY NATIONALS FOR THE PURPOSE OF EMPLOYMENTAS SEASONAL WORKERS ». Agora International Journal of Juridical Sciences 12, no 1 (26 novembre 2018) : 46–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15837/aijjs.v12i1.3415.
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”The global approach in matters of migration and mobility”, adopted by the Commission in 2011, sets out a general framework for the relations of the European Union with the third countries in matters of migration. This approach is based on four pillars: legal immigration and mobility, illegal immigration and human trafficking, international protection and asylum policy, as well as maximization of the impact of migration and of mobility on development.On 13th May 2015, the Commission presented”The European Agenda on migration” proposing immediate measures and actions to perform in the following years for a better management of migration under all its aspects. Within it, the Commission proposes orientations in four directions: reduction of factors encouraging clandestine migration; a border management aiming at lifesaving and border security; development of a sounder asylum common policy; and establishment of a new policy in matter of legal migration by modernising and revising the ”blue card” regime, by establishing some new priorities of the integration policies and by optimising the advantages of the migration policy for the aimed persons and the countries of origin. In September 2018, the Commission published a report on the progress made in the implementation of the European Agenda on migration, examining the progress and deficiencies in its implementation.
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Trauner, Florian. « Das neue EU-Migrations- und Asylpaket : Wird es zu mehr Solidarität zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten führen ? » integration 44, no 1 (2021) : 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2021-1-40.
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This article analyses the concept of compulsory but flexible “solidarity” within the new migration and asylum pact of the European Union (EU). Presented by the European Commission in September 2020, the pact interlinks EU asylum and return policy in an unprecedented manner. If a government rejects the resettlement of asylum seekers within Europe, it can take responsibility for the return of irregular migrants. The political momentum appears more favourable for the adoption of this proposal compared to previous reform efforts. The operational implementation of the Commission’s plans will depend on whether the EU manages to persuade third countries to cooperate more closely. If this does not succeed, the EU internal conflicts on distribution and responsibility-sharing are likely to persist - and may no longer only affect the relocation of asylum seekers, but also the resettlement of persons to be returned within the EU.
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Dinicu, Anca. « The Challenge Of Asylum To The European Union’s Policy In A Knowledge Based Society ». International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 21, no 1 (1 juin 2015) : 28–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2015-0004.
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Abstract Migration is not a new phenomenon. People have been forced or tempted to leave their homes since ancient times, due to the economic (lack of resources, type of property, level of national economy development, better careers, famine), social (family reunification, social justice, poverty), political (oppression, war, ideology) or environmental (flooding, drought) problems. If for some, migrating is a quest of improving an already good living, for many others, it is a quest of survival. On this second aspect the paper intends to focus on, especially by relating the issue with the pressure created not only upon some European countries, but also upon the European Union as a political international actor. It seems that migration reveals a whole spectrum of vulnerabilities concerning the European Union internal security, including lack of sane regulation, which if not tackled properly can easily create disorder and endanger regional security. One thing is for sure – tackling migration and asylum problems should be structured on solidarity and responsibility, both at national and European levels.
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Carlsen, Lars, et Rainer Bruggemann. « Inequalities in the European Union—A Partial Order Analysis of the Main Indicators ». Sustainability 13, no 11 (2 juin 2021) : 6278. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13116278.
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The inequality within the 27 European member states has been studied. Six indicators proclaimed by Eurostat to be the main indicators charactere the countries: (i) the relative median at-risk-of-poverty gap, (ii) the income distribution, (iii) the income share of the bottom 40% of the population, (iv) the purchasing power adjusted GDP per capita, (v) the adjusted gross disposable income of households per capita and (vi) the asylum applications by state of procedure. The resulting multi-indicator system was analyzed applying partial ordering methodology, i.e., including all indicators simultaneously without any pretreatment. The degree of inequality was studied for the years 2010, 2015 and 2019. The EU member states were partially ordered and ranked. For all three years Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Austria, and Finland are found to be highly ranked, i.e., having rather low inequality. Bulgaria and Romania are, on the other hand, for all three years ranked low, with the highest degree of inequality. Excluding the asylum indicator, the risk-poverty-gap and the adjusted gross disposable income were found as the most important indicators. If, however, the asylum application is included, this indicator turns out as the most important for the mutual ranking of the countries. A set of additional indicators was studied disclosing the educational aspect as of major importance to achieve equality. Special partial ordering tools were applied to study the role of the single indicators, e.g., in relation to elucidate the incomparability of some countries to all other countries within the union.
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De la Orden Bosch, Gustavo. « Léonard, Sarah and Christian Kaunert. 2019. Refugees, security and the European Union. London : Routledge. 220 p. » Deusto Journal of Human Rights, no 6 (16 novembre 2020) : 267–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/djhr.1901.
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Over the last two decades, the securitization of borders and human mobility has become a more “high profile” issue in academia. The general consensus is that in Western countries policies on migration have been increasingly adopted through security concerns. Such a statement brings together a broad and complex set of issues: migration, asylum, cross border crimes, external and internal security, to mention some of them. Therefore, in this book, Léonard and Kaunert recognize the need to refine the analysis and undertake the arduous task of decoding the realm and functioning of the securitization process on the specific area of asylum policy in the European Union (EU).
