Articles de revues : « Arab countries – Military policy »

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Akhmedov, Vladimir M. « THE ROLE OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL TRADITIONS IN ARABO-IRANIAN RELATIONS ». Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, n^o 1 (19) (2022) : 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-1-42-49.

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In the last decades Iran became one of the powerful states in the Middle East. Today Iran plays a significant role in political, economic, social, religious and ideological issues of the region. Iran’s politics shape major developments in regional security and international relations in the Middle East, pursuing active policy towards Arab countries in the region. Iran plays an active role in military conflicts in several Arab countries (Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen and Libya). However, Iran’s involvement in the inner-political life of Arab countries; their societies, security affairs, and politics strengthens tensions and hostility between Arabs and Iran. The existing strains in Arabo-Iranian relations provoke the religious strife in the Middle East that takes different forms, among which are Sunny-Shiite conflicts. The worsening of Arabo-Iranian relations encourages new conflicts; it undermines power balance and destabilizes security in the Middle East. The long history of Arabo-Iranian relations still influences Iran’s policy in the Middle East. Ethnic and sectarian differences and the historical Arab-Persian rivalry reflected the major orientation of Iran’s foreign policy in general and determine some major parameters of Arabo-Iranian relations in the Middle East, in particular. Before the Arab conquest of Iran the interactions between Arabs and Iran had had many positive dimensions. The Islamization of Iran and its partial Arabization dramatically changed Iran’s cultural, social, and political development. These processes challenged the behavioral patterns of many Iranians towards Arabs and vice versa. Since that time the ethnic identity of two peoples, their adherences to Sunnis and Shiites have acquired antagonistic overtones. In this view, research of Arabization and Islamization processes as one of the main drivers of Arabo-Iranian relations and Iranian policy in the Middle East proves to be a pressing subject of grave importance.

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Kryzhko, Lidiya Anatol'evna, Evgeniy Vladimirovich Kryzhko et Petr Igorevich Pashkovsky. « Egypt in U.S. policy in the Middle East in the early 1950s. » Конфликтология / nota bene, n^o 2 (février 2022) : 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2022.2.38065.

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The author considers the problem of the role of Egypt in the US policy in the Middle East in the early 1950s. It is shown that a new political circumstances in the regions of the Middle and Near East forced the United States to act as a competitor to Great Britain. The United States understood the importance of gradually ousting Great Britain from the region, trying to prevent the increase of Soviet influence there using various methods. At the same time, the implementation of US's plan to form a controlled military-political bloc of Middle Eastern states in 1950-1953 proved to be untenable for various reasons. The decisive role in this regard was played by the position held by Egypt. A special contribution of the authors to the study of the topic is the focus on the project "Middle East Command", as the first failed plan of the military bloc of Western countries in the region. It was revealed that the US stake on Egypt as a conductor of its interests turned out to be unjustified. The US administration objectively saw in the anti-British movement, which was gaining momentum in Egypt during this period, an opportunity to strengthen its influence. However, with the approval of G. A. Nasser in power in Egypt, a new foreign policy strategy was being developed, which was based on efforts to raise the patriotism of the Arab countries and unite the Arabs in the fight against the colonial past. Also, US's efforts to achieve coexistence of Egypt and Israel in a single policy not brought the desired results. In the context of the unresolved Palestinian issue and the aggravation of the Arab-Israeli confrontation in Egypt's foreign policy, tendencies towards rapprochement with the Arab countries in the form of a number of military-political alliances were gaining momentum.

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Akhmedov, Vladimir M. « IRAN’S POLITICS IN THE MIDDLE EAST : POLITICAL AND MILITARY DIMENSIONS ». Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, n^o 4 (14) (2020) : 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-4-247-256.

