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1
Green, Jerrold D. « Are Arab Politics Still Arab ? » World Politics 38, no 4 (juillet 1986) : 611–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010169.
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For many scholars and observers of the Middle East, the uniqueness of the Arabs has proved to be far more interesting than those areas of Arab political life that exhibit similarities with politics elsewhere. Some of the studies reviewed here provide a partial corrective to this gap. They suggest that Arab politics, much like politics in other settings, is concerned with issues of socioeconomic change and conflict, problems of legitimacy, the role of competing ideologies, and elite factionalism. Those of the studies that highlight the weaknesses of pan-Arabism are more persuasive than those that emphasize its vitality. What is needed now is the ability to determine where we can usefully generalize about Arab politics and where politics in the Arab world are in fact unique. The social-scientific approach is deemed more likely to accomplish this analytical goal than the traditional area-studies and policy approaches.
2
Halliday, F. « Review : Arab Nation : Arab Nationalism : Arab Nation : Arab Nationalism ». Journal of Islamic Studies 13, no 1 (1 janvier 2002) : 94–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/13.1.94.
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Akmir, Abdelouahed. « European Arabs : identity, education and citizenship ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no 2 (1 avril 2015) : 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1016762.
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The Arab diaspora, comprising Arab immigrants and their descendants, currently represents the highest percentage of Arabs living in Europe. They are Arabs and Europeans, but they are unlike the Arabs who were born in the Arab world and unlike the Europeans who inherited their European origins and culture from father to son. The difference between these European Arabs and other Europeans often makes them experience a state of cultural detachment, as well as crises of their education, identity and citizenship. This article is a modest attempt to examine this phenomenon whilst highlighting the obstacles facing European Arabs and to propose some solutions. Furthermore, it is a call to draw attention to the European Arabs who have played a successful role in their communities and to utilize them in raising awareness of Arab issues and rectifying the image of Arabs in Europe with the aim of supporting Euro-Arab dialogue and cooperation.
4
AlMasarweh, Luma Issa. « Religious Fields and Subfields : Transnational Connections, Identities, and Reactive Transnationalism ». Religions 13, no 6 (25 mai 2022) : 478. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13060478.
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The relationship between religion and transnationalism has only recently gained scholarly attention to document the influence religious organizations have on mediating transnational ties. While scholarship on second-generation transnationalism has gained interest, second-generation Arab Americans remain understudied. Yet, Arab Americans, especially Muslim Arab Americans, have been progressively encountering overt anti-Arab and Islamophobic sentiments for two decades, since 11 September. These experiences of discrimination are bound to affect their transnationalism. Based on 32 semi-structured interviews with children of Arab immigrants from Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Palestine, Lebanon, and Syria, this study finds that religious organizations are important transnational social fields for the second generation, especially those who experienced discrimination. This study finds that for Muslim Arab Americans, mosques are important transnational social fields in which they engage in transnational ways of being and belonging that connect them to their parental homeland and transnational identity. Consistent with reactive transnationalism, when experiencing discrimination Muslim Arab Americans increased their participation within their mosques in two ways. First, mosques are places Muslim Arab Americans draw on the support of other Arab Americans who have experienced discrimination. Second, the social networks of Muslim Arabs provide important historical and cultural knowledge about their parental homeland; knowledge that Muslim Arab Americans would later use to advocate and educate others when/if they reencountered discrimination.
5
Scott, Michael K. « Religion and State in Saudi Arabia and the Role of the Wahabi Establishment in Governance ». ICR Journal 4, no 2 (15 avril 2013) : 308–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v4i2.481.
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From the report authored by Mahmoud Marouf and appearing in al-Quds al-Arabi (1 October, 2012), translated by IAIS-Malaysia Visiting Fellow Michael K. Scott, and covering the Center for Arab Unity Studies’ Conference on Religion and State in the Arab World that convened in Hammamat, Tunisia in October 2012:
The role of the religious establishment in governance in Saudi Arabia sparked heated discussion late last year in the “Religion and State in the Arab World” conference organised by the Center for Arab Unity Studies, with the participation of dozens of prominent Arab intellectuals and researchers.
6
Al-Mahadin, Salam. « Arab Feminist Media Studies ». Feminist Media Studies 11, no 1 (mars 2011) : 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2011.537018.
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Valassopoulos, Anastasia. « Introduction : Arab Cultural Studies ». Journal for Cultural Research 16, no 2-3 (27 février 2012) : 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14797585.2012.647663.
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Vasiliev, A. M., E. I. Zelenev, V. A. Isaev, N. S. Kirabayev et A. B. Kudelin. « Russian Arabic Studies ». Outlines of global transformations : politics, economics, law 14, no 6 (14 avril 2022) : 257–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-6-12.
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The article provides an overview of the areas of Russian Arabic Studies except linguistics. Since Eastern regional studies are inconceivable without knowledge of the language and culture of the regions under study, the analysis of studies in the modern Arab world is preceded by a review of key works that explained the specifics of the literature and philosophy of the Arab world. Thus, the first section examines key figures in the study of classical and modern literature of the Arab countries, the medieval history of this region. The second section is devoted to the philosophyof the Arab East. The largest third section is focused on the study of economic, social, and political processes in Arab countries in the XX century. It is indicated that Russian scientists, despite the forced domination of Marxist-Leninist dogmas in the social sciences, managed to create numerous scientific works that are among the distinguished Arabic Studies worldwide. The final section contains an analysis of contemporary studies of the Arab world in Russia. The article highlights key achievements of the scientific schools of Russian Arabic Studies providing information on more than two hundred monographs.
9
Sawani, Youssef Mohammad. « Arabs and democracy : an analysis of the findings of the survey of Arab public opinion towards democracy ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 7, no 3 (1 juillet 2014) : 351–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2014.935597.
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A survey commissioned by the Center of Arab Unity Studies (CAUS), and carried out in late 2009 and early 2010, was the first Arab public opinion survey on democracy of its kind. This article presents its findings and contextualizes the analyses in the debate that has marked Arab political thinking on democracy as a system of good governance. The purpose of the survey was to shed light on the attitudes of ordinary Arabs with respect to democracy. Contrary to approaches that sought to explain the democratic deficit in the Arab world by virtue of its inherently ‘undemocratic’ culture and the Islamic religion, democratic elements are not absent from Arab culture and Arab people are yearning for democracy. The article analyses and compares the results with those of other surveys to conclude that contemporary Arabs are no exception and they have the same attitudes shared by humanity at large with respect to democracy as a solid political base for a fair system of governance.