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Cassarino, Jean-Pierre, et Luisa Marin. « The Pact on Migration and Asylum : Turning the European Territory into a Non-territory ? » European Journal of Migration and Law 24, no 1 (4 mars 2022) : 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12340117.
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Abstract Can a part of the territory of the European Union be turned into a “non-territory” where the fundamental rights of the migrants and asylum seekers to appeal and to remain in their destination country while their applications are examined, and the right for an individual assessment in line with international standards, are as it were contracted, owing to the very attributes of this “non-territory”? This article argues that the Pact on Migration and Asylum, in particular with the pre-entry screening and the new border procedures, subtly develops and consolidates policies and rules aimed at “deterritorializing” the territory of the EU while reinforcing its practices of externalization. Moreover, this unprecedented deterritorialization-externalization combination, in order to produce tangible policy results, presupposes the cooperation of third countries on expulsion and readmission, as well as more solidarity among the Member States. Having critically examined these two dimensions, the authors conclude that the new measures contained in the Pact might be conducive to the enhanced precarization of the legal positions of migrants and asylum seekers and to potential tensions with strategic third countries.
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Lambert, Hélène. « TRANSNATIONAL JUDICIAL DIALOGUE, HARMONIZATION AND THE COMMON EUROPEAN ASYLUM SYSTEM ». International and Comparative Law Quarterly 58, no 3 (juillet 2009) : 519–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589309001249.
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AbstractIncreased policy harmonization on refugee matters in the European Union (EU), namely the creation of a Common European Asylum System (CEAS), has created the imperative for a transnational judicial comparative dialogue between national courts. This article is based on a structured, focused comparison approach to examining a key element of a transnational European legal dialogue, namely, the use of foreign law by national judges when making their own decisions on asylum. It does so by examining two countries, France and Britain, as representative of the difference in legal tradition and culture within the EU in terms of the civil–common law divide. Both case studies are structured around a common set of empirical and jurisprudential research questions. The empirical findings reveal a surprising lack of transnational use of national jurisprudence on asylum between judges. Nonetheless, a slight but noticeable increase in the use of transnational asylum jurisprudence in the British and French courts must be noted. Two broad accounts—one rational, the other cultural—are applied in each of the case studies to explain this empirical finding. This article concludes on the broader implications of these findings for the establishment of a CEAS by 2012.
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Odorige, Catherine. « The Shoppers ; Venue Shopping, Asylum Shopping : A Resolution in EURODAC ? » Central and Eastern European eDem and eGov Days 331 (12 juillet 2018) : 229–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/ocg.v331.19.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The term shopping used in reference to two strictly legal/politically somewhat related issues ‘Asylum shopping’ and ‘Venue shopping’, belong to two different spheres of actors. Asylum shopping is descriptive of the action of asylum seekers selectivity, in choice of member state where they perceive better social and welfare conditions. Venue shopping, a concept introduced by Guiraudon in 2000, explain the action of movement by member states in the European Union from venues of national jurisdiction, less amenable to their search for more restrictive migration policy to venues howbeit transnational like transit countries and EU institutions suitable for their policy perspectives. This they did for the primary purpose of avoiding adversary activities of non-state actors and the judicial scrutiny within their national sphere. Common European Asylum System (CEAS) the Dublin Directive and the EURODAC are spill-over in the European integration Project, commonly referred to as the Schengen acquis in the area of migration and integration of third country nationals. The three directives are the results of policy search to administer the entrance and residence of third country nationals especially in the area of irregular migration.
This paper seeks to examine the inter-relationship between the two actors to which the commercial term shopping describes, how an electronic regulation in EURODAC became a check to their ‘shopping.’ For the asylum seekers exposing their agency, for the member states reducing anxieties, and influenced the ceding of powers hitherto held by member states through (intergovernmental) negotiations to the EU (Supranational) and the impact of these policy measures in checking security challenges and sanitization of this angle of asylum administration in the EU.
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Gladysh, Marianna, et Viktor Viktor. « The Influence of the Migration Crisis of 2015 on the EU Migration Policy ». Studia Europejskie - studies in European Affairs 24, no 3 (20 octobre 2020) : 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.3.2020.1.
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Nowadays the European Union migration policy towards is one of the most important aspects in ensuring internal security of the EU. At the end of the XXth – beginning of the XXI century, Europe faced a new phenomenon – the intensifi cation of migration processes, namely the influx of refugees and migrants-asylum seekers from third countries. Therefore, it led to the creation and development of common migration policy of the European Union. In this regard, it was important to create legislation that could regulate such issues as border security and combating illegal migration, as well as to create a common asylum system. The need to study the legal framework on which the EU policy on migrants and refugees is based, and to study the current state and trends in the migration policy of the member-states of the EU has determined the relevance of this study. The importance of this topic is intensified by the European migration crisis of 2015, which is even described as a humanitarian catastrophe caused by a massive influx of refugees from Africa and the Middle East. It showed the main problems in the sphere of migration policy and policy towards refugees: imperfection of the system of delimitation of the EU competencies; a large number of countries with confl icting interests in various spheres; fragmentation of programs in force at the national level. To address the migration crisis, the EU used a multifaceted strategy: improving and creating new migration management institutions, expanding crossregional dialogue with the countries of the Mediterranean region, Africa and the Middle East; continued to reformat the Mediterranean region (region-building). Potential approaches range from an internal search for strategies in which each member state seeks to defend its own interests (sometimes even against European integration processes) to a more farsighted approach in which member states work together to address a wide range of migration issues.
