Articles de revues sur le sujet « Arte bolognese »

Viene ricostruito il clima culturale che favorì un primo accostarsi della psicologia accademica bolognese al fenomeno artistico. Tra i fattori facilitanti: gli stretti rapporti fra i maestri tedeschi della Gestalt e gli artisti del Bauhaus nel periodo 1911-1933; nonché, nei primi anni Sessanta, entro la scuola di Renzo Canestrari, gli scambi tra i gestaltisti italiani e gli esponenti di avanguardie artistiche come "Arte Programmata" e "Nuova Tendenza". Ne scaturirono iniziative di ricerca messe in opera da un gruppo di allievi nelle Università di Bologna e, in seguito, di Roma Sapienza e Roma Tre. Furono inoltre introdotte nel corso di laurea DAMS di Bologna due nuove discipline ("Psicologia dell'arte" e "Psicologia della musica"), poi attivate in altri atenei. In parallelo vennero condotti numerosi studi teorici e sperimentali sui linguaggi artistici e i processi creativi, d'invenzione e fruizione; studi i cui risultati sono stati apprezzati sul piano internazionale per l'integrazione dei metodi e l'interdisciplinarità delle competenze.

Giulio Cesare Croce (1550-1609) was a polygraph who composed several poetical works that describe the daily life of the Bolognese people. This paper examines Alfabeto de’ giuocatori, a poem dedicated to the theme of the game and of the vices and virtues of the players. The author analyzes the poem and discusses the transmission of the text and philological variants. The article is concluded by the critical edition and the commentary (regarding philological, linguistic, lessical and literary aspects).

An interesting original edition has been discovered in the Bologna Library, containing the Progymnasmata Thomae Mori et Guilielmi Lilii. These Progymnasmata open with the Epigrammata clarissimi disertissimique viri Thomae Mori Britanni, pleraque e Graecis versa which were integrated in Thomas More’s De optimo reipublicae statu deque nova insula Utopia from the Basel editions of 1518 and 1520 (princeps 1516: Libellus vere aureus nec minus salutaris quam festiuus de optimo reip. statu, deque nova insula Utopiae, [Lovanii], Arte Th. Martini, 1516). The pages containing the Progymnasmata also contain a copy of a 1518 edition of Utopia owned by the Bolognese Ulisse Aldrovandi (1522–1605) which was incorporated into the volume of the University of Bologna Library referenced A.V. Tab.I.H.I. 33/1-3. On this excerptum (today referenced A.V. Tab.I.H.I. 33/2) an ancient anonymous hand has written a few very interesting marginalia. Their analysis allows us to propose new hypotheses concerning the Progymnasmata, their origin and the entourage of the More family.

Estudiamos la escultura pública de la ciudad de Lima. Gran parte de la historia nacional está contada en dichas obras de arte: Manco Cápac, Francisco Pizarro, José de San Martín, Simón Bolívar, Ramón Castilla, José Gálvez y la Victoria del 2 de Mayo, Antonio Raimondi, Miguel Grau y Francisco Bolognesi. Las piezas han sido analizadas con métodos de la Historia del Arte (análisis formal, iconografía) en diálogo con disciplinas de las Ciencias Sociales. En este trabajo —avance de nuestra tesis doctoral en Historia del Arte— nos detenemos en un caso emblemático: el monumento al héroe deArica.

This essay focuses on the 16th -century Bolognese naturalist and collector Ulisse Aldrovandi (1522-1605) and his enormous image collection of naturalia. Do these images present a specifically Bolognese form of visual natural science, and was his visual format of truthfulness new at the time? Did Local visual culture leave clear marks on Aldrovandi's image collection? On cover:ANNIBALE CARRACCI (BOLOGNA 1560 - ROME 1609), An Allegory of Truth and Time c. 1584-1585.Oil on canvas | 130,0 x 169,6 cm. (support, canvas/panel/str external) | RCIN 404770Royal Collection Trust / © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2021.