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The article explores the core components of Iran’s politics in the Middle East and its latest developments achieved in the region since the 1990s. The author focuses on the Iranian activity in some Arab countries, mainly in Syria, showing why and how Iranian influence managed to ground so deeply in the social fabric of the Syrian society. The author briefly characterizes historic background of Arab-Iranian relations, showing the place and role of Iranian politics in Arab society and political institutions on the eve of ‘Arab Spring’. The article studies the influence of ‘Arab Spring’ on Arab-Iranian relations and shows the challenges, caused by this popular uprising on its early stages in some Arab countries, for Iran and its relations with Middle Eastern states. The stand of the Arab authorities with regards of the given situation and its ability to influence its development are demonstrated as well. The author explores the latest actions of IRI to create structures under Iranian control in some Arab countries, showing the latest developments of Iranian penetration into Arab countries, first of all into Syria. The author analyzes the actions of Iranian diplomacy in concerning the above mentioned goals to strengthen Iranian positions in the Middle East. The article shows the main spheres of Iranian, Israeli, Turkish and Russian contradictions in some Arab countries, first of all in Syria, paying special attention to the development of Russian-Iranian relations in the Middle East. The author estimates Iran’s chances to safeguard its present position in the Middle East in the contexts of latest developments in the region and with regards to Iran’s relations with Russia and Turkey. The author tries to predict transformations in Iran’s Middle Eastern politics in view of further political developments in the region, sharing his views about reconsidering Russian-Iranian relations aiming to improve it, considering the upcoming challenges in the region, where Moscow pursues today an active policy.

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خلف, م. د. رنا علي. « US policy toward the political movement in the Arab countries Egypt a model ». مجلة العلوم السياسية, n^o 51 (20 février 2019) : 249–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jj.v0i51.107.

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The whole world and the Arab world, especially an important part of this international system, is undergoing a radical transformation at all levels. This mosaic of political, economic, social and military relations and alliances, whether based on the special interests of the major Powers or on the basis of mutual interests, The major transformations to social, economic, political and military conflict and these transformations still bear more surprises, at all levels, nothing remains constant, all changed, relations changed and alliances changed and loyalties fell and the principles of the M changed and the spectacular imperial economies collapsed and the will of the masses was no longer fixed.

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Ivanov, S. M. « Joe Biden's visit to the Middle East : losses and gains ». Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), n^o 5 (27 septembre 2022) : 398–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2205-05.

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The article analyzes the US foreign policy in the Middle East in the context of the growing confrontation between the collective West and Russia against the backdrop of the Ukrainian crisis. Particular attention is paid to the results of the visit of US President Joe Biden to Israel, to the West Bank of the Jordan River to the State of Palestine and to Saudi Arabia, which he made in mid-July 2022. The author comes to the conclusion that another attempt by Washington to draw the countries of the region into its behind-the-scenes foreign policy games has failed. The Middle Eastern allies and partners of the United States represented by Israel, the monarchies of the Persian Gulf and other Arab states took a neutral position in relation to the confl ict in Ukraine, and the oil and gas exporting countries did not go for a sharp increase in hydrocarbon supplies to the EU countries and the UK, as he insistently asked Biden. The White House failed to put together a regional anti-Iranian bloc on the basis of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Persian Gulf (GCC), as the leaders of Qatar, Oman and Iraq are determined to maintain their traditional ties and contacts with Tehran. Moreover, these countries are making mediation eff orts to normalize relations between the Saudi Arabia and Iran, and there are prerequisites for success in this matter. In general, the Arabs do not support the US administration's concept of hegemony in the world and building a unipolar world order in the Middle East. Even with some remaining dependence on the United States and the West as a whole in the fi nancial, economic, military-technical and other fi elds, the Arab countries prefer to pursue an independent policy on key issues of our time, develop a multipolar world, and maintain mutually benefi cial and respectful relations with all states, including China and Russia. The Arab capitals are in no hurry to speed up the rapprochement with the State of Israel, which is imposed by Washington, expecting from its leadership to intensify eff orts to justly resolve the Palestinian problem and liberate the illegally occupied Arab lands. Even the bogey exaggerated by the White House of a common threat to the Middle East from the hypothetical appearance of Iran's nuclear weapons and its expansion in the region cannot persuade the Persian Gulf monarchies and other Arab countries to cooperate with Jerusalem in the military or military-technical fields.

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Osipov, Evgeny Aleksandrovich. « French “Mirages” in Libya in 1970 as a symbol of “new Arab” policy of France ». Genesis : исторические исследования, n^o 12 (décembre 2020) : 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.12.34569.