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El-Gamal, Salma, et Johanna Hanefeld. « Access to health-care policies for refugees and asylum-seekers ». International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 16, no 1 (12 février 2020) : 22–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-07-2018-0045.
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Purpose The influx of refugees and asylum-seekers over the past decade into the European Union creates challenges to the health systems of receiving countries in the preparedness and requisite adjustments to policy addressing the new needs of the migrant population. This study aims to examine and compare policies for access to health care and the related health outcomes for refugees and asylum-seekers settling both in the UK and Germany as host countries. Design/methodology/approach The paper conducted a scoping review of academic databases and grey literature for studies within the period 2010-2017, seeking to identify evidence from current policies and service provision for refugees and asylum-seekers in Germany and the UK, distilling the best practice and clarifying gaps in knowledge, to determine implications for policy. Findings Analysis reveals that legal entitlements for refugees and asylum-seekers allow access to primary and secondary health care free of charge in the UK versus a more restrictive policy of access limited to acute and emergency care during the first 15 months of resettlements in Germany. In both countries, many factors hinder the access of this group to normal health care from legal status, procedural hurdles and lingual and cultural barriers. Refugees and asylum-seeker populations were reported with poor general health condition, lower rates of utilization of health services and noticeable reliance on non-governmental organizations. Originality/value This paper helps to fulfill the need for an extensive research required to help decision makers in host countries to adjust health systems towards reducing health disparities and inequalities among refugees and asylum-seekers.
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Matveevskaya, Anna S., Sergei N. Pogodin et Juntao Wang. « Problem of human rights violations during the migrant crisis in Europe ». Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 37, no 3 (2021) : 508–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2021.311.
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The aim of this study was to identify how Europe’s migrant crisis affected human rights in the European Union. It focuses on the observance of fundamental human rights in the context of migration. Violations directly related to migrants and refugees are considered. Human rights law is the most universal and general branch of law on which all other laws rely. The issue of observance of these rights becomes even more critical in regard to forced migration. While these rights are guaranteed to ‘all members of the human family’, there are conditions under which universally recognized human rights should be protected and justified with particular care. Obviously, inalienable human rights may easily be compromised when it comes to prisoners or refugees. Ensuring human rights in the European Union is based on a variety of international treaties, EU regulations and internal legislation of the member countries which have adopted high standards in the field of human rights protection. With regard to the right to asylum as an essential component of the human rights law, it can be stated that an unprecedented level of integration has enabled the EU to establish a pan-European asylum system based on the standards enshrined in the 1951 Geneva Convention and the 1967 Additional Protocol, as well as to gain considerable experience in dealing with migrants and refugees and ensuring their inalienable rights. In general, legislation in this area is constantly being improved and it reflects modern challenges and threats. The member countries of the European Union are on the way to developing a unified approach to migration policy and international protection issues. However, the asylum system is imperfect and has numerous gaps, which have been repeatedly mentioned by experts and members of the academic community even before the migrant crisis began.
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Karkanis, Dimitrios, Evgenia Anastasiou, Konstantina Ragazou et Marie Noëlle Duquenne. « Asylum Flows in the EU Context : Lessons from Gravity ». Migration Letters 19, no 2 (7 mars 2022) : 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v19i2.1605.
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The present paper aims to identify the impact of geographical, institutional, and sociopolitical factors as regards the magnitude and the direction of asylum seekers in the European Union between 2000 and 2018. The approach is based on the application of gravity model using Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) and Poisson Pseudo-Maximum Likelihood (PPML) estimators. The analysis incorporates a set of institutional variables, in order to assess the impact of the gradual EU enlargement process as well as the differentiated policies on granting asylum among the EU members. The strong presence of refugees in destination countries can be interpreted as an indication of various favorable conditions for granting asylum to persons of the same nationality. The results suggest that the role of migration networks tends to substitute the lack of an integrated EU immigration policy. Finally, either in geographical or institutional terms, E.U. appears as a non-homogeneous space for asylum seekers.