El presente artículo muestra las características de los sitios con pictografías o quillqas asociadas a estructuras funerarias tipo chullpas que existen en la jurisdicción del pueblo y Comunidad Campesina de Yamor, en el distrito de Antonio Raymondi. Estas quillqas fueron elaboradas en las paredes de grandes farallones rocosos, a distintas alturas con respecto a la superficie, pintadas con óxido de hierro existente en grandes cantidades en los alrededores de Yamor.

Partendo dagli studi di Canestrari, che fin dai primi anni '50 aveva mostrato interesse per i problemi sociali riguardanti gli adolescenti, i gruppi, il pregiudizio e le relazioni tra gruppi sociali, l'articolo analizza lo sviluppo delle ricerche in questi ambiti, che saranno progressivamente affrontati con un'ottica di psicologia sociale. Il compito di approfondire gli aspetti teorici, svincolandosi dall'impostazione mainstream comportamentista, e di realizzare interventi sul campo utilizzando metodologie innovative, in uno scambio fecondo tra teoria e pratica, è proseguito con Augusto Palmonari e il suo gruppo di collaboratori e allievi. Vengono presentate in questo articolo le aree tematiche più significative che costituiscono ancora oggi oggetto di analisi e di ricerca del gruppo bolognese di psicologi sociali: il sé e l'identità, l'adolescenza, le rappresentazioni sociali, i gruppi, il pregiudizio etnico e le relazioni intergruppi, la comunità.

En la primera cuadra de la Avenida Bolognesi de la ciudad de Tacna, existe una serie de especies arbóreas, muy delicadas, únicas y especiales. Probablemente hayan sido sembradas por personas extranjeras inmigrantes, o por alguien que gustaba de la belleza del arte de la Jardinería. En el presente estudio se pretende motivar el cuidado de dichas especies, porque hace unos años atrás existían otras pero que han sido taladas. Las que hoy tenemos hay que protegerlos y preservarlas para la posteridad. Este trabajo tiene como objetivo conocer las especies arbóreas y arbustivas existentes, en dicho lugar. Se describen 19 especies ornamentales correspondientes a 16 familias de especies botánicas.

The Carracci's decorative vocabulary (from the early Bolognese friezes to the cycles of the Farnese Gallery in Rome and of the Cloister of San Michele in Bosco in Bologna) made extensive use of anthropomorphic supports, especially telamons and terms. Painted with a monochromatic technique, they deceived the beholder for their effective imitation of marble sculptures that illusively jut from the surface of the wall. While art historical scholarship mainly discussed them in regard to their chronology, attribution, iconography and their relationship with the Cinquecento decoration systems, their early reception still lacks a comprehensive assessment. This essay aims to undertake it through the case study of Il Claustro di S. Michele in Bosco, the last art-historical work by Malvasia. A section of this booklet is dedicated to the chiaroscuro"Termini" flanking the episodes of the life of St. Benedict painted by Ludovico Carracci and his pupils in the cloister of the Bolognese Olivetan monastery. Giacomo Giovannini, the engraver to whom Malvasia commissioned the illustrations included in the volume, also reproduced these painted sculptures in four etchings. By referring to a central couplet from the famous sonnet by Agostino Carracci "in lode di Nicolò Bolognese", he characterized Ludovico's (and Reni's) telamons as Michelangiolesque in their contour and Tizianesque in their naturalezza, as opposed to Annibale's terms frescoed in the Farnese Gallery, whose style Malvasia considered too harsh and dry ("statuino"). In this essay, Malvasia's notes on the cloister's telamons will be compared to his previous critical works and will be contextualized within the seventeenth-century Literature of Art and the coeval reproductive printmaking. As I will demonstrate, Malvasia aimed to restore the central role played by Agostino and Ludovico in the renovation of this decorative style, a role that was obscured by Annibale's growing fame in this genre of painting, particularly driven by the prints after his frescoes in the Farnese Palace published in the second half of the seventeenth century. On cover:ANNIBALE CARRACCI (BOLOGNA 1560 - ROME 1609), An Allegory of Truth and Time c. 1584-1585.Oil on canvas | 130,0 x 169,6 cm. (support, canvas/panel/str external) | RCIN 404770Royal Collection Trust / © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2021.

