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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Artemis (Greek deity) in art"

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Sommer, Sommer. « Artemis Orthia ». Indogermanische Forschungen 127, no 1 (1 octobre 2022) : 307–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0014.

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Zusammenfassung The goddess Orthia, whose name is attested by different variants in inscriptions mainly at her sanctuary at Sparta, and who was at some point identified with Artemis, is the subject of an ongoing debate in various fields of ancient studies. As the textual mythology of the goddess is meagre, the etymology of this theonym is of primary importance in bringing to light possible mythological concepts associated with the deity. Drawing on earlier attempts proposed in the literature, the Greek adjective ὀρθός (ved. ūrdhvá- ‚upright‘) is identified as the natural derivational basis for the name, which can in turn be traced back to the PIE root underlying ved. vrādh- and av. uruuad-. In Vedic, ūrdhvá- is used in describing the epiphany of Uṣas. Orthia can therefore be considered to be a descendant of the PIE dawn goddess. Via its etymology, the name of Orthia is related to the Avestan theonym Arəduuī (and probably to Celtic Ardvinna as well). The abundantly documented mythological profile of the Iranian goddess matches up well with the proposed origin of the name, thereby cross-validating the linguistic and mythological origin of Orthia.
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Bykovskaya, Aleksandra V. « Artemis Cult on Bosporus : General and Local Features ». Vestnik NSU. Series : History, Philology 20, no 8 (28 octobre 2021) : 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2021-20-8-9-22.

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The article studies the Artemis worship on the Bosporus, including goddess’ common and local characteristics. Various religious beliefs related to Artemis had been present in Panticapaeum since its foundation in the 7th century BC due to first Milesian colonists, including apparently Artemis Delphinia and Chitone cults. More recently Artemis of Ephesus and Artemis Piphia cults appeared. Generally Artemis cult contains some archaic elements, among them the Great Goddess (especially in Artemis Tauropolos cult) and the Mistress of Animals features. Those elements were popular in the Bosporan religion, as reflected in unique monuments from the region, such as the statue of goddess with bull skull sitting on the acanthus plant. Hecate cult allegedly entered Panticapaeum from Miletus in Asia Minor version. Gradually in the Hellenistic period there is emerged Artemis-Hecate-Ditagoia cult as a result of several factors, among which were local and Attic influences. Artemis-Hecate as a savior had a strong connection with afterlife and magic rituals. The next flourishing of Artemis cult occurs in the Mithridates period due to the ruler’s support of Greek religion. Nevertheless, the continuity of religious traditions took place. A sanctuary devoted allegedly to Artemis-Hecate was built in the Panticapaeum acropolis, close to the Cybele temple. At this time sacral reliefs with Cybele, Hermes and Hecate became popular throughout the state of Bosporus. The monuments reflected a scene of the journey into the underworld, and Hecate perhaps acted as a deity of borders and gatekeeper.
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Lacy, Lamar Ronald. « Aktaion and a lost ‘Bath of Artemis’ ». Journal of Hellenic Studies 110 (novembre 1990) : 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631731.

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Aktaion's own hounds devoured him, convinced by Artemis that he was a deer. This grim reversal, the great hunter who dies like a hunted beast, was the strongest element of the mythic tradition associated with the Boiotian hero and inspired numerous scenes in Greek art. Aktaion's Offense, on the other hand, received little iconographic attention before the imperial era, and Greek literature accounted for Artemis' hostility in a variety of ways. The chronology of the extant sources suggests a neat sequence of misdeeds, and the resulting succession of versions is the object of a well-established scholarly consensus. The information which survives is actually too scant and too fragmentary to bear so straightforward a reading, but a critical approach can suggest the outlines of more plausible, if less neat, picture.
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Macedo, José Marcos. « Hermes a-re-ja (PY Tn 316) : a new interpretation ». Kadmos 55, no 1-2 (24 mai 2016) : 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2016-0005.

