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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Armed NonState Actor »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 9 mars 2023
Mis à jour le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Armed NonState Actor"

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Powell, Stephen R., et Adrian Florea. « Introducing the Armed Nonstate Actor Rivalry Dataset (ANARD) ». Civil Wars 23, no 2 (29 mars 2021) : 177–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2021.1883334.

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Wrange, Pål. « Does Who Matter ? Legal Authority and the Use of Military Violence ». Ethics & ; International Affairs 31, no 2 (2017) : 191–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679417000077.

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What does authority mean under international law? There are various actors with different forms of authority, but no overarching concept of what characteristic endows an actor with authority, and even less of a coherent conception of legitimacy as a requirement for such authority. In fact, international law recognizes different authorities for different causes and different contexts, allocated to different actors, who base their authority on different characteristics (state legitimacy, representativity, military power, control). After disaggregating the concept of authority and outlining some of the consequences that follow from each type, this article highlights a number of different actors and describes the various authorities each has under international law. For instance, under jus in bello, nonstate actors can create a state of armed conflict in which they can often continue to use military means without legal sanction. While jus ad bellum may still in principle require legitimacy (in the formal sense of being a state), current jus in bello covers a range of non-state actors. Thus, from a practical point of view, the jus in bello regulations undermine any jus ad bellum requirement of legitimate authority.
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Gleditsch, Kristian Skrede, Simon Hug, Livia Isabella Schubiger et Julian Wucherpfennig. « International Conventions and Nonstate Actors ». Journal of Conflict Resolution 62, no 2 (7 juin 2016) : 346–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002716650924.

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Whether international humanitarian norms are respected during and after civil conflict depends on the behavior of both governments and nonstate actors (NSAs). However, international conventions on the protection of civilians generally do not address NSAs, as such conventions are open only to the representatives of states. In a pioneering initiative, the nongovernmental organization Geneva Call has started to address this problem by soliciting NSAs to sign “deeds of commitment” to ban particular activities violating humanitarian norms. Focusing on the case of antipersonnel mines, we examine why NSAs would choose to sign conventions that limit their autonomy, and whether such conventions can change the behavior of governments and nonstate armed groups. We propose a game-theoretic model of how the interaction between governments and NSAs shape their incentives to commit to and comply with international humanitarian norms. Our empirical evidence highlights the importance of these interdependencies between governments and NSAs in the realm of humanitarian engagements.
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Larratt-Smith, Charles. « Navigating Formal and Informal Processes : Civic Organizations, Armed Nonstate Actors, and Nested Governance in Colombia ». Latin American Politics and Society 62, no 2 (20 mars 2020) : 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2019.61.

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ABSTRACTDespite the recent surge of scholarship on the role that civic organizations play in armed conflicts and postconflict settings, there is little consensus on how they interact with armed nonstate actors. This article examines how disparate armed nonstate actors can co-opt and manage preexisting civic organizations, and even create new ones, to embed themselves in civilian communities and perform governance functions while simultaneously advancing their ideological agendas. Employing a comparative historical analysis between two armed nonstate units in Colombia, one from a Marxist insurgent group and the other from a counterinsurgent paramilitary organization, the study demonstrates that regardless of their different ideological motivations, regional settings, and repertoires of violence, these actors could navigate formal processes related to legal economies, electoral contests, and bureaucratic-administrative institutions, and informal processes tied to illicit rackets and territorial and population control, more efficiently through their skilled management of local civic organizations.
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Krähenmann, Sandra. « The Interplay Between International Humanitarian Law, Terrorism and the “Foreign Terrorist Fighter” Regime ». Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 112 (2018) : 307–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2019.26.

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There seems to be a natural connection between armed conflict and terrorism: both involve acts of violence by nonstate armed actors. The acts of armed groups during armed conflicts are frequently labeled as acts of terrorism. Similarly, both international humanitarian law (IHL) and the international legal regime governing terrorism address acts of violence committed by nonstate armed actors. Yet, these superficial similarities obscure the significant conceptual differences between acts of violence in armed conflicts and those outside armed conflicts as well as the differences in the legal regimes governing them. Before turning to an analysis of UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 2178 (2014), it is necessary to briefly explain how IHL addresses acts of terrorism, followed by a brief description of the international treaty regime governing terrorism, including how this regime regulates its relationship with IHL.
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Wilmshurst, Elizabeth, et Michael Wood. « Self-Defense Against Nonstate Actors : Reflections on the “Bethlehem Principles” ». American Journal of International Law 107, no 2 (avril 2013) : 390–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.107.2.0390.