L'evoluzione dell'Urban Center, l'attenzione per la comunicazione che ha accompagnato la redazione dei nuovi strumenti urbanistici, l'esperienza dei laboratori di quartiere sono gli spunti utilizzati per fornire un quadro, solo parzialmente organico, della discussione pubblica bolognese sui temi urbanistici. Il racconto si spinge fino all'attualitŕ, caratterizzata da una particolare attenzione per i progetti relativi alla cittŕ storica in uno scenario generale di crisi (non solo economica ed ambientale, ma anche politica) forse senza precedenti, almeno in anni recenti.

<div>Este artigo trata do circo como arte plural, que tende a reafirmar a supremacia do homem diante dos animais e da natureza, através da exposição espetacular das suas habilidades. O circo é por excelência o espetáculo da maioridade humana na história, cabendo ressaltar dois momentos históricos em que as artes circenses foram apropriadas: as revoluções francesa e russa.<br /></div><div><div><br>This article deals with the circus as plural art, which tends to testify the supremacy of human being before the animals and nature through the spectacular display of his skills. The circus is par excellence the spectacle of human majority in history, it is worth highlighting two historical moments in which the circus was appropriate: the French and Russian revolutions.</div></div>

In a Paper Published in 1977 I introduced a carton of documents called Dispute di Scolari (1462-1527), preserved in the Archivio di Stato in Bologna, Italy. These documents constitute the most important surviving witness to student disputations held in the Bolognese Studio (in our terms, university), which enabled poor, young, foreign senior degree-candidates upon successful completion to be eligible for one-year lectureships in their respective subjects. After explaining the nature, structure, and legal requirements of the disputation notices and their relevance to student academic performance, the primary purpose of the paper was to illustrate them by examining a few notices in which Alessandro Achillini (1463-1512), professor of philosophy and medicine appeared, either as a disputing master or as a respondent.

In this article, I will look at two distinct Bolognese practices within the tortellini commodity circuit as a case in the cultural production of traditional local food. The article is based on ethnographic observation of laboratories in the city of Bologna, interviews with ‘sfogline’ [skilled workers] and with the ‘Dotta Confraternita del Tortellino’, a local association of amateurs responsible for the filing of the traditional recipe in 1974. By analyzing two practices of valorization of one product, I will point out two different simultaneous enactments of aesthetic and moral values. Two contrasting aesthetic framings – the artisanal craftsmanship of skilled workers (sfogline) and the exclusive practices of elite gourmand (Confraternita) – revolve around tortellini. They will allow us to address two main theoretical issues: the construction of elite consumption practices based on aesthetics and the orchestration of aesthetics and moralities at different stages of the social life of a traditional food product.

Michel Foucault argued famously that early modern European governors responded to plague by quarantining entire urban populations and placing citizens under minute surveillance. For Foucault, such sixteenth- and seventeenth-century policies were the first steps towards an authoritarian paradigm that would only emerge in full in the eighteenth century. The present article argues that Foucault’s model is too abstracted to function as a tool for the historical examination of specific emergencies, and it proposes an alternative analytical framework. Addressing itself to actual events in early modern Italy, the article reveals that when plague threatened, Florentine and Bolognese health officials projected themselves into a spatio-temporal dimension in which official actions and perceptions were determined solely by the spread of contagion. This dimension, “plague time,” was not a stage on the irresistible journey towards Foucault’s “utopia of the perfectly governed city.” A contingent response to a recurrent existential menace, plague time rose and fell in response to events, and may be understood as a season.

Michel Foucault argued famously that early modern European governors responded to plague by quarantining entire urban populations and placing citizens under minute surveillance. For Foucault, such sixteenth- and seventeenth-century policies were the first steps towards an authoritarian paradigm that would only emerge in full in the eighteenth century. The present article argues that Foucault’s model is too abstracted to function as a tool for the historical examination of specific emergencies, and it proposes an alternative analytical framework. Addressing itself to actual events in early modern Italy, the article reveals that when plague threatened, Florentine and Bolognese health officials projected themselves into a spatio-temporal dimension in which official actions and perceptions were determined solely by the spread of contagion. This dimension, “plague time,” was not a stage on the irresistible journey towards Foucault’s “utopia of the perfectly governed city.” A contingent response to a recurrent existential menace, plague time rose and fell in response to events, and may be understood as a season.