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Abstract A long-standing consensus among Mycenaean scholars is that a-reja, an epithet of Hermes in the Pylos tablet Tn 316, must be somehow related to Ares, the war god. Hermes Areiās would be either a derivative in *-ās of Ares or, according to a recent suggestion, an abbreviated compound in the first member of which Ares would figure. The present paper argues for a different solution, taking a-re-ja (dat.) /aleii̯āi/ as an apposed noun epithet of the root *h2leu̯- ‘to ward off’. Nouns in apposition to divine names are not uncommon in 1st millennium Greek (type Artemis Εὐλοχία ‘Good Delivery’), and Hermes Aleia ‘(active) Protection’ or ‘Defense’ fits neatly with Hermes’ character as a helping deity and a god of boundaries, as shown both in the myths related to him and in several of his epicleses in alphabetic Greek. Aleiă is best taken as a feminine verbal derivative in *-ih2: this type is the source of other action nouns that are either personified or have a religious background, such as αἶσα ‘destiny’ and μοῖρα ‘fate’. Furthermore, Aleia can be viewed as an independent testimony of the *-u̯i̯- > *-i̯i̯- development in Mycenaean (type i-je-re-ja ‘priestess’).
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Mshvildadze, Marika. « Diety Nike-Victoria of the late Antique period on the territory of Georgia ». Pro Georgia 33, no 1 (10 août 2023) : 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.61097/12301604/pg33/2023/161-168.

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The states on the territory of Georgia were part of the Classical antiquity ecumene. Accordingly, both Iberia and Colchis had close trade-economic and cultural relations with the Roman Empire, from where the deities popular in the empire spread to the territory of Georgia. Among them, a special place is occupied by the ancient god of victory, Nike (Ancient Greek: Νίκη). The name Nike is believed to date back to the pre- Greek period. In Greek mythology, Nike appears as a companion of Zeus and Athena. In Greek art, the deity is mainly depicted with symbols of victory – wings, a crown and a palm branch, but we also find a wingless Nike. In Roman reality, the Victoria (Latin: Victoria) corresponded to Nike. Research has shown that the deity Nike (Victoria) was one of the most widespread cults in late ancient Iberia, which is the result of political and cultural relations with the Greco-Roman world. In late antiquity, the cult of Nike (Victoria) was recorded on the territory of Georgia in the Kingdom of Kartli (Iberia) – on the territory of Greater Mtskheta, Urbnisi, Zhinvali... Since the Hellenistic period, religious syncretism was also reflected on the engraved gems found on the territory of Kartli. Athena-Tikhe-Fortuna- Demeter-Nike depicted in an oval-shaped cornelian intaglio in a fragment of an iron ring. Tomb №27 of Karniskhevi, 2nd-3rd centuries. Nike-Fortuna-Athena is depicted in an oval-shaped white, transparent glass intaglio in an iron seal. Urbnisi necropolis. Tomb №205. 1st-early 2nd century AD. Seals with the image of the deity Nike (Victoria) found in the territory of Georgia belonged to all layers of society. Gemas can be found both individually and in gold, silver and bronze rings. Intaglios with the image of the deity are made of: carnelian, glas, almadine, which are inserted into iron, bronze, silver and gold rings. It is noteworthy that the cult of Nike (Victoria) is mainly prevalent in urban centers. From the above, we can conclude that Nike (Victoria) was popular and in our opinion, mainly among the Romanized population.
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Lusher, Andrew. « Greek Statues, Roman Cults and European Aristocracy : Examining the Progression of Ancient Sculpture Interpretation ». Journal of Arts and Humanities 6, no 12 (31 décembre 2017) : 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18533/journal.v6i12.1313.