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The relations with Arab countries have always been an intrinsic component of French foreign policy, predominately in the de Gaulle's Fifth Republic. Namely in the 1960s the General de Gaulle laid the groundwork for the so-called “new Arab” policy of France, intended for consolidation of the country's role in the Middle East and the Mediterranean, as well as for overcoming issues in the relationship with Arab countries caused the colonial past of France. Leaning on the wide range of scientific literature and sources, including the documents from the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France, the author reviews the circumstances of signing a major contract by France for delivering arms to Libya in 1970, few months after the Libyan Revolution and assumption of power by Muammar Gaddafi. The signed in 1970 Franco-Libyan agreement was congruent with the overall context of “new Arab” policy of Gaullist France, and can be regarded as its symbol. Special attention is given to the factors that prompted French leadership to military cooperation with Libya, although France was aware that it could aggravation relations not only with Israel, but also with the United States. Along with the interests of French military-industrial complex, oil factor, and, prospects for the development of Franco-Libyan cooperation, an important role played rivalry between France, USSR and the countries of socialist camp, the activity of which increased in the third world countries during the 1960s – 1970s. In a way, namely the concerns about the growing influence of Moscow in the Middle East and the Mediterranean accelerated the “new Arab” policy of France.

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Elmahly, Hend, et Degang Sun. « China’s Military Diplomacy towards Arab Countries in Africa’s Peace and Security ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, n^o 4 (décembre 2018) : 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.114006.

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China’s security concept is evolving, and its participation in Africa’s Arab countries’ peacekeeping is transforming itself from aloof bystander to active player, and from multilateralism to both multi- and unilateralism. The establishment of China’s logistics base in Djibouti does not signify a sudden change in China’s African foreign policy; instead, change has been gradual and tangible and began with the evolution of China’s participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations, and engagement in Africa’s infrastructure projects, in parallel with China’s increasing global presence. The base serves as a logistics and support facility for Chinese peacekeepers, as well as a naval facility to support anti-piracy missions off the coast of Somalia as part of an international anti-piracy operation. Moreover, the base helps China to ensure its maritime and commercial interests and safeguard Chinese nationals in West Asia and the African continent. However, the United States and the West are concerned with the geopolitical and geoeconomic implications of China’s logistics base in Djibouti. The geography of Djibouti has led to the rising of geopolitical rivalries between the great powers, which may intensify in the coming years.

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Shved, V. « Arab States of the Persian Gulf in the System of Geopolitical Changes of the Beginning of the XXI Century ». Problems of World History, n^o 7 (14 mars 2019) : 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-7-6.

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The impact of changes in the geopolitical landscape at the global and regional levels on the development and transformation of such an important region of the Arab world as the Persian Gulf is analyzed. It is noted that the transformation processes of this region were primarily influenced by the US intervention in Iraq in 2003 and the “Arab spring” of 2010-2011. Over the past two decades, Iran has become the main rival of the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf. The tough and uncompromising confrontation with Iran mainly determines the peculiarities and aspirations of the foreign policy of these countries, the development of their integration formats and the emergence of new alliances. It isindicated that under the influence of the events of the “Arab spring” and the need to confront Iran, a “revolution from above” is unfolding in the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf today, and large-scale reforms have begun. The prospects for creating a new military-political project “Middle East Strategic Alliance”, the possibilities and risks of normalizing relations between the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and Israel are analyzed

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Njadat, Abdelsalam, et Ahmad Aref Al Kafarneh. « American Policy torwards Minorities in the Arab World : A Case Study ». Journal of Public Administration and Governance 6, n^o 2 (24 avril 2016) : 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v6i2.9371.

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Minorities subject is one of the ignored subjects in the Arab world and is surrounded with a great deal of conservation accompanied with clear efforts to minimize or spell any existing type of this problem where states in the Arab world are still based on tribal and regional basis, which resulted in the interest and care in minorities subject and the foreign intervention and the immersion of most minorities in resistance movements against margination and annulation with the aim of being recognized as partners in the country.Minorities in the Arab world can be divided into the following types([1]).(1) Non Arabic linguistics Minorities: Groups that don't use Arabic language as mother language in their daily transactions such as leurds, Armans, Arams, Serian, Turkmans, Shakas, Jews, Nigro, Nobions and Baraberian Tribes.(2) Non Muslim religion Minorities: Consisting of Christians Jews and other religion groups such as yazeedis, paganism, to taling for (20) million persons.(3) Non sounnitti Islamic groups; imami shiat (lthnay A shriah), Zaydis, ismailis, Durs, Alawyeen, and Abathyah khawarej.(4) Non Arabic and Non Muslim Minorities: those minorities that differ from Arab world habitants in terms of language, religion, and descent such as Migros and paganism minorities in the south of Sudan.Minorities represent one of the most important problems threatening state's national and regional unit, which opens the door for foreign intervention in the state national affairs, politically, economically, or military which will result in threatening internal stability.Given that united nations in it, current shape represent power relations distribution in the modern global order (system), these powers might Kurds those declaration issued by UN calling for the respect of human and minority rights to intervene in those countries internal affairs under various names such as humanistic intervention given the political and international usage towards human rights issues to control resistant or outlaw countries and the titles of human rights.The united states as a unipolar, started recently, adopting minorities and human rights issues as part of political requirements, that determine its foreign policy towards this countries or that, according to the way it deals with its minorities. But the proven thing is that the American intervention in minorities affairs has political objectives including its countries policies to be in accordance with American political requirements, and this intervention takes many various linds including military intervention in those countries in which USA has supreme interests and once these interests are secured, withdraw and left those minorities alone([2]).[1] sa'edeldin, Ibrahim, Reflections on minorities Question, Cairo, Ibn – khaldon center, (1992), pp. 73 – 132.[2] sa'edeldin, Ibrahim, AL-milal walnahal walarag minorities concerns in the Arab world, Cairo, Ibn khaldun centre, 1994, pp, 740 – 749.