Abstract Although in the last few decades scholars have dedicated much attention to the juridical world and the academic environment of Bologna and its flourishing university in the second half of the thirteenth century, totally uncharted territory are the connections between Guido Guinizzelli di Magnano (1230s–1276), judge, prosecutor, and one of the main literary references of the upcoming Dolce Stilnovo, and the professional activity of Taddeo Alderotti (1206/1215–1295), the catalyst of the new scientific trends of the Bolognese medical school. Guido Guinizzelli’s canzone “Al cor gentil” offers a groundbreaking theory of nobility that philosophically conflates love with nobility. This article argues that the philosophical progress of the canzone presents an understanding of medical and scientific terminology that must be put in contact with Taddeo and his interest in Avicenna’s medical philosophy. Guinizzelli’s correspondence between love and nobility is nurtured by Avicenna’s increasingly popular doctrine of forma specifica, which structures the reasoning and the examples of the vernacular poem. Guinizzelli therefore frames the idea of nobility in the heart of the lover as the forma specifica of the noble man, and conceives the lady as the divine intelligence that reduces to act his potentiality.

L’émergence des Monti di Pietà dans les villes italiennes des débuts de la modernité a joué un rôle important en permettant une grande circulation des liquidités dans les portions moins nanties du marché. À travers le prêt sur gage, le Monte offrait la possibilité de transformer temporairement en argent liquide les petites richesses non-monétaires, à divers degrés de l’échelle sociale. Le Monte a ainsi contribué à l’expansion du crédit, et exercé une importante fonction anticyclique dans les économies locales. En puisant dans les archives d’une de ces institutions les plus prospères — le Monte de Bologne —, cet article explore l’étendue de ce phénomène, l’importance des montants en jeu, la variété des biens mis en gage, ainsi que l’impressionnante variété des clients. Au sommet des activités du Monte, ses clients n’appartenaient plus seulement à la classe des travailleurs pauvres. Toutefois, ce changement n’a pas nuit à l’accessibilité du crédit aux classes pauvres, mais a plutôt contribué à ce que ces services soit offerts pour moins cher à ceux véritablement dans le besoin.