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<p>In 1747 Frederick II of Prussia acquired a rare and highly valuable statue from antiquity and gave it the description of Antinous (the ill-fated lover of the Roman Emperor Hadrian). Although the bronze statue had always been accepted as an original from ancient Greece, the statue eventually assumed the identity of the Roman Antinous. How could Frederick II, an accomplished collector, ignore the blatant style and chronological discrepancies to interpret a Greek statue as a later Roman deity? This article will use the portraiture of Antinous to facilitate an examination of the progression of classical art interpretation and diagnose the freedom between the art historian and the dilettante. It will expose the necessary partition between the obligations of the art historian to provide technical interpretations of a work within the purview of the discipline with that of the unique interpretation made by individual viewers. This article confirms that although Frederick II lived before the transformative scholarship of Winckelmann, the freedom of interpreting a work is an abiding and intrinsic right of every individual viewer. </p>
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Smith, Tyler Jo. « Highland gods : rock-cut votive reliefs from the Pisidian Survey ». Anatolian Studies 61 (décembre 2011) : 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600008814.

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AbstractBetween 1982 and 1996 a group of rock-cut votive reliefs was discovered during archaeological survey in Pisidia under the direction of Stephen Mitchell and the sponsorship of the British Institute (of Archaeology) at Ankara. The types represented include a horseman deity, perhaps Kakasbos, the Dioscuri with ‘goddess’ and the moon-god Men. The reliefs are discussed according to their cults and iconography, and their contribution to art and religion both locally and beyond. As a religious phenomenon, they are further considered in relation to both regional traditions and empire-wide practices. It is suggested that reliefs of this type, that are associated with the protection of mortals, should also be viewed as part of the history of devotional art and added to discussions of rock art that extend beyond the Greek and Roman worlds. A detailed catalogue of the reliefs, organised by iconographic type, concludes the article.
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McNiven, Timothy J. « Odysseus on the Niobid Krater ». Journal of Hellenic Studies 109 (novembre 1989) : 191–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632051.

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The Niobid krater in Paris (Louvre G341) is not one of the masterpieces of Greek vase painting. The vase is not even one of the best works of the artist, who receives his name, the Niobid Painter, from the rare depiction of Apollo and Artemis killing the children of Niobe on the reverse. The vase is, however, one of the touchstones of the history of ancient Greek art. The Niobid krater has this distinction because it is the earliest contemporaneous witness to the new developments in mural painting in the Early Classical Period, developments best understood from the descriptions of the traveler Pausanias six centuries later. The actual quality of the Niobid krater is therefore secondary to its documentary value.Since the krater's discovery in 1881, most discussion has focused on the iconography of the scene on the obverse, showing a group of warriors with Athena (PLATE IIa). The ambiguity of the scene comes from the large number of figures and the lack of action or iconographical evidence to help in their identification. Of the 11 figures, only Herakles (figure 6 on PLATE IIb), with his club and lionskin and Athena (4) in her aegis and helmet are clearly identifiable.
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Dickson, Keith M. « Voice and Sign in Pindar ». Ramus 19, no 2 (1990) : 109–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002873.

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We all secretly venerate the ideal of a language which in the last analysis would deliver us from language by delivering us to things.M. Merleau-Ponty,The Prose of the WorldIn a study published some years ago, J.-P. Vernant drew attention to the fundamental distinction Greek thought makes between spoken and all other modes of divination. It is a difference that reflects certain givens of ancient social and political structure, and that has its roots in the marked orientation of Greek society towards open discourse. What he has in mind as a paradigm of oral divination is the question-and-answer format of many ancient oracles. He argues that this provides far more direct and more ‘democratic’ access to the will of deity or the way of things than do styles of consultation dependent on interpretative schemes which, because of their indirect nature, are accessible only to a small and privileged group. The fine art of pyromancy, for instance, deploys a framework of transformational rules and techniques whose complexity removes the interpretation of ‘fire signs’ (empura sēmata) from the realm of ordinary skills and makes it instead the special province of a priestly caste, such as that of the Iamidai at Olympia.
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Barringer, Judith M. « Atalanta as Model : The Hunter and the Hunted ». Classical Antiquity 15, no 1 (1 avril 1996) : 48–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011031.