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MALYNOVSKA, O. А. « Modern Development of EU Migration Policy and Migration Prospects of Ukraine ». Demography and social economy, no 2 (30 juin 2021) : 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/dse2021.02.092.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the development of migration policy of the European Union, its main directions set out by the European Commission in the draft of new Pact on Migration and Asylum, and assess the impact of European approaches to migration management on migration of population of Ukraine. To achieve it, general scientific methods are used, such as systemic, comparative, structural-functional. The relevance of the study is due to the importance of migration of Ukrainians to the EU for the development of the country, as well as the need to implement the norms and principles of European legislation as a component of European integration of Ukraine. The novelty of the article is to identify current trends in EU migration policy and predict their impact on changes in the volume, direction and characteristics of migration of Ukrainians. It is concluded that the development of the channels of legal migration envisaged by the new Pact, primarily for skilled labor, and strengthening the fight against illegal migration, will encourage Ukrainians to move more orderly to European countries. This, of course, will help to improve working conditions of migrants, ensure their rights, but will increase the risks of turning part of temporary labor migration into permanent one and, consequently, further loss of labor and intellectual potential of the country. At the same time, the European Commission’s proposals to deepen cooperation in the field of migration with neighboring countries open up new opportunities for Ukraine to mitigate the negative effects of migration processes. In particular, it is time to raise once again the issue of concluding agreements with the countries of destination of la bor migrants from Ukraine on the joint use of labor and on social security of migrants. The possibility of support by European partners of programs of promoting the reintegration of returnees is worth discussing. The proposal for a “talent partnership” contains certain prospects for transforming the brain drain from Ukraine to their mutually beneficial circulation. The development of migration management in the EU should be taken into account in order to improve migration policy of Ukraine. In particular, the European experience of a differentiated approach to immigration, promoting the arrival of professionals, students and investors is noteworthy. In order to prevent illegal migration and shadow employment of foreigners, EU developments on procedures for admitting seasonal workers, obtaining a residence permit and permit for employment in one document can be used. European experience in improving the efficiency and timeframe of asylum procedures is also useful. Key words: migration policy, European Union, migration of the population of Ukraine.
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Haddad, Emma. « EU Migration Policy : Evolving Ideas of Responsibility and Protection ». Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no 1 (2010) : 86–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x12602515137419.
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AbstractWhile humanitarian intervention in cases of state instability remains a disputed concept in international law, there is consensus in the international community over the need to provide protection to refugees, one of the corollaries of such instability. Using the European Union (EU) as a case study, this article takes a policy perspective to examine competing conceptions of both 'responsibility' and 'protection' among EU Member States. Responsibility can be seen either as the duty to move refugees around the EU such that each Member State takes its fair share, or the duty to assist those Member States who receive the highest numbers of migrants due to geography by way of practical and financial help. Similarly, protection can imply that which the EU offers within its boundaries, encompassed within the Common European Asylum System, or something broader that looks at where people are coming from and seeks to work with countries of origin and transit to provide protection outside the Union and tackle the causes of forced migration. Whether one or both of these concepts comes to dominate policy discourse over the long-term, the challenge will be to ensure an uncompromised understanding of protection among policy-makers.
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Gerych, A. Y. « The genesis of the legal regulation of migration control in the EU countries and the impact on this process of the military invasion of the russian federation on the territory of independent Ukraine ». Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no 3 (28 septembre 2022) : 286–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.03.51.
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The article is devoted to the study of legal regulation of migration control, security, legal regulation of asylum, integration of immigrants, etc. in EU countries, as well as its generalization and identification of stages of development of suchregulation. It is established that, in general, there are four such stages: 1) from the beginning of the formation of the European Community to the end of the 1960s; kin. 60’s - 70’s of the XX century .; 80 years of the twentieth century. - zero years of theXI century; 4) since the 10 years of the XI century. It was established that at the first stage of the formation of the European Community migration policy was not relevant in the legal regulation.
It is researched that the beginning of the second stage is connected with the adoption in 1968 of the Regulation «On freedom of movement of workers within the community», which aimed to create incentives for mobility and flexibility of labor migrationwithin European education. This Regulation provides for the elimination of any discrimination on grounds of nationality between workers of the Member States in respect of employment, remuneration and other conditions of work and employment.
It was determined that in the third stage migration of economic-social migration was transferred to the sphere of politics. An important factor in the politicization of migration has been the use of an asylum institute for immigration purposes as an alternative way of economic immigration to EU countries. This period is characterized by the interstate cooperation of European countries within the framework of the Task Force on Immigration (Trevi) and the Schengen Group, as well as with functional organizations such as the police, the Schengen Agreement on the free crossing of borders between the participating countries and the abolition of border controls in Maastricht the definition of migration, asylum and refugees became part of theThird Pillar and the Treaty of Amsterdam, where sections of the Third Pillar concerning immigration, asylum and refugees as were komunitaryzovani.It is concluded that the European Union countries are in the fourth stage of the development of legal regulation of migration control, which began with the migration crisis of 2014-2015, but has not yet been resolved with the problems and challengesfaced by the participating countries.
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Tkachuk, Olesia. « Znaczenie kryzysu migracyjnego na granicy polsko-białoruskiej dla polityki imigracyjnej i azylowej Unii Europejskiej ». Wschodnioznawstwo 16 (20 décembre 2022) : 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.22.008.16757.
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Celem artykułu jest przeanalizowanie przyczyn i genezy kryzysu migracyjnego na granicy polsko-białoruskiej oraz działań UE mających na celu jego rozwiązanie, a także określenie znaczenia kryzysu dla unijnej polityki imigracyjnej i azylowej. Główną hipotezą badawczą jest stwierdzenie, iż kryzys migracyjny na granicy polsko-białoruskiej ukazał problemy i słabości UE w zakresie rozwoju polityki imigracyjnej i azylowej, spośród których najważniejszym jest brak instrumentów do szybkiego reagowania na działania państw trzecich instrumentalnie wykorzystujących migrantów. Importance of the migration crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border for the immigration and asylum policy of the European Union The aim of the article is to analyze the causes and origins of the migration crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border and the actions of the EU aimed at solving it, as well as to determine the significance of the crisis for the EU immigration and asylum policy. The main research hypothesis is the assumption that the migration crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border has shown the problems and weaknesses of the EU in the development of immigration and asylum policy, the most important of which is the lack of instruments to quickly respond to the actions of third countries instrumentally using migrants.