10
Ridge, Natasha, Soohyun Jeon, Soha Shami et Brian Jaewon Chung. « The Role and Impact of Arab Fathers ». Hawwa 16, no 1-3 (27 novembre 2018) : 333–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341343.
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AbstractResearch over the past twenty years has found that fathers play an important role in their children’s development. However, the literature on fatherhood is still limited, particularly in the Arab world. This paper uses data from a mixed-method pilot study of sixty-one Arabs residing in the United Arab Emirates to examine the nature and impact of father involvement in the Arab region. The findings indicate that Arab fathers score highly on the good provider role, but low on responsible paternal engagement, which includes father involvement in the child’s education and related activities. We also find that the more positively involved a father has been in his child’s life, the higher the child’s self-esteem tends to be. In addition, the results show that experiences of father involvement vary according to the gender of the child, socioeconomic status, and nationality. These findings have important implications for understanding the nature of Arab father involvement and serve as a prelude to a larger study of father involvement across the Arab region.
11
Maimunah, Iffat, Wildana Wargadinata, M. Faisol, Ribut Wahyudi et Miftahul Huda. « LAAMIYAT AL-ARAB : A GENETIC STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS ». LiNGUA : Jurnal Ilmu Bahasa dan Sastra 17, no 1 (27 juillet 2022) : 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/ling.v17i1.15290.
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Laamiyat al-Arab is a great literary work that was written during the Jahili Arabs, and received great attention from writers and linguists. However, the aspects of the values it contains and its relation to the social context that underlies Laamiyat al-Arabs’ work are not well-documented. Through Goldmann's genetic structuralism approach, the authors reveal the values, characters, and the internal and external factors generating the Laamiyat al-Arab literature. The results show that the lower class of Jahili Arab community, despite their life’s hardship and distress, could deliver noble values and characters of the marginalized people of its time. Further studies are of great necessity to investigate the contents of literary works other than Laamiyat al-Arab to get an actual picture of Jahili Arabs’ literature.
12
al-ﺀAlkīm, Hassan Hamdan. « Challenges facing the Arab world in the twenty-first century : an overview* ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no 3 (1 juillet 2008) : 417–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802163947.
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This article is a broad and sober assessment of the state of the Arab world. The writer draws a grim picture about prospects for improvements. The Arabs have not benefited from the changes that have swept the world because of the high cost attached to them. Current conditions in the Arab world are the main obstacle facing Arab reformers. In grappling with a civilizational challenge in which Arabs apparently have no choice or role, they suffer from an identity and cultural alienation crisis which impairs their ability to deal with the changes needed.
13
Sawani, Youssef Mohamed. « The ‘end of pan-Arabism’ revisited : reflections on the Arab Spring ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no 3 (1 juillet 2012) : 382–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.696785.
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This article draws on implications of the Arab Spring so as to elucidate the dynamics that characterize its revolutions. The analysis builds upon the results of major public opinion surveys conducted in the Arab world, both immediately before and after the Arab Spring, in order to facilitate the identification of developments that shape the relationship between Arabism and Islamism in the context of mass media, the demographic ‘youth bulge’ and Arab ongoing intellectual debates. The argument advanced here is that the Arab Spring consolidates the view that Arabism and Islamism have maintained their position and hold on public opinion and prevailing attitudes as the primary and inseparable trends of Arab thought. The interaction and shifting relative weights of both trends provide the context for the identity, conceptual outlook and reciprocal framework of contemporary Arabs; and the Arab Spring seems only to confirm the two trends as constituting the essential point of reference and departure for Arabs. Within this context and scope of analysis this article traces the emergence of a ‘historical mass’ for change that, coupled with an indelibly engrained link between the two trends is opening up a new conceptual sphere and public space for the emergence of a new Arabism. Such development is also supported by the role of mass media and the thoughtful intellectual contributions that have been advancing a new Arab paradigm which further refutes the ‘End of Arabism’ thesis.
14
Aoude, Ibrahim G. « Arab Americans and Ethnic Studies ». Journal of Asian American Studies 9, no 2 (2006) : 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jaas.2006.0010.
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15
Tawil, Randa. « Arab Family Studies : Critical Reviews ». Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 16, no 1 (1 mars 2020) : 69–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-8016533.
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16
Pace, Joseph L. « Contemporary Arab Thought : Studies in Post-1967 Arab Intellectual History ». Muslim World 95, no 1 (janvier 2005) : 151–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-1913.2005.0083b.x.
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Haddad, Fadi G., et Alexander Dhoest. « Cosmopolitanism in Dubai’s Pan-Arab Drama ». Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 13, no 2 (22 octobre 2020) : 190–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01302002.
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Abstract Pan-Arab dramas (Ar. al-drama al-ʿarabiyya al-mushtaraka) are a recent trend in Arabic drama series (Ar. musalsalat); they portray an ensemble of characters of various Arab nationalities in a transnational narrative setting. By considering transnational television a factor that contributes to the cosmopolitan imagination, and given the argument that Gulf cities are replacing historical Arab capitals and becoming ‘new centers’ for Arab culture, education and business, we explore the manner in which cosmopolitanism is represented in transnational Arab drama content. We do this through a case study of ‘04’ (Zero Four), a pan-Arab drama series that tells the story of four young expatriates of four Arab nationalities, experiencing their personal, professional and private lives in modern-day Dubai. We find that the boundaries of the cosmopolitan imagined community encompass the Arab world, resulting in a cosmopolitan imaginary that seems to favor Arabs over non-Arabs.
18
Alkurdi, Shireen H., Awfa Hussein Al-Doory et Mahmoud F. Al-Shetawi. « Ibsen’s Arab Journey ». Critical Survey 33, no 3-4 (1 septembre 2021) : 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2021.33030411.
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This article sheds light on the Norwegian playwright Henrik Ibsen’s interest in Egypt and the Arab world. It underscores the influence of his tour in Egypt during the opening of the Suez Canal on his works, drawing on the theoretical underpinnings established by Edward W. Said. The study foregrounds Ibsen’s correspondence, plays, and other works that include references to his two-month stay in Egypt and to his encounter with the Arab culture. Ibsen’s references validate the Western stereotyping and ideology that have influenced a wide array of Western writers in the ways they misrepresent and misinterpret the Arab culture, and concomitantly other references mirror a personal force of admiration. Additionally, the article discusses the idea that Ibsen’s sojourn in Egypt did not alter his viewpoint of the Arab culture in general and the Egyptian one in particular which is markedly controlled by the Western stereotyped image of Arabs and their culture.