RÉSUMÉLe principal objectif de cet article est d’encourager une approche plus large, supraconfessionnelle, du mariage et de la famille à l’époque moderne. La conjugalité a été “désacralisée” par les réformateurs protestants du 16e siècle. Martin Luther, parmi d’autres, a refusé le statut de sacrement au mariage, tout en valorisant celui-ci comme une arme contre le péché. En réaction, le concile de Trente a réaffirmé avec force que le mariage est bien un des sept sacrements chrétiens. Mais, promouvant la supériorité du célibat, l’Église catholique n’a jamais beaucoup insisté sur les vertus de la vie et de la piété familiales avant le 19e siècle. En parallèle, les historiens décèlent des signes de “sacralisation” de la famille protestante à partir du 16e siècle. Leurs conclusions doivent être relativisées à la lumière de recherches plus récentes et plus critiques, centrées sur les rapports et les représentations de genre. Elles peuvent néanmoins inspirer une étude élargie et comparative, inexistante dans l’historiographie traditionnelle, des réalités et des perceptions de la famille chrétienne au-delà des frontières confessionnelles.MOTS-CLÉ: Époque Moderne, mariage, famille, protestantisme, Concile de TrenteABSTRACTThe main purpose of this paper is to encourage a broader supra-confessional approach to the history of marriage and the family in the Early Modern era. Wedlock was “desacralized” by the Protestant reformers of the 16th century. Martin Luther, among others, denied the sacramental status of marriage but valued it as a weapon against sin. In reaction, the Council of Trent reinforced marriage as one of the seven sacraments. But the Catholic Church, which promoted the superiority of celibacy, did little to defend the virtues of family life and piety before the 19th century. In parallel, historians have identified signs of a “sacralization” of the Protestant family since the 16th century. These findings must be relativized in the light of newer and more critical studies on gender relations and representations. But they can still inspire a broader comparative study, non-existent in traditional confessional historiography, of the realities and perceptions of the Christian family beyond denominational borders.KEY WORDS: Early Modern Christianity, marriage, family, Protestantism, Council of Trent BIBLIOGRAPHIEAdair, R., Courtship, Illegitimacy and Marriage in Early Modern England, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1996.Beaulande-Barraud, V., “Sexualité, mariage et procréation. Discours et pratiques dans l’Église médiévale (XIIIe-XVe siècles)”, dans Vanderpelen-Diagre, C., & Sägesser, C., (coords.), La Sainte Famille. Sexualité, filiation et parentalité dans l’Église catholique, Problèmes d’Histoire des Religions, 24, Bruxelles, Éditions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2017, pp. 19-29.Bels, P., Le mariage des protestants français jusqu’en 1685. 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Ehe und Sexualität in Basel während der Frühen Neuzeit, Paderborn, Schöningh, 1999.Calvin, J., Institution de la Religion chrétienne (1541), édition critique en deux vols., Millet, O., (ed.), Genève, Librairie Droz, 2008, vol. 2, pp. 1471-1479.Carillo, F., “Famille”, dans Gisel, P., (coord.), Encyclopédie du protestantisme, Paris, PUF/Quadrige, 2006, p. 489.Christin, O., & Krumenacker, Y., (coords.), Les protestants à l’époque moderne. Une approche anthropologique, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2017.Corbin, A., Courtine, J.-J., et Vigarello, G., (coords.), Histoire du corps, vol. 1: De la Renaissance aux Lumières, Paris, Éditions du Seuil, 2005.Corbin, A., Courtine, J.-J., et Vigarello, G., (coords.), Histoire des émotions, vol. 1: De l’Antiquité aux Lumières, Paris, Éditions du Seuil, 2016.Cristellon, C., “Mixed Marriages in Early Modern Europe“, in Seidel Menchi, S., (coord.), Marriage in Europe 1400-1800, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2016, chapter 10.Demos, J., A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony, New York, 1970.Flandrin, J.-L., Familles. Parenté, maison, sexualité dans l’ancienne société, Paris, Seuil, 1976/1984.Forclaz, B., “Le foyer de la discorde? Les mariages mixtes à Utrecht au XVIIe siècle”, Annales. Histoire, Sciences sociales (2008/5), pp. 1101-1123.Forster, M. R., Kaplan, B. J., (coords.), Piety and Family in Early Modern Europe. Essays in Honour of Steven Ozment, St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2005.Forster, M. R., “Domestic Devotions and Family Piety in German Catholicism”, inForster, M. R., Kaplan, B. J., (coords.), Piety and Family in Early Modern Europe. Essays in Honour of Steven Ozment, St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2005, pp. 97-114.François W., & Soen, V. (coords.), The Council of Trent: Reform and Controversy in Europe and Beyond, 1545-1700, Göttingen, Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, 2018.Gautier, S., “Mariages de pasteurs dans le Saint-Empire luthérien: de la question de l’union des corps à la formation d’un corps pastoral ‘exemplaire et plaisant à Dieu’”, dans Christin, O., & Krumenacker, Y., (coords.), Les protestants à l’époque moderne. Une approche anthropologique, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2017, pp. 505-517.Gautier, S., “Identité, éloge et image de soi dans les sermons funéraires des foyers pastoraux luthériens aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles”, Europa moderna. Revue d’histoire