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Szkurłat, Izabela. « Migration as a Threat to International Security ». Security Dimensions 32, no 32 (23 décembre 2019) : 64–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0987.
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The article presents migration as a threat to international security in the 21st century. The first part presents the problem of people migrating to Europe, including third-country nationals. It is shown that uncontrolled mass migration has forced European countries to provide budget, shelter and counselling for migrants. Furthermore, there were many cases when migration met with disapproval of indigenous people and fear of the impossibility of integrating different cultures and customs. European Union has introduced financial tools to support member countries in financing migration-related problems including the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund; and the Internal Security Fund. The article also mentions the European immigration policy adopted in 1999. The second part of the article refers to negative effects of migration: trafficking in human beings and forced labour. It is shown that they are widely practiced. To eliminate illegal activities, actions, which the author describes, are being taken within Europe. Polish people have also experienced trafficking in human beings and forced labour abroad. Such crimes have been reported within Poland as well. Finally the author states that the security of the European Union is threatened not only by external migrants, but also by citizens who migrate internally.
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Søvig, Karl Harald. « Provision of Health Services to Irregular Migrants with a Special Focus on Children ». European Journal of Health Law 18, no 1 (2011) : 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180911x549207.
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AbstractAll European countries are now facing a situation where a part of the population consists of migrants without a permit to stay or reside. These persons may have health problems, and the question then rises regarding health services to irregular migrants. Normally, welfare benefits are offered those with a relationship to the country concerned, as citizen, asylum seeker, tourist, etc. Irregular migrants are outside the society, and it could be suggested that they therefore should be denied health services. On the other hand, common European standards of humanity lay obligations on the States, for example, where situations are life-threatening. This contribution gives an overview of relevant legal instruments, both from the UN, Council of Europe and the European Union. Although there are many similarities, the instruments have their differences, and there may even be some tensions regarding the underlying values.
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Anadza, Hirshi. « Dominasi Kedaulatan Negara dalam Integrasi Pemerintahan Uni Eropa : Penolakan Yunani Terhadap Pengungsi Syria ». Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik 1, no 2 (19 octobre 2019) : 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4803.
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Integration becomes a solution when global government does not have capability to overcome power domination of state. By having integration, it is expected that all of member state can put all their authority in supranational governance, such as European Union (EU) so balance could be happen. By giving such kind of integration, the agreement of policies can be followed by the members of EU based on solidarity and tolerance among the members. However, this integration has not succeeded in reducing domination of country sovereignty that influences the variety of each country necessity, even it happen in not powerful state. This phenomenon is reflected when Greece broke the agreement of EU policy related to refugees protection, called Common European Asylum System (CEAS), by refuse asylum seekers from Syria. There are two things that must be highlighted when Greece refuse asylum seekers from Syria. First, domestic problem that can restrain Greece government in obeying CEAS policies. Second, the value of tolerance and solidarity from other countries has not be adhered in the policies agreed by each members of EU. Therefore, this paper explain further about studies to find the relationship between integration in supranational governance and country sovereignty.
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Tittel-Mosser, Fanny. « The Unintended Legal and Policy Relevance of EU Mobility Partnerships ». European Journal of Migration and Law 20, no 3 (12 septembre 2018) : 314–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12340033.
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Abstract The Mobility Partnerships between the European Union and third countries have a negative image as they are often viewed as a tool of migration control rather than a flexible instrument to enhance mobility. Yet so far scholars have predominantly investigated the asymmetric negotiation of Mobility Partnerships as well as their limited consequences for migrant rights in EU Member States. What is often overlooked is that these partnerships can also influence the development of the legal and policy frameworks of third countries in ways that go beyond what is foreseen at the time of the negotiation of the instruments. This article combines a comparative legal analysis of the development of the legal frameworks in Morocco and Cape Verde with an empirical study of the implementation of Mobility Partnerships’ projects in relation to national migration strategies. The analysis demonstrates that Mobility Partnerships, despite their non-binding nature, have legal and policy relevance for these third countries with regard to the regulation of migration, asylum, human trafficking and even labour law.
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Laczko, Frank. « New directions for migration policy in Europe ». Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London. Series B : Biological Sciences 357, no 1420 (29 avril 2002) : 599–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2001.0954.
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There is a growing debate about the future direction of migration policy in Europe. After nearly 30 years of pursuing restrictive immigration and asylum policies, many European Union (EU) governments are beginning to re–assess their migration policies and to call for a new approach. For the first time in many years, several EU governments have begun to talk again about the benefits of labour migration and, even more significantly, have even begun to take action to recruit more migrants, especially skilled workers. This paper looks at the background to current calls for a new approach to migration in Europe and public reaction to these new initiatives. It first describes recent trends in migration in Europe and then briefly considers the demographic case for more migration. This is followed by a brief outline of some of the measures being considered by European governments to promote selective labour migration. The remainder of the paper is devoted to a discussion of some of the implications of this change in policy, focusing on two main issues: the likely consequences for sending countries, and the implications for the fight against the smuggling and trafficking of people.