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Daniel Bethlehem has set down sixteen principles relevant to the scope of a state’s right of self-defense against an imminent or actual armed attack by nonstate actors “with the intention of stimulating a wider debate.” While these principles “are published under [the author’s] responsibility alone,” they have “nonetheless been informed by detailed discussions over recent years with foreign ministry, defense ministry, and military legal advisers from a number of states who have operational experience in these matters.”
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Bethlehem, Daniel. « Self-Defense Against an Imminent or Actual Armed Attack By Nonstate Actors ». American Journal of International Law 106, no 4 (octobre 2012) : 770–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.106.4.0769.

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There has been an ongoing debate over recent years about the scope of a state’s right of selfdefense against an imminent or actual armed attack by nonstate actors. The debate predates the Al Qaeda attacks against the World Trade Center and elsewhere in the United States on September 11,2001, but those events sharpened its focus and gave it greater operational urgency. While an important strand of the debate has taken place in academic journals and public forums, there has been another strand, largely away from the public gaze, within governments and between them, about what the appropriate principles are, and ought to be, in respect of such conduct. Insofar as these discussions have informed the practice of states and their appreciations of legality, they carry particular weight, being material both to the crystallization and development of customary international law and to the interpretation of treaties.
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Tladi, Dire. « The Nonconsenting Innocent State : The Problem with Bethlehem’s Principle 12 ». American Journal of International Law 107, no 3 (juillet 2013) : 570–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.107.3.0570.

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In a recent issue of this Journal, Daniel Bethlehem proposed a set of principles on the scope of a state’s right of self-defense against an imminent or actual armed attack by nonstate actors. In response, this essay seeks to assess Bethlehem’s proposition in principle 12 that a state may use force against nonstate actors on the territory of another state without the consent of the territorial state when the territorial state is not responsible for the initial attack and when the attack cannot be imputed to the territorial state. This description might be termed the non-consenting innocent state problem.
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Hmoud, Mahmoud. « Are New Principles Really Needed ? The Potential of the Established Distinction Between Responsibility for Attacks by Nonstate Actors and the Law of Self-Defense ». American Journal of International Law 107, no 3 (juillet 2013) : 576–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.107.3.0576.

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Daniel Bethlehem’s note on self-defense principles is intended to stimulate debate on one of the most contentious issues facing the international community today, namely, the legal response to imminent or actual terrorist attacks by nonstate actors. The note contains a set of principles that are sensitive to the practical realities of the circumstances that it addresses. But it is also intended to take up a legal policy matter—to create or amend principles of international law related to the use of armed force in dealing with threats from nonstate actors. To create or amend these principles, there must be clear evidence and sufficient state practice, or at least opinio juris, pointing toward the change of existing rules or the creation of new rules to “fill the gap.” The whole balance in international law among the various rights, obligations, and interests of international actors will be compromised if the notion of self-defense is to be expanded beyond its legitimate limitations. As illustrated below by some basic examples drawn from the existing law of self-defense, there is sufficient flexibility in the current legal order to allow for the lawful exercise of self-defense in response to most situations of armed terrorist attacks.
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Bellinger, John B., et Vijay M. Padmanabhan. « Detention Operations in Contemporary Conflicts : Four Challenges for The Geneva Conventions and Other Existing Law ». American Journal of International Law 105, no 2 (avril 2011) : 201–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.105.2.0201.

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In September 2010, President Jakob Kellenberger of the International Committee for the Red Cross (ICRC) summarized the conclusions of a two-year, internal ICRC study of changes that have occurred in the nature of armed conflict since the signing of the Geneva Conventions in 1949, and he also suggested how international humanitarian law (IHL) should respond to those changes. In a previous address marking the sixtieth anniversary of the Geneva Conventions, Kellenberger had observed that in the place of traditional conflicts between state-sponsored armies on a battlefield, modern conflicts frequently involve nonstate actors, such as terrorist groups—a development that has blurred the line between civilians and combatants, and created challenges for IHL. The ICRC study concluded that IHL generally provides a suitable legal framework for regulating armed conflict.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Armed NonState Actor"

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BAJ, GIULIA. « Armed non-State Actors and their Impact on International Lawmaking. From State-centrism to Self-regulation ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/386205.