et d’iconologie, n. 3 (2012), pp. 54-71.Goody, J., The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe, Cambridge, 1983; L’évolution de la famille et du mariage en Europe, Paris, Armand Colin, 1985/2012.Hacker, P., Faith in Luther. Martin Luther and the Origin of Anthropocentric Religion, Emmaus Academic, 2017.Harrington, J. F., Reordering Marriage and Society in Reformation Germany, Cambridge, 1995.Hendrix, S. H., & Karant-Nunn, S. C., (coords.), Masculinity in the Reformation Era, Kirksville, Truman State University Press, 2008.Hendrix, S. H., “Christianizing Domestic Relations: Women and Marriage in Johann Freder’s Dialogus dem Ehestand zu ehren”, Sixteenth Century Journal, 23 (1992), pp. 251-266.Ingram, M., Church Courts. Sex and Marriage in England 1570-1640, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1987.Jacobsen, G., “Women, Marriage and magisterial Reformation: the case of Malmø”, in Sessions, K. C., & Bebb, P. N., (coords.), Pietas et Societas: New Trends in Reformation Social History, Kirksville, Sixteenth Century Journal Press, 1985, pp. 57-78.Jedin, H., Crise et dénouement du concile de Trente, Paris, Desclée, 1965.Jelsma, A., “‘What Men and Women are meant for’: on marriage and family at the time of the Reformation”, in Jelsma, A., Frontiers of the Reformation. Dissidence and Orthodoxy in Sixteenth Century Europe, Ashgate, 1998, Routledge, 2016, EPUB, chapter 8.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “Une oeuvre de chair: l’acte sexuel en tant que liberté chrétienne dans la vie et la pensée de Martin Luther”, dans Christin, O., &Krumenacker, Y., (coords.), Les protestants à l’époque moderne. Une approche anthropologique, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2017, pp. 467-485.Karant-Nunn, S. C., The Reformation of Feeling: Shaping the Religious Emotions in Early Modern Germany, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2010.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “The emergence of the pastoral family in the German Reformation: the parsonage as a site of socio-religious change”, in Dixon, C. S., & Schorn-Schütte, L., (coords.), The Protestant Clergy of Early Modern Europe, Basingstoke, Palgrave/Macmillan, 2003, pp. 79-99.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “Reformation Society, Women and the Family”, in Pettegree, A., (coord.), The Reformation World, London/New York, Routledge, 2000, pp. 433-460.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “Marriage, Defenses of”, in Hillerbrand, H. J., (coord.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1996, vol. 2, p. 24.Kingdon, R., Adultery and Divorce in Calvin’s Geneva, Harvard University Press, 1995.Krumenacker, Y., “Protestantisme: le mariage n’est plus un sacrement”, dans Mariages, catalogue d’exposition, Archives municipales de Lyon, Lyon, Olivétan, 2017.Le concile de Trente, 2e partie (1551-1563), vol. XI de l’Histoire des conciles oecuméniques, Paris, (Éditions de l’Orante, 1981), Fayard, 2005, pp. 441-455.Les Decrets et Canons touchant le mariage, publiez en la huictiesme session du Concile de Trente, souz nostre sainct pere le Pape Pie quatriesme de ce nom, l’unziesme iour de novembre, 1563, Paris, 1564.Luther, M., “Sermon sur l’état conjugal”, dans OEuvres, I, Paris, Gallimard/La Pléiade, 1999, pp. 231-240.Luther, M., “Du mariage”, dans Prélude sur la captivité babylonienne de l’Église (1520), dans OEuvres, vol. I, édition publiée sous la direction de M. Lienhard et M. Arnold, Paris, Gallimard/La Pléiade, 1999, pp. 791-805.Luther, M., De la vie conjugale, dans OEuvres, I, Paris, Gallimard/La Pléiade, 1999, pp. 1147-1179.Mentzer, R., “La place et le rôle des femmes dans les Églises réformées”, Archives de sciences sociales des religions, 113 (2001), pp. 119-132.Morgan, E. S., The Puritan Family. Religion and Domestic Relations in Seventeenth-Century New England, (1944), New York, Harper, 1966.O’Reggio, T., “Martin Luther on Marriage and Family”, 2012, Faculty Publications, Paper 20, Andrews University, http://digitalcommons.andrews.edu/church-history-pubs/20. (consulté le 15 décembre 2018).Ozment, S., When Fathers Ruled. Family Life in Reformation Europe, Studies in Cultural History, Harvard University Press, 1983.Reynolds, P. L., How Marriage became One of the Sacrements. The Sacramental Theology of Marriage from the Medieval Origins to the Council of Trent, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2016/2018.Roper, L., Martin Luther. 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Abstract This study concerns the discovery of a new figure in the field of seventeenth-century art collecting: Count Ludovico Caprara, a general under Ferdinand II de’ Medici. Newly discovered archival documents reveal that the Caprara family had one of the richest collections of paintings in Bologna, displayed in a palace close to the Piazza Maggiore; most of these works, however, remain untraced. Ludovico collected more than a hundred canvases, mostly portraits of contemporary painters. The discovery of a purchase note and an inventory of the picture gallery have allowed the role of Ludovico in contemporary collecting and his contacts with personalities in the art market of Seicento Bologna to be established. An attempt is made here to identify several paintings by Giovanni Andrea Sirani, Francesco Gessi and others, and to clarify certain aspects of Ludovico’s taste, especially his preference for the Bolognese school, despite spending his life at the Medici court.