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Szulc, Natalia, et Adam Szymaniak. « The commercialization of responsibility in European Union’s migration policy ». Sprawy Międzynarodowe 73, no 3 (31 mai 2021) : 141–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2020.73.3.08.
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Background. The extraterritorialisation of European Union’s policy has been recognised for years as an effective tool for combating irregular migration. The so-called migration crisis has opened a critical discussion on the compliance of eu external activities with international law. The practice of extraterritorialisation redefines the values of the Western world.Aim. We identify the EU’s extraterritorial activities in the area of asylum policy and irregular migration control. We have critically analysed the agreements with Libya and Turkey. On a theoretical background, we have recognised a need to extend Gammeltoft-Hansen’s concept of commercialising sovereignty. Therefore, we proposed a term of commercialisation of responsibility. Our proposal combines concepts of extraterritorialisation, harmful state practices and the associated consequences for human rights.Methodology. In our research we applied a qualitative methodology of social and political sciences. While maintaining a critical approach, we reviewed the narrative literature. In addition, we carried out an in-depth analysis of normative acts.Results. Extraterritorial practices have been an inherent part of EU migration policy for decades. This has been confirmed by the examples of agreements with Libya and Turkey. The deliberate political action and the commercialisation of responsibilities have shown that respecting human rights has become optional. In our view, the delegation of responsibility to third countries is not only a visible manifestation of Western hypocrisy, but also the collapse of the axiological foundations of the European Union.
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Kreutler, Marcus, Susanne Fengler, Nastaran Asadi, Svetlana Bodrunova, Halyna Budivska, Layire Diop, Georgia Ertz et al. « Migration Coverage in Europe, Russia and the United States ». Central European Journal of Communication 15, no 2(31) (22 septembre 2022) : 202–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.51480/1899-5101.15.2(31).2.
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Six years after the so-called ‘refugee crisis’ in 2015, the European Union remains divided on questions of migration and asylum policy. The issue also remains high on the agendas of the USA and Russia, two other key destination countries with immigration from Latin America and the Post-Soviet space. This article presents results from a comparative study of news coverage in 17 countries, focusing on 10 EU member states in Western and Central Eastern Europe (CEE), the USA and Russia. The intensity of coverage was remarkably different, with Hungary’s and Germany’s media standing out while Russian media displayed relatively low levels of coverage. Individual migrants and refugees were most visible in the two outlets from the USA. Media in CEE countries tended towards a more critical approach than media in Western Europe. However, differences between most countries’ pairs of analyzed media outlets indicate a more pluralistic debate than frequently assumed.
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Kiner, Andrej. « Current Trends of the European Union Integration Policy As a Reaction to the Refugee and Migrant Crisis 2015 ». Ekonomické rozhľady – Economic Review 50, no 4 (15 décembre 2021) : 410–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.53465/er.2644-7185.2021.4.410-428.
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Investing any resources and energy in integration policies today could contribute to making the European Union a more prosperous, cohesive, and inclusive place for society. However, notwithstanding the efforts made, third-country nationals continue to fare worse than domestic citizens in terms of employment, education, and social inclusion outcomes. The article examines and subsequently reviews various trends in integrating foreigners (primarily third-countries nationals and asylum seekers) on social and economic level after the outbreak of migrant and refugee crisis in 2015 until the present day. Our research suggests that the concerned group of immigrants continue to face barriers in the education system, on the labour market, and in accessing decent housing and adequate health care. All of the aforementioned aspects have become the main focus of all parties involved. Through funding, initiatives, and specific measures undertaken by both the EU and Member States with NGOs strengthen and support integration across key policy areas, albeit deficiencies are still observed.
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Grecic, Vladimir, et Srdjan Korac. « Political discourse of extreme right in Western Europe : The immigration issue ». Medjunarodni problemi 64, no 2 (2012) : 202–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1202202g.
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The paper is an attempt to identify the basic characteristics and changes in the European migration flows in the last twenty years and to point to their possible implications on the changes in support to far right in West European countries. The analysis shows that it is almost impossible to generalize the characteristics of the migration flows and their effects since the general picture differs from country to country in the number of foreign population and their share in the total number of inhabitants of the EU members which are mostly receiving countries, the net immigration rate and the number of applications for asylum. Although the rounds of EU enlargement in 2004 and 2007 have not caused mass migrations within the Union, the political discourse of far right is just focused on immigration policy. The authors point to the fact that such a social milieu has been gradually created that can induce a part of followers of far right to resort to violence and to weaken consensual mechanisms of the multi-cultural West European societies for a long term.
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Zakarya, R. « PREREQUISITES FOR MIGRATION OF EUROPEAN MIGRANTS TO THE USSR, AS WELL AS THEIR MAIN CATEGORIES ». edu.e-history.kz 31, no 3 (20 octobre 2022) : 375–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/2710-3994_2022_31_3_375-391.