19
Rofiq, Muhamad. « Arab political reasoning : Muhammad Abid al-Jabiri’s contribution for understanding crisis of politics in the Arab world ». Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 7, no 1 (1 juin 2017) : 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v7i1.55-76.
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xt-stroke-width: 0px; "> This paper deals with the thoughts of MuhammadAbid al-Jabiri (d. 2010), a prominent philosopher from Morocco, on the crisis of politics in the Arab world, by examining one of his great books entitled al-‘Aql al- Siya>si al-‘Arabi (Arab Political Reasoning). This book is the third work from the sequence Naqd al-‘Aql al-‘Arabi (Critique of Arab Reasoning). The Arab political reasoning here refers to a collection of motives (muhaddida > t > ) in politics and their theoretical and practical manifestations (tajalliyat > ). This paper analyzes the sense of crisis that constitutes al-Jabiri’s thoughts on Arab political reasoning. This paper then describes the three theoretical frameworks he utilized, which were “aqidah >(doctrine)”, “ghanimah > (booty)” and “qabi>lah (tribe)”, and their application in the reading politics of the earliest period of Islamic history. Finally, this writing concludes with some points regarding al-Jabiri’s contribution to Islamic studies. 0px; "> Tulisan ini mengkaji pemikiran-pemikiran Muhammad Abid al-Jabiri (w. 2010), seorang filosof terkemuka dari Maroko, mengenai krisis politik di dunia Arab, melalui pengkajian terhadap salah satu buku terkenalnya yang berjudulnya al-‘Aql al- Siya>si al-‘Arabi (Nalar Politik Arab). Buku ini adalah karya ketiga dari rangkaian proyek Naqd al-‘Aql al-‘Arabi (Kritik Nalar Arab). Nalar politik arab dalam karyanya ini terdiri dari sekumpulan motif-motif politik bangsa Arabdan manifestasi teoretis dan praktis dari motif tersebut. Tulisan ini selanjutnya menganalisis tiga latar belakang pemikiran yang membentuk ide-ide al-Jabiri mengenai nalar politik Arab. Tulisan ini kemudian menggambarkan tiga kerangka teori yang ia gunakan, yaitu akidah, harta rampasan perang, dan suku, serta aplikasi dari tiga teori tersebut pada pembacaan terhadap periode paling awal dari sejarah Islam. Terakhir, tulisan ini menyimpulkan sejumlah hal yang menjadi kontribusi al-Jabiri pada pemikiran keislaman.
20
Ziter, Edward. « Repurposing Romantic Drama in Late-Nineteenth-Century Egypt : Najīb al-Ḥaddād’s Arabizations of Victor Hugo ». Journal of Arabic Literature 52, no 3-4 (23 novembre 2021) : 394–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570064x-12341454.
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Abstract At the end of the nineteenth century, Najīb al-Ḥaddād adapted two dramas by Victor Hugo for The Egyptian Patriotic Troupe. Al-Ḥaddād rewrote Hugo’s Hernani as Ḥamdān, transferring the story from the Spanish court of 1519 to Andalucía under ‘Abd al-Raḥmān II. Les Burgraves became Tha’rāt al-‘arab (Revenge of the Arabs), and transformed from a play about Barbarossa and the Holy Roman Empire into a play about a pre-Islamic Lakhmid king’s struggle to restore unified Arab rule in the Arabian peninsula. I argue that Al-Ḥaddād’s adaptations anachronistically placed modern ideas in the Arab past—characterizing shūrā as the election of leaders, using sha‘b to mean a sovereign people, and calling for Arab cultural unity and revival. Al-Ḥaddād’s adaptations transformed the nationalism of Hugo’s drama into calls for Arab solidarity. In producing these plays, The Egyptian Patriotic Troupe embodied an Arab past overlaid with modern communal identities.
21
Flores, Alexander. « The Arabs as Nazis ? Some Reflections on “Islamofascism” and Arab Anti-Semitism ». DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no 3-4 (2012) : 450–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a9.
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One of the main constituents of the so-called Islamofascism is, in the eyes of those who subscribe to this conception, the close affinity of Arabs (and sometimes, Muslims) to Nazi ideology and possibly practice. To bolster this notion, its proponents do basically three things: first, they try to prove that a massive majority of Arabs took a pro-Nazi stand during the Third Reich and especially during World War II and that important Arab figures collaborated with Nazi Germany during the War. Secondly, they point to widespread—real and alleged—anti-Jewish beliefs among present-day Arabs. And thirdly, they claim that there is a personal, political and ideological continuity between both phenomena and that, thus, present-day Arab Judeophobia has the same character, scope and possible effect as the anti-Semitism of the Nazis. During the War, so the argument goes, Arab attitudes were part and parcel of Nazi ideology, and they largely retained this quality although, after the War, Nazism was overcome in Europe. In this article, three more recent publications which subscribe to the above mentioned argument will be critically discussed.
22
Sanni, Amidu. « On taḍmīn (enjambment) and structural coherence in classical Arabic poetry ». Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 52, no 3 (octobre 1989) : 463–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x0003456x.
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The importance of poetry as the chief aesthetic experience of the Arabs as well as the principal repository of materials on their life and thought had long been recognized by the Arab and, following them, non-Arab students of Arabic culture. The fact that all the technical terminologies of Arabic verse which were formalized in ‘ilm al- ‘aruḍ (Prosody) are derived from the components of the bedouin tent—a highly prized possession—indicates the significance of the art to the Arab mind. The pride of place enjoyed by poetry in Arabic literary thought derives primarily from the hieratic idiom associated with it, as well as from its structural coherence, which relies on the harmony of prosodic factors (al-‘awāmilal-‘arūūiyya) associated with poetic praxis.
23
Khatib, Dania Koleilat. « Arab Gulf lobbying in the United States : what makes them win and what makes them lose and why ? » Contemporary Arab Affairs 9, no 1 (1 janvier 2016) : 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1121647.
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This research looks at attempts by Arab Gulf states to lobby the US government effectively. It explores aspects of their lobbying behaviour in order to identify the factors that lead to success and those that lead to failure from their lobbying endeavours. In this respect, it utilizes two case studies: one in which Arab Gulf state lobbying was successful, and another in which lobbying failed. For each case study, the different elements involved in lobbying are analyzed and factors that lead to success as well as to failure are inferred. In tandem with an analysis of the strategies, or lack of them, behind Arab Gulf states’ lobbying, the research examines additional relevant factors such as the organization and activism of the US Arab American community, the strategic value of the Arab Gulf to the United States, and the negative image of Arabs in America. The research considers the obstacles facing the establishment of an effective Arab Gulf lobby in the United States, mainly the absence of a grassroots base of Arab Americans that is committed to foreign policy issues.