Bologna ha approvato nel 2008 (Psc) e nel 2009 (Rue e Poc) i suoi nuovi strumenti di pianificazione, nel quadro definito dalla legge urbanistica regionale 20/2000. Il servizio compone uno sguardo articolato sulla stagione urbanistica bolognese attraverso tre principali mosse. La prima consiste in una lettura critica dei processi trasformativi in corso nel rapporto con i nuovi strumenti, entro un clima politico-amministrativo locale segnato dal commissariamento e in un piů generale quadro di crisi economica. La seconda fornisce una riflessione sui caratteri essenziali del nuovo progetto urbanistico per Bologna e della sua forma tecnica, e sulle intenzioni che li hanno animati; la terza, ad esito di un seminario, discute secondo punti di vista molteplici gli eventuali contenuti ‘di ricerca' rinvenibili nell'operazione bolognese.

The publication in 1885 of the Raphaelesque monograph written by the Bolognese politician and statesman Marco Minghetti gave rise to a large number of negative or controversial reviews. The attention of some detractors certainly focused on the structure and contents of the volume, on the inaccuracies and naivety that characterized some pages, but in perspective it extended to a criticism against Giovanni Morelli, famous connoisseur and Minghetti's close friend, and his controversial experimental method. Some papers survive documenting Minghetti's ‘Morellian’ training, the making of his monograph, the connection with Raphaelesque celebrations in 1883 and with events and episodes in the art market. Today these archival materials allow to open a window on a not secondary conjuncture in late-19th-century Italian culture.

Abstract This article traces how urban communities operating with a humoral or Galenic medical paradigm understood and confronted the health challenges facing them, using the extraordinarily well-documented case of Bologna, Italy. Working within a GIS environment, the authors spatially analyse over 3,500 events recorded by the Ufficio del fango concerning violations of the city's health-related ordinances, augmented by other demographic and material data. As such, the study not only adds specificity to recent attempts to enrich the field of pre-modern public health, but also demonstrates that the Bolognese administration had a sophisticated and evolving understanding of communal health risks, and exposes several discrepancies between policy and practice.

Abstract Over one hundred letters between the Bolognese art agent, archivist and local historian Michelangelo Gualandi (1793–1887) and Sir Charles Eastlake (1793–1865), first director of the National Gallery, London, have recently been discovered in the University Library at Frankfurt. The correspondence charts the pair’s relationship during Eastlake’s decade in office from 1855 and demonstrates the diverse ways in which Gualandi assisted Eastlake, from sourcing books and undertaking archival research to helping to purchase pictures for the National Gallery and Eastlake’s own private collection. It also presents new data concerning the paintings that eluded them and the state of the international art market in the middle of the nineteenth century. We contend that their collaboration-cum-friendship deserves greater recognition and, given the extent of his assistance, that Gualandi might justifiably be repositioned within the gallery’s institutional history as, in many ways, a figure comparable in importance to Otto Mündler, the gallery’s official Travelling Agent.