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I gruppi armati non statali sono emersi in anni recenti come rilevanti attori nello scenario internazionale. Questi, infatti, sono oggi spesso coinvolti in conflitti e frequentemente esercitano controllo su parti di territori statali. Ciononostante, appare esserci una carenza normativa nella disciplina di questi gruppi da parte del diritto internazionale. Quest’ultimo, infatti, è tradizionalmente prodotto dagli Stati, al fine di vincolare se stessi. L’emergere di attori non statali causa un ostacolo nel funzionamento stato-centrico del tradizionale diritto internazionale. Un altro problema legato alla disciplina dei gruppi armati è legato alla loro identificazione; infatti, questi gruppi evolvono rapidamente e spesso presentano caratteristiche riconducibili a diverse sotto-categorie di gruppi armati. Ciò costituisce un ostacolo nella loro identificazione e conseguente possibile coinvolgimento in attività di produzione normativa. La prassi contemporanea mostra, tuttavia, un sempre più frequente coinvolgimento dei gruppi armati non statali nella adozione di strumenti normativi, come strumenti di auto-controllo standardizzati e accordi con le autorità statali. Varie risposte sono state fornite dalla dottrina circa la compatibilità di questa prassi al diritto internazionale. Considerando il rispondere alle esigenze della comunità internazionale come obiettivo ultimo del diritto internazionale, appare possibile giustificare a livello dottrinale il coinvolgimento di questi gruppi non statali nelle attività di produzione normativa. Ciò è coerente con lo sviluppo del diritto internazionale nella regolazione dei gruppi armati non statali. Per ovviare ai problemi di efficienza normativa causati dalla concezione stato-centrica del diritto, si è abbandonato questo approccio e diverse disposizioni vincolanti per i gruppi armati sono state adottate in diverse branche del diritto e sono state giustificate a livello dottrinale. Considerato lo sviluppo della prassi e l’approccio teorico che trova nel perseguimento delle esigenze della comunità internazionale il suo obiettivo, sembra possibile ammettere il coinvolgimento dei gruppi armati non statali in attività di produzione di disposizioni di diritto internazionale sia sotto un profilo pratico che teorico.
Armed non-state actors (ANSAs) have recently emerged as relevant actors within the international scenario. In fact, they are often involved in armed conflicts and frequently control territories belonging to states. Nonetheless, a gap in the regulation of ANSAs by international law exists. International law, in fact, is traditionally produced by states to regulate themselves. The emergence of non-state actors, like ANSAs, creates an obstacle in the functioning of the traditional, state-centric international law. Another issue connected to the regulation of ANSAs regards their identification. In fact, ANSAs evolve rapidly and often present characteristics belonging to different subcategories of armed groups. This creates difficulties in their identification and the consequent possible involvement in lawmaking activities. However, international practice shows a more and more frequent involvement of ANSAs in processes of production of legal instruments, such as international agreements with state authorities and self-regulation instruments. Various theories have been submitted regarding the compatibility of this practice with international law. Taking into consideration the aim of international law of meeting the needs of the international community, the involvement of ANSAs in lawmaking activities appears theoretically justified. This is consistent with the development of international law in the regulation of ANSAs. To solve the difficulties regarding normative efficiency caused by the state-centric conception of international law, this state-centric approach has been abandoned and several provisions binding ANSAs have been adopted in several branches of international law. This practice has been theoretically justified as well. Considering the development of international practice and the theoretical approach based in the pursuit of the needs of the international community, it appears possible, both from a practical and theoretical perspective, to engage with ANSAs in activities of production of rules of international law.
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Livres sur le sujet "Armed NonState Actor"

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1968-, Schneckener Ulrich, et United States Institute of Peace, dir. NGOs and nonstate armed actors : Improving compliance with international norms. Washington, DC : U.S. Institute of Peace, 2011.

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New Approaches to Nonstate Armed Actors. Marine Corps, 2012.

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Global Security Upheaval Armed Nonstate Groups Usurping State Stability Functions. Stanford University Press, 2013.

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Ashour, Omar. How ISIS Fights. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474438216.001.0001.

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How can a widely hated, massively outnumbered and ludicrously outgunned organisation expands to occupy over 120 cities, towns and villages from the Southern Philippines to Western Libya? How can it endure and survive a military coalition of over 150 armed state and nonstate actors? How did ISIS/IS and their predecessors fight? And how can we account for their combat effectiveness? This book describes and analyses how ISIS/IS fights in Iraq, Syria, Libya and Egypt. It analyses the military-making of ISIS/IS and their predecessors. The analysis focuses on 17 urban battles in Fallujah, Mosul, Ramadi, Raqqa (City and Governorate), Derna, Sirte and Northeastern Sinai. The book is based on fieldwork, dozens of interviews with soldiers and fighters who engaged ISIS/IS and their predecessors, and hundreds of ISIS/IS combat-relevant publications, audio- and video-releases. The findings contribute to our understanding of insurgencies’ combat effectiveness and offer insights on how ISIS/IS, like-minded organisations, and other armed nonstate actors may or will fight in the future.
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DiCicco, Jonathan M., et Brandon Valeriano. International Rivalry and National Security. Sous la direction de Derek S. Reveron, Nikolas K. Gvosdev et John A. Cloud. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190680015.013.29.