24
Bahoora, Haytham. « Locating Modern Arab Art : Between the Global Art Market and Area Studies ». Review of Middle East Studies 54, no 1 (juin 2020) : 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2020.15.
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AbstractThis essay situates the publication of Modern Art in the Arab World: Primary Documents in the context of an expanding global interest in modern Arab art as well as the study of modern Arab art as an academic discipline. The essay first examines the implications of the cultivation of a new museum and gallery infrastructure for modern Arab art in the Arab Gulf. It then considers how the academic study of modern Arab art has faced institutional barriers, due largely to the overwhelming academic focus on Ancient Studies and Islamic art. Finally, it suggests that Modern Arab Art in the Arab World provides scholars with a comprehensive textual archive that calls for a historicized approach to theorizing the emergence of modernist aesthetics in Arab visual cultures.
25
Glas, Saskia, et Amy Alexander. « Explaining Support for Muslim Feminism in the Arab Middle East and North Africa ». Gender & ; Society 34, no 3 (19 mai 2020) : 437–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243220915494.
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Public debates depict Arabs as opposed to gender equality because of Islam. However, there may be substantial numbers of Arab Muslims who do support feminist issues and who do so while being highly attached to Islam. This study explains why certain Arabs support feminism while remaining strongly religious (“Muslim feminists”). We propose that some Arab citizens are more likely to subvert patriarchal norms, especially in societies that construct Islam and feminism as more compatible. Empirically, we apply three-level multinomial analyses to 51 Arab Barometer and World Values Surveys, which include 57,000 Arab Muslims. Our results show that one in four Arab Muslims supports Muslim feminism—far more than those who support a more secularist version of feminism. Employed women, single people, people who distrust institutions, and more highly educated people support Muslim feminism more than do others—especially in societies that construct feminism and Islam as less contradictory, such as those with strong feminist movements. The presumption that Islam and feminism are necessarily opposed may hinder feminism. A more effective way to boost gender equality in the Arab region may be to embolden emancipatory religious interpretations.
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Anter, Alyaa. « Underrepresented and marginalized : Television news framing of ordinary Arab citizens before the Arab uprisings of 2011 ». Journal of Arab & ; Muslim Media Research 15, no 2 (1 octobre 2022) : 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00047_1.
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This study applied news framing theory with mixed quantitative and qualitative methods to analyse news items (N = 1348) about ordinary Arabs on Al Jazeera Arabic, Al Arabiya and Nile News TV shortly before the Arab Spring. Results show that ordinary Arab citizen representation was low. Overall, there were significant differences in networks’ framing of ordinary people. Importance, negativity and conflict values dominated the news featuring ordinary citizens. Arab news networks did not provide adequate time for citizens to voice opinions, and limited representation occurred via vox pop, footage and indirect reference. Networks employed negative sentimental framing (protest and rejection, economic problems, victimization, health problems and mistrust in governments) and mainly portrayed citizens of countries undergoing crises and wars. Arab television news should prioritize sharing the opinions, concerns and successes of ordinary Arab people and engage in constructive journalism rather than concentrating on problem frames without offering solutions.
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Hussein, Mostafa. « An Arab Jew Reads the Quran : On Isaac Yahuda’s Hebrew Commentary on the Islamic Scripture ». Religions 15, no 4 (17 avril 2024) : 495. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15040495.
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How did an Arab Jew read the Quran against the backdrop of contradictory ideologies and the rise of key movements, including nationalism, colonialism, and Zionism, in Mandate Palestine? Approaching Isaac Yahuda as an Arab Jew challenges the binary opposition between Arabs and Jews in Zionist discourse, a linkage perceived as inconceivable, and on the other hand, that linkage is asserted, contested, and tested in the context of nationalism. This article also challenges the advancement of Jewish singularity and superiority by exploring how Jewish writers interacted with the Islamic scripture in Mandatory Palestine rather than dismissing it. This article examines Hebrew interpretation of various passages from the Quran that produced an understanding of the Quran that advanced Zionist ideals, including the nationalization of contested religious sites and the consolidation of the indigeneity of Jews in the East. Isaac Yahuda’s Hebrew commentary on the Quran challenged his Arab Jewishness in such a divisive nationalist atmosphere in Mandate Palestine. His hybrid background and dynamic connections with both Jews and Arabs enabled him to navigate these turbulent times by invoking the Quran, demonstrating respect for it, and at the same time challenging the understanding of his contemporary Muslims while utilizing German Jewish scholarship on the origins of Islam.
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Shumsky, Dimitry. « Czechs, Germans, Arabs, Jews : Franz Kafka's “Jackals and Arabs” between Bohemia and Palestine ». AJS Review 33, no 1 (30 mars 2009) : 71–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036400940900004x.
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Franz Kafka's short story “Schakale und Araber” (Jackals and Arabs) was published in October 1917 in the monthly journalDer Jude, the intellectual organ of German-speaking Zionism founded and edited by Martin Buber. The narrator, an unidentified and pleasant-mannered European man traveling in the desert, makes a stop at an oasis in an Arab area. The circumstances of his journey and its objectives are unknown. It becomes apparent from his story that the man has come to the Arab desert merely by chance “from the far North,” and that he has no intention of remaining in the area for long. All of a sudden, shortly after his “tall [and] white” Arab host has retired to the sleeping area, the narrator finds himself completely surrounded by a pack of jackals. One of them, who introduces himself as “the oldest jackal far and wide,” approaches the man and implores him to solve once and for all the long-standing dispute between the jackals and the Arabs, as the traveler alone—a man hailing from those countries in which reason reigns supreme, which is not the case among the Arabs—is capable of doing so. Once the jackal elder has related to the European traveler the story of his tribe's tribulations, and how they have been compelled to reside alongside the “filthy Arabs” from one generation to the next, another jackal produces a pair of scissors, which, according to the jackals' ancient belief, is to serve the long-awaited man of reason “from the North” to rescue them from their abhorrent and hated neighbors. But at that moment, the Arab caravan leader appears, wielding an immense whip. The reader learns that not only was the Arab awake while the jackal elder sought to persuade the European man to undertake the salvation project and listening attentively to the jackal's words, but in fact, he has been well aware of the jackals' intentions for a long time:It's common knowledge; so long as Arabs exist, that pair of scissors goes wandering through the desert and will wander with us to the end of our days. Every European is offered it for the great work; every European is just the man that Fate has chosen for them. They have the most lunatic hopes, these beasts; they're just fools, utter fools.