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Petriaiev, O. S. « STRATEGIC INTERESTS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY IN THE REGION OF THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA ». National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, n^o 3(55) (21 décembre 2022) : 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.3(55).269555.

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The coming to power in the Republic of Turkey of Prime Minister and later President Recep Tayyip Erdogan led to a change in the ideological foundation of the state, the rejection of the ideology of Kemalism and the transition to the ideology of neo-Ottomanism with an active foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. The strengthening of Erdogan's power contributed to a change in Turkey's foreign policy and the development of external relations with the Islamic worlds and, first of all, with the Arab countries. The neo-Ottoman ideology has become a key element in Turkey's foreign policy strategy in the Arab region. Prerequisites for changing the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey in the Middle East and North Africa are complex. After the political party Justice and Development came to power, it led to the desire for neo- Ottoman revanchism and the rejection of the "zero problems with neighbors" political vector. Also, through various reforms, the leader of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, managed to neutralize the political opposition and the Turkish military, who historically were the external arbiters of Turkish political life. The strengthening of Erdogan's political position inside Turkey allowed him to change the external political course of his country. After the start of a series of revolutions in the Arab countries of the Middle East and North Africa, Turkey felt that it could regain in this region the lost political and economic positions that it had lost after the fall of the Ottoman Empire. After that, Turkey began to position itself as an important military, political and economic player in the region, competing with such countries as Israel, Egypt, Iran and Saudi Arabia. This vector of development of Turkey's foreign policy showed that the country no longer seeks to pursue a policy close to the interests of the United States and the European Union, and began to distance itself from the Western world, becoming the dominant political and military player in the Middle East, North Africa and other regions. This trend showed that the Republic of Turkey has already declared itself as a regional power that other political players need to reckon with.

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Dine, Thomas A. « U.S. Policy and Peacemaking Efforts in the Middle East : Historical Perspectives ». Journal of Cold War Studies 12, n^o 2 (avril 2010) : 117–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2010.12.2.117.

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The United States has long sought to promote a lasting peace settlement between Israel and the Arab countries. That objective has outlived the Cold War, but the Middle East was a particular flashpoint during the Cold War because of the prospect that the two superpowers might become directly involved. Moreover, the Soviet Union's strong political and military backing for Arab governments often worked against U.S. efforts to broker a peace settlement. This essay reviews two recent books that trace the history of U.S. involvement in the Middle East after the creation of Israel in 1948. The Cold War accentuated a basic problem that has persisted after the Cold War; namely, that several of the leading parties to the conflict are less intent than the United States on achieving a durable peace settlement.

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Al-Barasneh, Ayman Saleh. « FROM THEORY TO GRAND STRATEGY : ASSESSING US GOALS IN ARABIA 2001-2018 ». Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 58, n^o 1 (30 juin 2019) : 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v58i1.127.

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The study seeks to provide an overarching understanding to the US objectives and policies in the Gulf region at three intersecting levels; strategic interests, regional security and political reform. This study takes United States interactions with Arabia, as a case study, during the period 2001-2018 under the administrations of G.W. Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump. Additionally, the study attempts to generate greater understanding of the dynamics that motivating American international politics and subsequent policies toward the Arab gulf countries through examining the interactions between both systematic and domestic factors. Noticeably, US entrenched vital enduring interests with the Arab Gulf States rested, for approximately seventy years, on protecting oil flow from the region into international economy without interruption, selling arms to the Gulf Arabs and maintaining gulf regional security against any real or potential threats. Therefore, the administrations of Bush, Obama, and Trump were not different from their predecessors in their strategy of preserving gulf security through forward military presence in the region. Hence, the author employs the neorealist theory to understand US interactions with the Gulf countries. Remarkably, despite some scholar's arguments that envisaged the US policies under G.W. Bush and Donald Trump as departed drastically from US conventional policy, the study argues and concludes that the US actual policy towards Arabia reflects a traditional policy of maintaining mutual interests.