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International rivalries are discussed with an emphasis on their relevance to U.S. national security. Social-scientific research on these protracted, antagonistic, and often violent relationships serves as a wellspring of insight into national security challenges. A primary focus on rivalries between sovereign states is supplemented with discussion of rivalries involving nonstate actors, including armed groups associated with insurgency and terrorism. To anchor these discussions, the chapter briefly denotes definitional, conceptual, and operational aspects of rivalry research. Rivalries are linked to U.S. national security concerns through first-, second-, and third-order effects. The challenge of overcoming histories of hostility to achieve peaceful resolution of rivalries is examined. Future directions in rivalry research, including the imperative to incorporate contemporary policy concerns (such as cybersecurity and emerging technologies and techniques associated with international conflict), are discussed in a forward-looking manner that emphasizes the complementarity of scholarship and policy arenas.
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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Armed NonState Actor"

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Thomas, Ward. « The Fall and Rise of Nonstate Violence ». Dans The New Dogs of War, 1–16. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501758898.003.0001.

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This chapter explores the dramatic growth in nonstate actor violence, focusing on the crucial role played in this trend by changes in international norms. It seeks to understand the rise of nonstate violence by bringing attention back to the word “legitimate” in Max Weber's definition. In doing so, the chapter addresses the question of how to explain the relatively rapid decline of the norm against actors other than states using military force — a norm that once resided at the conceptual core of the sovereign states system. The chapter then turns to analyze militias and paramilitaries together in a somewhat generic category of armed nonstate groups. The chapter looks at the literature on nonstate violence. It then assesses the increasingly important role played by the private military and security companies.
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Finkelstein, Claire. « Fighting State Actors with the Tools of Hybridized Warfare ». Dans Between Crime and War, 153—C6.N46. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197638798.003.0007.

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Abstract With the killing by the United States of Iranian general Qassim Soleimani, the war on terror crossed a new frontier in the use of extra-judicial lethal operations outside of armed conflict. As a state actor, Soleimani would once have been entirely off-limits as a target outside the context of a formal armed conflict between the U.S. and Iran, despite his leadership of the Quds force, an organization that lends support to violent nonstate actor groups across the Middle East. Nevertheless, the fact that the Trump Administration felt entitled to conduct a one-off strike on a state military leader using drone technology underscores the degree to which conflicts among state adversaries are increasingly fought using the hybridized tools of the war on terror. This chapter will argue that the rise in the use of such techniques, and the perceived relaxation of the constraints of international law in conflicts among states, is a regrettable, but foreseeable, result of a certain way of conceiving of violent nonstate actors that started immediately after the attacks on 9/11. Greater clarity about the legal boundaries governing the use of Bush-era interrogation methods as well as Obama’s dramatic increase in the use of extrajudicial killing against nonstate actors might have forestalled this development and ensured that the techniques of the war on terror were constrained to their original context. This chapter first addresses the legal ambiguity of targeted killing as it devolved from the Bush and Obama Administrations in the aftermath of 9/11 with respect to nonstate actors, particularly the decision to predicate the legality of targeted killings on the status of terror groups as “unlawful combatants.” This framework meant that the detainees captured in the war on terror lacked the traditional protections of the Law of Armed Conflict (LOAC), at the same time that they were deprived of the protections ordinarily extended to criminal defendants. Leaving detainees between two legal regimes provided license for their abuse as well as an uncertain legal basis for those who were targeted rather than captured in the next phase of the war. This chapter will argue that greater clarity would have resulted from considering violent non-state actors as civilians rather than combatants, an approach that is wholly in appropriate for state actors like Soleimani, whose status as a state actor should leave little doubt as to his legal status outside the context of armed conflict..
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Richemond-Barak, Daphné. « Nonstate Actors in Armed Conflicts ». Dans New Battlefields/Old Laws, 106–30. Columbia University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/columbia/9780231152358.003.0006.

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Ashour, Omar. « Lures and Endures : How ‘Sinai Province’ Fights in Egypt ». Dans How ISIS Fights, 160–94. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474438216.003.0005.