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Lasram, Khaled, Nizar Ben Halim, Sana Hsouna, Rym Kefi, Imen Arfa, Welid Ghazouani, Henda Jamoussi et al. « Evidence for Association of the E23K Variant ofKCNJ11Gene with Type 2 Diabetes in Tunisian Population : Population-Based Study and Meta-Analysis ». BioMed Research International 2014 (2014) : 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/265274.
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Aims. Genetic association studies have reported the E23K variant ofKCNJ11gene to be associated with Type 2 diabetes. In Arab populations, only four studies have investigated the role of this variant. We aimed to replicate and validate the association between the E23K variant and Type 2 diabetes in Tunisian and Arab populations.Methods. We have performed a case-control association study including 250 Tunisian patients with Type 2 diabetes and 267 controls. Allelic association has also been evaluated by 2 meta-analyses including all population-based studies among Tunisians and Arabs (2 and 5 populations, resp.).Results. A significant association between the E23K variant and Type 2 diabetes was found (OR = 1.6, 95% CI = 1.14–2.27, andP=0.007). Furthermore, our meta-analysis has confirmed the significant role of the E23K variant in susceptibility of Type 2 diabetes in Tunisian and Arab populations (OR = 1.29, 95% CI = 1.15–1.46, andP<10-3and OR = 1.33, 95% CI = 1.13–1.56, andP=0.001, resp.).Conclusion. Both case-control and meta-analyses results revealed the significant association between the E23K variant ofKCNJ11and Type 2 diabetes among Tunisians and Arabs.
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Shibib, Khalid. « Reforming Arab Reason ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no 1-2 (1 mars 2018) : 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.00001b.
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As a humanitarian worker who was professionally involved for decades in crisis- and war-shaken countries, the author strove to understand the political, socioeconomic, and cultural factors contributing to conflicts. This contextualization, with a focus on Arab countries, confirmed what other thinkers found: the majority of political, economic, social, cultural, religious, and finally humanitarian crises in the Arab world are man-made and can be attributed to both extrinsic and intrinsic factors. Central to the latter appears to be a shared cultural construct that can be termed “Arab reason.” This essay tries to present information on various aspects of the crisis; to understand why reform efforts come so late and why are they are more difficult for Arabs than for other Muslims. It continues by looking at the knowledge systems that govern Arab reason and their evolution, including the decisive role of the religious knowledge system. From there, it proposes some reform ideas including a renewed legal reasoning process with the goal of a future-oriented, knowledge-based, and inclusive Arab Islamic vision. A pragmatic way forward could be an additional unifying eighth legal school (madhhab/madhāhib) to counter sectarian conflicts and violence. This essay is built on a targeted literature search and is not a comprehensive review of the growing literature generated by distinguished thinkers on various aspects of Arab Islamic identity.
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Halliday, Fred. « Review : Contemporary Arab Thought : Studies in Post-1967 Arab Intellectual History ». Journal of Islamic Studies 16, no 2 (1 mai 2005) : 239–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/eti139.
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Gualtieri, Sarah M. A., et Pauline Homsi Vinson. « Arab/Americas ». Amerasia Journal 44, no 1 (avril 2018) : vii—xxi. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aj.44.1.vii-xxi.
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Al-Dabbagh, Abdulla. « Power and the Radical Arab Intellectual : Three Case Studies ». International Journal of Arabic-English Studies 9, no 1 (1 janvier 2008) : 185–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33806/ijaes2000.9.1.10.
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This paper attempts to analyze the complexities of the relationship between the radical Arab intellectual and political power in modern times through the examination of three cases—those of Taha Hussain, Al-Jawahiry, and Edward Said. Spanning the course of the whole of the twentieth-century, the careers of these three key, radical Arab intellectuals offer illustrative and illuminating examples of the relationship between political power and intellectuals in the Arab world generally. Although there are important differences between the three key figures—with Taha Hussain being the major example of the pioneering Arab intellectual of the early decades of the twentiethcentury, the period of the Arab intellectual awakening, Al-Jawahiry, the exemplary political poet and intellectual and key leader in a mass political movement, and Edward Said, the exemplary Arab radical intellectual in exile who achieved international prestige and prominence—they share particularly illuminating similarities in the way they dealt or had to deal with political authority. While they largely reflect the changing historical conditions of early, middle, and late twentieth-century Arab socio-political and cultural conditions, the careers of these three figures also express, most deeply and extensively, themes that are common to generations of Arab intellectuals. In addition to the issue of coming to terms with political power, these themes include harmonizing local culture with international culture, the homeland and the attachment to place, and the issue of exile and identity. The paper will attempt, finally, to draw from the examination of these three cases, conclusions that may be of relevance to the study of the relationship between intellectuals and authority in Arab society generally, and perhaps even to the theoretical framework within which such relationships are usually studied. It is hoped that the deeper scrutiny of the specificity of the Arab situation may also help to expand the frontiers of theory..
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Eltahawy, Nora. « Growing Better, Not Going Faster : World War I, Holy Land Mania, and Transnational Exchange in the Works of Abraham Mitrie Rihbany ». MELUS 46, no 2 (1 juin 2021) : 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/melus/mlab022.
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Abstract This article analyzes the three works published by Arab American theologian and author Abraham Mitrie Rihbany during and in the aftermath of World War I: Militant America and Jesus Christ (1917), America Save the Near East (1918), and Wise Men from the East and from the West (1922). The political climate in which Rihbany wrote the works saw the American public grappling with two issues of particular relevance to the steadily growing Arab American community. Where the global front was concerned, debates on the merits of abandoning isolationist policies, which focused near exclusively on the situation in Europe, left Americans oblivious to the ongoing conflict between the Ottoman Empire and its Arab subjects. On the domestic front, rising levels of xenophobia and the lasting legacy of The Naturalization Act divided legal and public opinion on Arabs’ eligibility for citizenship. Situating Rihbany’s attempts to address both of these problems against the backdrop of his upbringing in Greater Syria, this article reveals how Rihbany called on his training in the cosmopolitan era of the Nahda in order to guide the American public toward a more expansive model of transnationalism capable of encompassing both Arabs and Arab Americans in its fold.