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Vasilachi, Dragos-Catalin, et Constantin Vasilachi. « PRODUCTION AND EXPORT OF MILITARY PRODUCTS IN THE CONTEXT OF ROMANIA'S FOREIGN POLICY BETWEEN 1968 AND 1989 ». Review of the Air Force Academy 19, n^o 2 (29 décembre 2021) : 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.19062/1842-9238.2021.19.2.6.

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Since 1960, after massive investments in the refurbishment of factories and more specifically, of the factories producing military equipment, weapons and ammunition, the evolution of the national defense industry has been constant, Romania managing to produce more than necessary for its own armed forces, the surplus being exported to obtain a substantial contribution to the state budget. The performance of the domestic defense industry was known worldwide, with military products manufactured in the country being purchased by the Warsaw Pact member states, as well as by countries in the Arab world, Asia, Latin America and Africa. In this article we will analyze and highlight the peak period of the Romanian military industry, as well as its export performance, as the sale of military equipment on the international market has contributed substantially to stabilizing the trade balance of the Romanian state and paying off the national debt.

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Rizvi, Syed Zohaib Abbas, Sobia Jamil et Ali Imran Shaikh. « Diaspora, Remittances and Dependence on Arab Countries : A Case of Pakistan ». Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 3, n^o 2 (26 mai 2020) : 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/3.2.10.

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This paper has formulated a model by the name of DRADM i.e. Diaspora-Remittances-Arab Dependency Model while studying the literature pertinent to the modes of remittance, sectarianism and the Pakistani diaspora in the Middle-East. Pakistan is home of a large Shi’a population second only to Iran and this community regularly visits the holy shrines in Iran, Syria and Iraq forming a heartily connection with these countries. Contrarily, the Sunni Arab world hosts a huge number of Pakistani workers who send a significant part of their salaries back to Pakistan. These remittances act as a viable source of foreign exchange and help in balance of payments each year. Since the former group (Shi’a) is influenced by Iran and the latter (Sunni) by Saudi Arabia, Pakistan finds itself in a flux. In its bid to make a balance between Iran and Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), how Pakistan would manage its staggering economy with headship of Islamic military coalition, is a big question mark. With the help of published secondary data from governmental and other institutions this study examines the co-relation between remittances from Arab World and sectarianism (inside Pakistan and in Middle East) and its impact on the foreign policy of Pakistan.

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Fisanov, Volodymyr. « Problems of international governance in the middle east during the cold war period ». Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 1, n^o 49 (30 juin 2019) : 101–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2019.49.101-108.

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The article is devoted to little-known aspects of the political and military developments in the Middle East during the Cold War – from the division of Palestine into two states and until the mid-1950s. The focus is on the confrontation between the two superpowers of the United States and the USSR for their influence on Arab countries. This article uses little-known documentary material, as well as the display of some of the described international events in contemporary film documentaries. It was clarified that in the investigated period the first steps of the policy of large foreign military aid and cooperation on development issues in the Middle East were carried out, first of all, on the part of the USSR and the USA. It was emphasized in particular that then two international coalitions were formed – the monarchical Arab regimes and Israel were supported by the official Washington, and the national revolutionary regimes, where the military forces came to power (Egypt, Syria), cooperated with Moscow. Keywords: Middle East, Great Britain, USA, USSR, Israel, Egypt, Lebanon, Cold War, supply of weapons, digital cinema collections

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Knopek, Jacek. « Systemy parlamentarne wybranych państw arabskich i muzułmańskich w świetle notatki dla kierownictwa MSZ z 1972 r. » Przegląd Politologiczny, n^o 2 (19 juin 2018) : 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2013.18.2.4.