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The chapter focuses on the case of ISIS in Sinai (Sinai Province or SP) and its military capacities. It overviews the development of the predecessors of IS in Sinai, including Ansar Bayt al-Maqdis (ABM or Supports of Jerusalem) and al-Tawhid wa al-Jihad in Sinai (TJS or Monotheism and Struggle in Sinai). Despite being massively outnumbered and outgunned, ISIS in Sinai and its predecessors have survived ten years of brutal counterinsurgency and conventional tactics (2011-2021). This makes the case of ISIS in Sinai perhaps the most puzzling. SP has limited resources, even compared with other ISIS provinces. Geographically, its strongholds in the Northeast are not rugged (the peninsula’s high mountains are located in South and Central Sinai). Moreover, SP has limited support among a small, divided population, and it is surrounded by hostile authorities (Egypt, Palestinian Hamas, and Israel). The chapter develops an explanation of SP’s endurance by focusing on its tactics and by drawing upon interviews with former Egyptian army officers and security officials, Sinaian tribal leaders. The chapter also analyzes the Battle of Sheikh Zuweid of July 2015, in which SP executed the most complex military operation conducted by an Egyptian armed nonstate actor in the last one hundred years.
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Ashour, Omar. « Transformations of Armed Nonstate Actors : Enduring Challenges and Strategic Implications ». Dans Bullets to Ballots, 282–303. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474467117.003.0013.

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The book’s findings and conclusions are outlined in this chapter. These are presented as a framework for understanding the collective transformations of a once armed movement to unarmed political activism, as a function of micro-, meso- and macro-level variables that determine the successful initiation and sustainability of the transformations. The chapter also outlines the policy implications and recommendations of the findings and the global impact of successful transformations on insurgencies, democratisation and security crises. The findings may have a substantial impact on official policies encouraging the renunciation of political violence, violent extremism, and the transition towards unarmed/non-violent politics. Overall, although major progress has been made worldwide in terms of initiating, sustaining and understanding collective de-radicalisation and transformations towards non-violent activism – in both academic and practitioner circles – major challenges can still impede or even completely undo that progress. To highlight the challenges and opportunities in light of revising our understanding of collective de-radicalisation, the concluding chapter outlines summary reflections and then proceeds to outline some of the strategic implications of the transformations from bullets to ballots.
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Chandran, D. Suba. « 4 India and Armed Nonstate Actors in the Kashmir Conflict ». Dans Kashmir, 49–64. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781685857882-007.

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Wilson, Alice. « Keeping Up With the Times ». Dans Social Currents in North Africa, 143–64. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190876036.003.0008.

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This chapter focuses on how the Polisario Liberation Movement has transformed itself and the support networks from which it benefits. Interested in how continued attention to longstanding support from Algeria may have led analysts to overlook the growing importance of support from other nonstate actors, this chapter looks at how the Polisario undertake new activities that were not facilitated by Algerian support. This chapter draws on both existing studies of the movement and experiences from extensive fieldwork in the Sahrawi refugee camps from 2006–2014. First, it briefly discusses the increasing importance of the support of nonstate actors for armed movements since the end of the Cold War. Then, it turns to the case of the Polisario, examining its beginnings as a typical anticolonial liberation movement, and then subsequent economic, political, and demographic transformations in light of which the Polisario has either shifted policy or stuck to longstanding principles. It goes on to describe nonstate forms of support that have become increasingly important. Finally, it examines the broader implications of these new, intensifying forms of support for Polisario’s position as this support has blurred the boundary between an armed and unarmed movement.
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Ashour, Omar. « 13 TRANSFORMATIONS OF ARMED NONSTATE ACTORS : ENDURING CHALLENGES AND STRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS ». Dans Bullets to Ballots, 282–303. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781474467148-017.

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Richemond-Barak, Daphné. « Chapter Five. Nonstate Actors in Armed Conflicts Issues of Distinction and Reciprocity ». Dans New Battlefields/Old Laws, sous la direction de William C. Banks. New York Chichester, West Sussex : Columbia University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/bank15234-006.

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Zech, Steven T. « Staging Peace ». Dans Civil Action and the Dynamics of Violence, 64–88. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190056896.003.0003.

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This chapter examines the ways in which civil action by nonstate actors influenced the trajectory of armed conflict in Peru during the 1980s and 1990s. Religious organizations, labor unions, and NGOs are just a few examples of groups that affected conflict outcomes. The chapter provides a brief overview of how a variety of groups affected violence in Peru, focusing on the role of artists and theater groups in particular, and argues that art serves as a mobilizing force that can move collective actors both toward and away from violent action. Based on an examination of the theater group Vichama Teatro, the chapter argues that Vichama’s members worked inside activist networks in a civil way to resist revolutionary violence and to make demands on an increasingly abusive state. Vichama members used theatrical performances to articulate the importance of nonviolent strategies and to communicate the political objectives of activist allies.
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