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Atalanta, devotee of Artemis and defiant of men and marriage, was a popular figure in ancient literature and art. Although scholars have thoroughly investigated the literary evidence concerning Atalanta, the material record has received less scrutiny. This article explores the written and visual evidence, primarily vase painting, of three Atalanta myths: the Calydonian boar hunt, her wrestling match with Peleus, and Atalanta's footrace, in the context of rites of passage in ancient Greece. The three myths can be read as male and female rites of passage: the hunt, athletics, and a combination of prenuptial footrace and initiatory hunt. Atalanta plays both male and female initiatory roles in each myth: Atalanta is not only a girl facing marriage, but she is also a female hunter and female ephebe. She is the embodiment of ambiguity and liminality. Atalanta's status as outsider and as paradoxical female is sometimes expressed visually by her appearance as Amazon or maenad or a combination of the two. Her blending of gender roles in myth offers insight into Greek ideas of social roles, gender constructs, and male perceptions of femininity. Erotic aspects of the myths of the Calydonian boar hunt and the footrace, and possibly also her wrestling match with Peleus, emphasize Atalanta as the object of male desire. Atalanta challenges men in a man's world and therefore presents a threat, but she is erotically charged and subject to male influence and dominance.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Artemis (Greek deity) in art"

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Leibovici, Mirela E. (Mirela Erna). « The Asiatic Artemis / ». Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68115.

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This thesis studies the effects of colonization in Asia Minor on the cult of the Hellenic Artemis, as the Greek goddess comes into contact with and is influenced by her Asian counterparts. The result of this contact is a goddess whose nature both remains unchanged and is changed, being at the same time both Greek and Oriental, and whose new image, reshaped after the Asiatic Mother Goddess, reflects the religious needs of her new worshippers, who were themselves a mixture of Greek and indigenous peoples.
The first part of this work investigates the nature and functions of Artemis in Greece, exploring in the greater detail the goddess' connections with nature, childbirth, and the different transitions undergone by individuals and communities. The second part looks at the cult of Artemis in the four major centres of the goddess' worship in Asia: Ephesos, Sardis, Magnesia on the Maiander and Perge. In order to explore more closely Artemis' connections with the Mother Goddess, whom the former replaces, a survey of the Asiatic precursors of Artemis was necessary. Consequently, this study attempts to analyse the nature and functions of other goddesses in Asia, related to the Mother Goddess, namely Kubaba-Kybele, Ma, Atargatis (a conflation of Anat, Astart and Asherah), Anahita and Ishtar, goddesses who share various features not only with each other, but with the Hellenic Artemis as well. The study of these goddesses follows the order in which Greek colonists encountered them.
The thesis concludes with a synthesis and summary of the particular features of the Hellenic Artemis which facilitated her identification with various examples of the Asiatic mother goddess.
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Rosenzweig, Rachel. « Aphrodite in Athens : a study of art and cult in the classical and late classical periods / ». view abstract or download file of text, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9957572.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 1999.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 225-237). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users. Address: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9957572.
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James, Paula. « Unity in diversity a study of Apuleius' Metamorphoses : with particular reference to the narrator's art of transformation and the metamorphosis motif in the Tale of Cupid and Psyche / ». Hildesheim ; New York : Olms-Weidmann, 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/15604421.html.

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Olsson, Viveca. « The Lenaia vases revisited : image, ritual and Dionysian women / ». 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0712/2006502425.html.

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Livres sur le sujet "Artemis (Greek deity) in art"

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Artemis Efesia : Il significato del politeismo greco. Torino : Il Quadrante, 1989.

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Tullia, Ritti, dir. Le sculture del teatro : I rilievi con i cicli di Apollo e Artemide. Roma : G. Bretschneider, 1985.

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Diana Ephesia : Ikonographische Studien zur Allegorie der Natur in der Kunst vom 16.-19. Jahrhundert. Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 1996.

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Sourvinou-Inwood, Christiane. Studies in girlsʼ transitions : Aspects of the arkteia and age representation in Attic iconography. Athens : Kardamitsa, 1988.

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Sourvinou-Inwood, Christiane. Studies in girls' transitions : Aspects of the arkteia and age representation in Attic iconography. Athens : Kardamitsa, 1988.

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O'Neal, Claire. Artemis. Hockessin, Del : Mitchell Lane Publishers, 2007.