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Zolezzi, Monica, Maha Alamri, Shahd Shaar et Daniel Rainkie. « Stigma associated with mental illness and its treatment in the Arab culture : A systematic review ». International Journal of Social Psychiatry 64, no 6 (18 juillet 2018) : 597–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020764018789200.
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Background: Mental health has not had the same public profile as physical health. This has contributed to the stigma associated with mental illness and to its treatments. Research investigating how the traditions and values amongst those with an Arab heritage contribute to stigmatizing beliefs, attitudes or actions in the provision of mental healthcare has not been widely reported. Aim: To systematically review the literature and summarize the findings of studies reporting stigmatizing beliefs, actions and attitudes toward treatment of people with mental illness in the Arab population. Methods: PubMed, Ovid, Psycharticles and Embase were used to identify original studies of non-institutionalized Arab adults or children reporting findings relevant to stigma toward mental illness. A manual search of the bibliography of all selected original studies was also undertaken. Independent data extraction was performed by two reviewers, who then met to compare data and reach consensus. Findings were classified as stigmatizing beliefs, actions or attitudes toward mental health treatments. Results: A total of 33 articles were retrieved for full review. Those utilizing qualitative methodology provided insight into the many ways mental illness is viewed and defined among those with an Arab heritage. Among the studies using quantitative methodology, most compared stigmatizing beliefs, attitudes toward mental health treatments or stigmatizing actions among different Arab populations, some also investigated correlations between characteristics of the Arab population tested with stigmatizing beliefs, actions and attitudes toward mental health treatments. Findings from studies undertaken in Qatar reported greater stigmatizing beliefs, actions or attitudes toward mental health treatments among Qatari versus non-Qatari Arabs. Conclusion: A large diversity in the stigmatizing beliefs, actions and attitudes toward treatment of mental illness within the Arab population were identified. The influence of cultural variations on stigma should be explored further and used to tailor anti-stigma interventions in this population.
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Cooke, Miriam. « Arab Women Arab Wars ». Cultural Critique, no 29 (1994) : 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1354420.
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Ahmedov, Vladimir M. « The Role of Nationalism in Arab-Iranian Relations : Historical and Ideological Dimensions ». Oriental Courier, no 4 (2022) : 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310023831-2.
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For the last decades Iran has been playing significant role in Middle Eastern politics. Tehran’s rooted involvement in Arab’s political environments provokes tensions and hostilities in Arab-Iranian relations. The author believes that historical legacy of Arab-Iranian interactions has been still determined some important characteristics of Arab-Iranian relations. In this article the author investigates the role of nationalism and national building process in Arab countries and Iran. He shows that the rise of national movement and emergence of new nation-states based on different ideological principals and theoretical models politicized historical Arab-Iranian ethnic and sectarian differences and cultural rivalries. The author studies how developments of various forms of nationalism in Arab countries and Iran, their approaches to national state building affected their relations. The author considers that both Arabs and Iran have been challenged the internal political dynamics and regional transformations were forced to instrumentalized nationalism as a protective tool to secure and legitimize their state suzerainty, establish their presence and provide their interests in the region. In practice, regards their historical territorial, ethnic, religious disputes, both Arabs and Iran frequently exaggerated Iranian threats to Arabism and overestimated Arab nationalism, pan-Arabism as Arab’s ambitions for regional leadership. These fears converted into real politic have spoiled Arab Iranian relations. The author stresses that emphasizing on Islamic feelings at the expense of particular nationalism in Iran after Islamic revolution in 1979 and giving up secular ideas in favor of Islamism in Arab countries after the “Arab Spring” brought neither reconciliation, nor normalization in the Arab-Iranian relations. The author pays special attention to the dynamic of Iranian nationalism in view of the developments in power mechanism of Tehran’s politics in the Middle East.
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Wien, Peter. « COMING TO TERMS WITH THE PAST : GERMAN ACADEMIA AND HISTORICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE ARAB LANDS AND NAZI GERMANY ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no 2 (13 avril 2010) : 311–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810000073.
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The books that are the subject of this review essay comprise three new contributions and one revised edition about a topic that has become paradigmatic in defining scholarly and political approaches to key areas of Middle Eastern history. It has shaped studies of the historical and ideological roots of Arab nationalism, the Arab–Israeli conflict, and the emergence and perseverance of authoritarian regimes in the modern Middle East. The ways that politicians, intellectuals, political movements, and the Arab public related to Nazism and Nazi anti-Semitism have been used to contest the legitimacy of 20th-century Arab political movements across the ideological spectrum. Historians have theorized about the involvement of individuals such as Grand Mufti Amin al-Husseini in the crimes of Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, and Adolf Eichmann; the roots of Arab nationalist doctrine in German Volk ideas; the mimicry of Nazism in organizations such as the Iraqi al-Futuwwa and Antun Saadeh's Syrian Social Nationalist Party; and Arab public sympathies for Nazi anti-Semitism dating from the 1930s or even earlier. Until recently, European and Anglo-American research on these topics—often based on a history of ideas approach—tended to take a natural affinity of Arabs toward Nazism for granted. More recent works have contextualized authoritarian and totalitarian trends in the Arab world within a broad political spectrum, choosing subaltern perspectives and privileging the analysis of local voices in the press over colonial archives and the voices of grand theoreticians. The works of Israel Gershoni have taken the lead in this emerging scholarship of Arab nationalism. This approach was also the common denominator of a research project on “Arab Encounters with National Socialism,” which the Berlin Center for Modern Oriental Studies (Zentrum Moderner Orient) hosted from 2000 to 2003. Its members included the author of this review and the authors of two of the books under review (Nordbruch and Wildangel). The project used indigenous Arabic sources, especially local newspapers, for a close scrutiny of Arab reactions to the challenge of Nazism in a period when Arabs, especially nationalists, perceived that quasicolonial regimes undermined the ostensibly democratic and liberal ethos of the British and French Mandate powers.
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Prozorov, Stanislav M. « An Arabo-Islamic Lexicon of Russian Academic Islamic Studies ». Письменные памятники Востока 17, no 3 (26 octobre 2020) : 34–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/wmo46761.
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The structure of the proposed publication: The introductory part, were the author examines the necessity of the unification of Arab-Islamic terminology in Russian Academic Islamic studies as a step on the way to the proper understanding and translation of Arab-Islamic lexicon and as a measure contributing to the improvement of professional knowledge of Islam. Two subject-matter parts contain a database of Arab-Islamic vocabulary, prepared on the basis of the contents of original Arab-Islamic sources and presented in the form of two tables, in which the selected terminology is presented in Arabic script, Cyrillic alphabet and Latin transliteration, with an appended Russian translation.