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In the 1920s and 1930s, there were severalimmigration wavesto the USSR from Western countries,which were different in nature. Under the influence of domestic and foreign policy events, the quantitative and qualitative composition of immigration has changed. It is not possible to answer in monosyllables why foreigners from economically more developed countries decided to move to a foreign country, since a number of factors of economic, political, cultural, psychological and legal order simultaneously influenced the decision to immigrate to the USSR. The persecuted participants of these events found political asylum in the USSR. Accordingly, it can be assumed that this group was heterogeneous in national, age, and even more so in professional composition. It is necessary to correlate certain events of world history with the migration processes that arise as a result of them, which in turn will help us to identify the reasons that guided certain groups of immigrants to the USSR. In particular, we will alsotalk about the category oflabor immigration to the Soviet Union in the 1920s and 1930s, which implies the entry of the able-bodied population into the country.
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Bozorgmehr, Kayvan, Mariya Samuilova, Roumyana Petrova-Benedict, Enrico Girardi, Pierluca Piselli et Alexander Kentikelenis. « Infectious disease health services for refugees and asylum seekers during a time of crisis : A scoping study of six European Union countries ». Health Policy 123, no 9 (septembre 2019) : 882–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.healthpol.2018.04.003.
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Blitz, Brad. « Another Story : What Public Opinion Data Tell Us about Refugee and Humanitarian Policy ». Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no 2 (juin 2017) : 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500208.
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The global reaction to US President Donald Trump's executive order, “Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States” of January 27, 2017,1 revealed great public sympathy for the fate of refugees and the principle of refugee protection. In the case of Europe, such sympathy has, however, been dismissed by politicians who have read concerns regarding security and integration as reason for introducing restrictive policies on asylum and humanitarian assistance. These policies are at odds with public sentiment. Drawing upon public opinion surveys conducted by Amnesty International, the European Social Survey (ESS), and Pew Global Attitudes Survey across the European Union and neighboring states, this article records a marked divide between public attitudes towards the treatment of refugees and asylum seekers and official policies regarding asylum and humanitarian assistance, and seeks to understand why this is the case. The article suggests that post-9/11 there has been a reconfiguration of refugee policy and a reconnecting of humanitarian and security interests which has enabled a discourse antithetical to the universal right to asylum. It offers five possible explanations for this trend: i) fears over cultural antagonism in host countries; ii) the conflation of refugees and immigrants, both those deemed economically advantageous as well as those labelled as “illegal”; iii) dominance of human capital thinking; iv) foreign policy justification; and v) the normalization of border controls. The main conclusion is that in a post-post-Cold War era characterized in part by the reconnecting of security and humanitarian policy, European governments have developed restrictive policies despite public sympathy. Support for the admission of refugees is not, however, unqualified, and most states and European populations prefer skilled populations that can be easily assimilated. In order to achieve greater protection and more open policies, this article recommends human rights actors work with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and its partners to challenge the above discourse through media campaigns and grassroots messaging. Further recommendations include: • Challenging efforts to normalize and drawing attention to the extreme and unprecedented activities of illegal and inhumane practices, e.g., detention, offshore processing, and the separation of families through the courts as part of a coordinated information campaign to present a counter moral argument. • Identifying how restrictive asylum policies fail to advance foreign policy interests and are contrary to international law. • Evidencing persecution by sharing information with the press and government agencies on the nature of claims by those currently considered ineligible for refugee protection as part of a wider campaign of information and inclusion. • Engaging with minority, and in particular Muslim, communities to redress public concerns regarding the possibility of cultural integration in the host country. • Clarifying the rights of refugees and migrants in line with the UNHCR and International Organization for Migration (IOM) guidelines and European and national law in order to hold governments to account and to ensure that all — irrespective of their skills, status, nationality or religion — are given the opportunity to seek asylum. • Identifying and promoting leadership among states and regional bodies to advance the rights of refugees.
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Juss, Satvinder S. « The Post-Colonial Refugee, Dublin II, and the End of Non-Refoulement ». International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 20, no 2 (2013) : 307–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02002010.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Refugee law has been variously conceptualised. Sometimes, as a humanitarian enterprise. Sometimes, as an extension of foreign policy relations based on national self-interests. But can it be better rationalised as a post-colonial enterprise? Does its treatment of Arabs, Afghans and others from the Middle East and North Africa – who are the major consumers of modern refugee law today – tell us something about refugee law? Does it serve to essentialise refugees as the ‘Others’ of the West? If so, can we conceive of a post-colonial refugee? Is modern refugee law an exercise in ‘post-colonialism’, which can be defined as a cultural critique that is opposed to imperialism and Eurocentrism? This essay explores this question through an analysis of the Dublin II Regulation system. This system limits the number of asylum-seekers entering the countries of the European Union. Recent cases confirm that even powerful evidence of individual risk is of no avail and serves as no bar to an asylum-seeker being removed from one European country to another, from where he or she risks being refouled to his/her own country, where he/she may be subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment. This essay tells that story.
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Whitehouse, Katherine, Ella Lambe, Sofia Rodriguez, Umberto Pellecchia, Aurelie Ponthieu, Rafael Van den Bergh et Djoen Besselink. « A qualitative exploration of post-migration stressors and psychosocial well-being in two asylum reception centres in Belgium ». International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 17, no 3 (1 août 2021) : 241–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-08-2020-0082.