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Pagan meditations : The worlds of Aphrodite, Artemis, and Hestia. Dallas, Tex : Spring Publications, 1986.

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Ellinger, Pierre. Artémis, déesse de tous les dangers. Paris : Larousse, 2009.

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Myriam, Dennehy, dir. Artémis, déesse de tous les dangers. Paris : Larousse, 2009.

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Danka, Ignacy R. Pierwotny charakter Apollina i Artemidy : Studium na temat pochodzenia letoidów i ich związków z innymi bogami. Wrocław : Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, 1987.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Artemis (Greek deity) in art"

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« Rituals for Brides and Pregnant Women in the Worship of Artemis ». Dans Women’s Religions in the Greco-Roman World, sous la direction de Ross Shepard Kraemer, 17. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195170658.003.0005.

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Abstract Work: This Inscription Found At Cyrene Prescribes Rites For Brides And Pregnant Women In The Temple and festivals of the Greek goddess Artemis (the virgin twin sister of Apollo), who was associated with both virginity and fertility. In the Roman period, Artemis was the patron deity of the city of Ephesos, a major metropolis on the western coast of Asia Minor (modern Turkey). For an overview of the use of inscriptions in the study of women’s religions, see the Introduction to section 2. translation: Lefkowitz and Fant, p. 120, no. 125. text: LSCG Suppl. 115 = SEG 9.72.13–16. bibliography: Blessings, 22–29; Susan Guettel Cole, “Domesticating Artemis,” in Sue Blundell and Margaret Williamson, eds., The Sacred and the Feminine in Ancient Greece (New York: Routledge, 1998), 27–43; Helen King, “Bound to Bleed: Artemis and Greek Women,” in Averil Cameron, ed., Images of Women in Antiquity, rev. ed. (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1993), 109–27; Jennifer Larson, “Handmaidens of Artemis?” Classical Journal 92, no. 3 (1997): 249–57.
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Scanlon, Thomas F. « Atalanta and Athletic Myths of Gender ». Dans Eros & ; Greek Athletics, 175–98. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195138894.003.0008.

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Abstract In view of the general exclusion of women as competitors, the legend of “swiftfooted, noble Atalanta” as an indomitable athlete stands out as an exceptionally problematic narrative appearing early and often in Greek literature and art. She was, in the Boeotian or central Greek version of the myth, daughter of a certain Schoeneus, who lived as a virgin huntress, despising sex but agreed to marry the suitor who defeated her in a footrace. Hippomenes (also called Meilanion) won her by the stratagem of throwing golden apples, supplied by Aphrodite, In her path to delay her as she stopped to collect them. The newlyweds make love in a sanctuary and are metamorphosed Into lions by some divinity—Zeus, Cybele, or Artemis. In the Arcadian, or southern Greek version of the story, Atalanta Is exposed as an Infant, is suckled by a bear, becomes a man-hating huntress, and Is ultimately won by Meilanion In a footrace.
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Anderson, Michael J. « Introduction ». Dans The Fall of Troy in Early Greek : Poetry and Art, 9–17. Oxford University PressOxford, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198150640.003.0002.

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Abstract Two remarkably similar human sacrifices are recorded within the Trojan epic poems. Before setting sail from Aulis, the Achaian army sacrifices Iphigeneia to Artemis, and after conquering Troy, they sacrifice Polyxene to the shade of Achilles. The victim in each case is the daughter of a commander: Iphigeneia is a child of Agamemnon, most powerful of the Achaian chieftains, and Polyxene is a daughter of Priam, king of Troy. Achilles plays a part in both sacrifices: Iphigeneia is lured to Aulis upon the pretext of marriage with the hero, and Polyxene is sacrificed upon his tomb to serve as his concubine in death. Furthermore, each sacrifice is performed as a pre requisite to the departure of the Achaian fleet: they must sacrifice Iphigeneia in order to sail to Troy, and they must sacrifice Polyxene in order to sail home. Finally, the two sacrifices stand at complementary positions within the saga: the sacrifice of Iphigeneia comes at the beginning of the war, that of Polyxene at the war’s conclusion.
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