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Shryock, Andrew. « Mainstreaming Arabs : Filmmaking as image making intales from Arab Detroit ». Visual Anthropology 10, no 2-4 (janvier 1998) : 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08949468.1998.9966729.
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Bishara, Azmi. « The minutiae of racism* ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no 4 (1 octobre 2008) : 539–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802391001.
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This article tackles the historical basis and development of the issue of anti-Semitism and examines its perception and impact in the Arab world. The author argues persuasively that anti-Semitism is specific to European racism against Jews. He does not attempt to deflect the term by arguing, as some have done, that Arabs are a Semitic people, but rather unequivocally condemns anti-Semitism and racism of any sort. The author debunks major myths or misconceptions about anti-Semitism and deals frankly with questions of its political utility with regard to Zionism, Israel and Palestine. In the present day, Holocaust denial is unconscionable and, in the end, is not only morally unacceptable, but in the words of the author ‘just plain stupid’. The author castigates Arab and Muslim groups which may take such a stance, arguing that the correct response and Arab reaction to the Holocaust was the simple, straightforward and rational one – a European tragedy, but not one for which the Arabs should assume responsibility.
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Nur’aini, Hesti Indah Mifta, St Y. Slamet et Budhi Setiawan. « Arabic Greeting Variations in Surakarta (Sociolinguistic Studies) ». Hortatori : Jurnal Pendidikan Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia 2, no 1 (25 juillet 2019) : 09–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.30998/jh.v2i1.57.
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This study aims to describe the variation of the greeting words used by Arabians in Surakarta. This study used descriptive qualitative method. The data in this research is the speech language used by the Arab ethnic community in Kecamatan Pasar Kliwon, Surakarta by searching for linguistic features on the variation of the word greeting. Sources of data were obtained from informants who were Arabs in Surakarta. Technique of data analysis using technique of padan. Based on analysis results can be concluded that the variation of Arabic greeting of Arabian community in Surakarta has its own peculiarities. Such distinctiveness is indicated through the greetings associated with pronouns, kinship, social status, and professions used by Arabs more still influenced by the Arabic element. Nevertheless, some of the greetings have shifted in Indonesian and Javanese.
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Younes, Salma, Amal Ibrahim, Rana Al-Jurf et Hatem Zayed. « Genetic polymorphisms associated with obesity in the Arab world : a systematic review ». International Journal of Obesity 45, no 9 (15 juin 2021) : 1899–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/s41366-021-00867-6.
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Abstract Background Obesity, one of the most common chronic health conditions worldwide, is a multifactorial disease caused by complex genetic and environmental interactions. Several association studies have revealed a considerable number of candidate loci for obesity; however, the genotype–phenotype correlations remain unclear. To date, no comprehensive systematic review has been conducted to investigate the genetic risk factors for obesity among Arabs. Objectives This study aimed to systematically review the genetic polymorphisms that are significantly associated with obesity in Arabs. Methods We searched four literature databases (PubMed, Science Direct, Scopus, and Google Scholar) from inception until May 2020 to obtain all reported genetic data related to obesity in Arab populations. Quality assessment and data extraction were performed individually by three investigators. Results In total, 59 studies comprising a total of 15,488 cases and 9,760 controls were included in the systematic review. A total of 76 variants located within or near 49 genes were reported to be significantly associated with obesity. Among the 76 variants, two were described as unique to Arabs, as they have not been previously reported in other populations, and 19 were reported to be distinctively associated with obesity in Arabs but not in non-Arab populations. Conclusions There appears to be a unique genetic and clinical susceptibility profile of obesity in Arab patients.
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Malkhaz Makashvili, Ammar Arilani, Berihan Elemam, Mawda Abdelmegid, Lasha Chantadze, Natia Lomashvili, Manana Khomeriki, Maya Royinishvili et David Janelidze. « Pseudoneglect in native readers of Georgian and Arabic ». World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews 22, no 3 (30 juin 2024) : 1638–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/wjarr.2024.22.3.1903.
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Introduction: We aimed to compare the pseudoneglect in left-to-right vs right-to-left readers. Our study was encouraged for several reasons: 1. Only a few studies report on pseudoneglect in Star cancellation task performance and extended use of this task is desirable. 2. At the same time, we used a new test for pseudoneglect – Cancel the Rabbit task, which has not been used in earlier studies. 3. This is the first study of pseudoneglect in representatives of human cultures (namely Georgians), that have not been studied earlier. Observation: Georgian and Arab participants performed the Star cancellation task. Another group of Georgian participants performed the Cancel the Rabbit task. The number of first cancellations was significantly higher on the left side in Georgian participants. More than half of young adult Arabs display pseudoneglect in the Star cancellation task. However, no significant difference in the number of left-sided and right-sided first cancellations was found in Arab participants. Female Arab participants made more left-sided cancellations, compared to males. Conclusion: Most young adult Georgians display pseudoneglect on a group level. The phenomenon is consistent across the tasks on star cancellation and rabbit cancellation. More than half of young adult Arabs display pseudoneglect in the Star cancellation task performance. Bias toward the right visual hemispace, displayed by some individuals, Georgians, and Arabs, is due to the activation of their left brain hemisphere in tasks on visual target cancellation. Habitual reading right-to-left promotes the participation of the left hemisphere in cancellation task performance.
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Bazher, Najmi Muhamad. « Dinamika Terbentuknya Wilayah Kampung Arab di Surakarta ». ARSITEKTURA 18, no 2 (5 novembre 2020) : 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/arst.v18i2.43363.
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<p class="Abstract"><em>A majority of modern-day Arab-Indonesians are the descendant of Hadramaut immigrants who came to Indonesia. They have stayed and settled in area near each other that are now known as kampung Arab. Most kampung Arab in Indonesia show that Arabs had similar pattern in their way of settling. Surakarta, as the chosen location, has kampung Arab located at Pasar Kliwon. There are theories about how these kampung Arab, including Pasar Kliwon, were developed. The objective of this study is to explore the four theories of Kampung Arab Pasar Kliwon development factors and the chronological sequence of those factors. This study is a qualitative research that uses secondary analysis of the previous studies as its method. Data verification utilised triangulation method, using various approaches, such as observation, interview, and participatory mapping. All four theories are considered valid. Based on the history of Kampung Arab Pasar Kliwon development, the factors in chronological order are economic activities, community, keraton (imperial) government policy, and colonial government policy.</em><em></em></p>
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Saeed, Yasir. « Gender Disproportion And Political Representation : Case Studies Of Egypt And Morocco ». Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies 5, no 1 (8 décembre 2011) : 163–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/pjgs.v5i1.396.