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Purpose Prolonged exposure to daily stressors can have long-term detrimental implications for overall mental health. For asylum seekers in European Union transit or destination countries, navigating life in reception centres can represent a significant burden. The purpose of this study was to explore post-migration stressors during residency in reception centres, and to formulate recommendations for adequate service provision in Belgium. Design/methodology/approach Research was conducted in two reception centres in Belgium. A total of 41 in-depth interviews were carried out with asylum seeker residents (n = 29) and staff (n = 12). Purposive recruitment was used for asylum seekers (for variation in length of centre residency and family status) and staff (variation in job profiles). Interviews were conducted in English, French or with a translator in Arabic or Dari. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim and manually coded using thematic analysis. Findings Asylum seekers face significant constraints with regard to their living conditions, including total absence of privacy, overcrowding and unhygienic conditions. These act as continuous and prolonged exposure to daily stressors. Several barriers to accessing activities or integration opportunities prevent meaningful occupation, contribute towards eroded autonomy and isolation of asylum seeker residents. Inadequate capacity and resources for the provision of psychosocial support in reception centres leads to a sense of abandonment and worthlessness. Originality/value Analysis indicates that structural and practical challenges to adequately support asylum seekers are rooted in policy failures necessary for appropriate resourcing and prioritization of preventative measures. Such deliberate decisions contribute towards state deterrence strategies, eroding both individual well-being and manufacturing a crisis in the systems of support for asylum seekers.
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Tsourdi, Evangelia (Lilian). « Of Legislative Waves and Case law : Effective Judicial Protection, Right to an Effective Remedy and Proceduralisation in the EU Asylum Policy ». Review of European Administrative Law 12, no 2 (31 décembre 2019) : 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7590/187479819x15840066091286.
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This article explores the multifaceted relationship between the principle of effective judicial protection, the fundamental right to an effective remedy, and secondary EU procedural rules in asylum. Proceduralisation has been an explicit goal of the EU asylum policy since its inception. It has materialised in three legislative waves. The first resulted in the creation of a basic set of procedural guarantees, alongside a plethora of exceptional procedures. The second resulted in modest improvements in terms of harmonisation, and adherence to fundamental rights, but saw exceptional procedural arrangements either retained or introduced. The third, forthcoming wave, aims at further harmonisation that risks, however, being heavily focused on the underlying goal of externalising protection to third countries. Case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union has further refined procedural guarantees shaping national procedural autonomy. Drawing from the Charter rights to good administration and to an effective remedy, the Court has not shied away from adducing additional procedural requirements. It has also clarified how the principle of effective judicial protection and the Charter right to an effective remedy relate to each other, finding that the latter reaffirms the principle of effective judicial protection and largely aligning their scope. The emerging procedural landscape is increasingly complex. The Court's nuanced assessments combined with a plethora of exceptional arrangements at national level led to convoluted standards that are increasingly difficult to put in practice.
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Lutovac, Zoran. « Migration and European integration of Serbia ». Stanovnistvo 54, no 1 (2016) : 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv160519002l.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper focuses on migration in the context of European integration which implies, on the one hand, internal integration, integration within the EU and, on the other hand, the enlargement process related to the countries that have applied to join the EU. The aim is to determine in which way the migration, especially refugee crisis in 2015, had influence on the EU, as a supranational political community, and what was the impact on Serbia which is in the process of integration into the European Union. Migrant crisis has shown that the EU has to confront many different issues including several issues of great importance for its survival and strengthening: how to influence on global processes to a greater extent instead of dealing with the consequences of the global politics of others; how to preserve and keep the values that the EU itself is founded and the values on which should be built upon further construction of the political community and, finally, weather the EU can be transformed in the direction of the United European States, in both the functional and in terms of values, or the EU will move towards deepening of Europe of concentric circles. Faced with extremely complex migration situation, Serbia does not have the appropriate institutional and regulatory framework, nor a political response to a series of complex issues in the area of migration and migration-related issues, such as asylum system, irregular migration, sustainable return of our citizens asylum seekers in EU member states, implementation of the agreement on readmission, the departure of highly educated - brain drain, migration and development, the fight against human trafficking (protection of victims, prevention, criminal prosecution of traffickers), and smuggling of migrants, issues of border management, demarcation and boundary determination (as well as the agreement that should be concluded). Some of these problems migrant crisis has made visible by encouraging coping with the need of systemic response to the flaws in the regulatory framework, in the policy concerning asylum seekers, irregular migration through the territory of Serbia, as well as in the sustainable return of our citizens, applicants for asylum in member states. If we put all this in the context of untimely planning, ineffective management of economic trends, the lack of financial support from Brussels to deal with the refugee crisis, but also in the context of the fact that the enlargement policy is aimed at meeting the Copenhagen criteria, but not on economic growth - then the fears of uncontrolled influx of migrants pose potential capital of radical and populist political options. In the relationship with Brussels, Serbia would have to fight for more under-standing regarding the state of the economy and, in general, regarding help with the costs of joining the EU, especially in case of further escalation of the migrant crisis. Serbia's image in the international arena has been changing for better because of the human attitude towards refugees and migrants who were in transit, but for the citizens of Serbia is much more important that the attitude towards them is a part of the essential changes in the society, and not juste an agile response to the crisis - i. e. what metters most is to make appropriate administrative and legal measures, to effectively manage the problems that migrant crisis put in the foreground, but primarily to change the essence of political community and to have this change of image as a result of state and society transformation towards strengthening democratic institutions, the rule of law, media freedom and developed human rights and freedoms.