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The study was carried out Gender Disproportion and Political Representation: Case Studies of Egypt and Morocco. It is the topic which encompasses socio-politicaleconomic conditions of the women in Arab countries, and their different obstacles in achieving the appropriate status in society. This paper investigates the role of Arab women in politics. Content Analysis was used as a methodology for analysis of different theoretical approaches. Morocco and Egypt were selected as a case study in order to analyze women political conditions in Arab world. Combinations of patriarchy, conservative religious interpretations and cultural stereotypes have built a very strong psychological barrier among Arab population regarding women’s participation in the public sphere. The hierarchy of patriarchal tribal structure of several Arab societies in the history was another factor that contributed to this state of affairs. It is argued in the paper that the quota system is the only solution which may provide better representation of women in political sphere. At the end, researcher summed up by giving some suggestions for the prosperous future of Arab world.
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Mohamed, Eid, Waleed Mahdi et Hamid Dabashi. « The aesthetics of dissent : Culture and politics of transformation in the Arab world ». International Journal of Cultural Studies 23, no 2 (19 septembre 2019) : 141–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877919859898.
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Our special issue captures the interplay of media, politics, religion, and culture in shaping Arabs’ search for more stable governing models at a crossroads of global, regional, and national challenges through systematic and integrated analyses of evolving and contested Arab visual and performing arts in revolutionary and unstable public spheres. The issue presents a unique attempt to investigate these forms of cultural production as new modes of knowledge that shed light on the nature of social movements with the aim of expanding the critical reach of the disciplinary methods of political discourse and social theory. Contributors articulate the ways in which the Arab scene can contribute to the understanding of the rise of new social movements worldwide by exploring the methodological gaps in dominant Western discourses and theories.
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Wien, Peter. « Arabs and Fascism : Empirical and Theoretical Perspectives ». DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no 3-4 (2012) : 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a4.
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The article establishes an interpretive framework for Arab responses to fascism during the 1930s and World War II. Promoters of the Islamofascism paradigm refer to this period as simply a manifestation of the allegedly illiberal inclinations of a vast majority of Arabs and Muslims. They present Arab expressions of sympathy for fascism as conditioned by alleged authoritarian or totalitarian structures inherent in the Islamic religion. In a more nuanced interpretation, Arab reactions to fascism form a phenomenon that can only be understood in the local and chronological contexts of decolonization, in which fascism was a model and reference as a tool of social disciplining with the ultimate goal of getting rid of colonial control. According to this framework, totalitarian references in political discourse were a means to an end that was widespread at the time. Other, equally nuanced interpretations see pro-fascist trends in Middle Eastern states—as they became manifest in party platforms, uniformed youth organizations, or collaboration schemes with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy—as manifestations of global fascism as a ‘type’. According to this reading, totalitarian and racial ideological systems and leader- and discipline oriented forms of social organization have to be understood as representations of a worldwide trend comparable to Marxist or Capitalist ideology. Examples from India and Latin America provide a comparative framework for this. Neither of the two latter approaches subscribes to a thesis of an Arab “Sonderweg” in the adoption of fascism. Reactions in the Arab world in particular and in Muslim societies in general did not differ substantially from those in other colonial societies.
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Al Khateeb, Jamal M., Louise Kaczmarek et Muna S. Al Hadidi. « Parents’ perceptions of raising children with autism spectrum disorders in the United States and Arab countries : A comparative review ». Autism 23, no 7 (28 mars 2019) : 1645–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362361319833929.
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Four databases were searched to identify studies published by Arab researchers on parents’ perceptions of autism spectrum disorder and studies conducted by US researchers and published in systematic reviews of this topic. The electronic search resulted in 14 studies published by Arab researchers and 55 studies published by US researchers. The results showed that autism spectrum disorder has many of the same effects on Arab and American families. Six major areas were identified in the results. Financial difficulties associated with raising children with autism spectrum disorder were mentioned more in Arab studies than in US studies. Arab studies had more emphasis on gender than US studies. The results related to quality of life of parents of children with autism spectrum disorder in Arab studies were equivocal. US studies included comparisons with families without a child with autism spectrum disorder, and addressed factors that were associated with quality of life indicators. More health, educational, and social services were available in United States than in Arab countries, but some frustration was reported by US parents in obtaining appropriate services in some studies. A higher percentage of Arab studies mentioned the role of religious faith than US studies. Finally, social stigma was evidenced in both cultures, but not much research was available.
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Voytenko, Anton. « Arab Conquests. View from Egypt ». Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no 6 (décembre 2023) : 240–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.6.18.
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The reasons for the success of the Arab conquests present a complex problem. It is difficult to explain the victories of the Arab-Muslim troops, which had much less military-demographic potential than neighboring Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantium) and Sasanian Empire. The article is devoted to identifying the main causes of Egypt’s loss by Byzantium and its capture by the Arabs. Methods. The main research method was factor analysis, which allows to find out all the possible reasons for the success of the Arabs and the defeat of the Byzantines, to identify their internal relationship and hierarchy, classifying them into basic and situational ones. Analysis. The study analyzed the influence of the religious factor (Islam for the Arabs, the Christological schism for Egypt), the military potential of the Arabs and the Byzantines (the expected number of troops, the strategy and tactics of the warring parties, the motivation of the armies, etc.), the degree of the consolidation of the elites, public sentiment. Special attention was paid to the route of the Arabs, the role of Patriarch Cyrus (Mukaukus), two attempts to reconquist Egypt by the Byzantines, the system of administration and taxation of the Arabs on the conquered territory. Results. The main factor in the defeat of the Byzantines in Egypt can be considered the weak integration of this region into the Empire, as indicated by the unresolved religious issue (Chalcedonian schism), insufficient military contingent, weak social support for the central government, etc. The main reason for the success of the Arabs in conquering and keeping Egypt under their rule can be considered a “symbiosis” of two factors: 1) early Islam, which contributed to the consolidation of society and the elites, gave meaning for the motivation of the army, contributed to the establishment of the dhimma system, which provided Christian communities with autonomy in religious matters, and 2) the genesis of the Arab state, which passed at the same time and created real conditions for borrowing managerial and fiscal models, “natural” for the conquered territories.