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The paper discusses the parliamentary systems of selected Arab and Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa at the turn of the 1960s.The analysis concerns a document drawn up for executives in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in late 1972, with an attachment discussing the parliamentary systems of the countries of primary importance for the goals and interests of Poland. As concerns the Middle East, the parliamentary systems of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Iran and North and South Yemen were described. In North Africa, the analysis encompassed the Maghreb region: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and the Mashrek region: Egypt, Libya and Sudan.The paper concludes with a statement that the document was an accurate and faithful presentation of the parliamentary systems of representative states. Political relations in this region were developing dynamically at that time, military coups and coups d’état occurred, some states were leaning towards socialism, while maintaining their family or religious structures, while others were only just gaining their full sovereignty and independence. The situation of Israel continued to be complicated, as the state remained highly confrontational towards Arab countries. This last issue was the reason for Poland’s failing to achieve the strategic goals of its foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. Another Israeli-Arab war in October 1973 made Polish decision makers realize how fragile the foundations of states in the region were, preventing Poland from becoming fully involved in Arab and Muslim countries.

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Kryzhko, Lidiya Anatol'evna, Evgeniy Vladimirovich Kryzhko et Petr Igorevich Pashkovsky. « Egyptian Policy in the Context of the Transformation of US Geostrategic Approaches in the Middle East in 1953–1956. » Конфликтология / nota bene, n^o 3 (mars 2022) : 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2022.3.38207.

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The authors consider the problem of the significance of Egypt's policy in the context of the transformation of the US geostrategic approaches in the Middle East in 1953–1956. It is shown that the approaches of the United States that have undergone transformation, which sought to create a controlled military-political bloc of the states of the Middle East region, were not implemented largely due to the policy of Egypt. Continuing the implementation of the military-political project - the Baghdad Pact, Washington not only did not achieve the favor of Cairo, but also caused its extremely negative reaction, which became a derivative of the understanding that American initiatives were an attempt to strengthen Egypt's traditional rival in the struggle for leadership in the Arab world – Iraq. A special contribution of the authors to the study of the topic is the designation of the role of Egypt as a regional power capable of creating alternative military projects to American initiatives. The circumstances preventing the inclusion of Cairo in the military-political bloc of states in the Middle East initiated by the United States, which directed a number of Arab countries against such initiatives, sympathizing with the anti-colonial sentiments of the Egyptian leadership, are indicated. It was revealed that the persistence of the initiatives of the Western states and the methods of their implementation prompted Cairo to seek protection in the face of an alternative center of power. Therefore, in the conditions of aggravation of Egyptian-Israeli relations on the eve of the Suez crisis, Egypt is drawing closer to the USSR. However, Washington retained the possibility of rapprochement with Cairo, not formally becoming a member of the Baghdad Pact, and also «staying aside» in the military anti-Egyptian action of Great Britain, France and Israel.

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Ramadhan, Jelang. « EGYPTIAN POLICY BASED ON INSIGHTS OF HISTORY OF MUSLIM MOVEMENT AND SALAFI MOVEMENT ». DIA Jurnal Ilmiah Administrasi Publik 18, n^o 2 (1 décembre 2020) : 132–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.30996/dia.v18i2.4352.

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The aftermath of the Arab Spring was leaving a great turnover for many countries as the regime changed, so does Egypt. As one of the most influential countries both in the Middle East and North Africa, Egypt's domestic politics is quite dynamics since immemorial time, from numerous kingdoms, West colonialism until republic under the authoritarian regime in this modern days. For once, the dynamics of politics itself comes from the grass-root level whichever reached the top such as al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun or Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi Movements which caught people’s attention, not only in Egypt but the entire world. Both basically have religious intentions as it is considered Islamic movements except for their differences in political experience, religious interpretation and manners overpower contestation. Although Egypt currently is controlled by a military coup regime that tends to perpetuate the power, the Brotherhood and Salafi Movements which likewise spread to many countries still lurking and it might be consolidating the power to turn back the democracy to Egyptian who suffer from authoritarian style regime ever since the establishment of the nation after independence from British colonialism. This paper is aimed to describe the policy of the Islamic movement in Egypt which is based on religious intention and the interaction with politics and democratic goal from the nature of establishment, during the Arab Spring and the prospect for Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi Movements as the unrest recently occured.

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Ahmad, Harem Hasan, Ribwar Khalid Mustafa et Ibrahim Ali Salim. « The Eisenhawer Doctrine (1957) : The Impact on Arabic Countries and The Soviet Union Attitude ». Journal of University of Raparin 7, n^o 4 (7 décembre 2020) : 240–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(7).no(4).paper13.

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Following the end of World War II, and emerging of a vacuum after the withdrawal of British and French forces from some of the Middle East countries in the region, creating fear in Western countries, particularly the United States, that the Eastern Bloc, in particular Russia, would seek to fill the vacuum and spread the idea of leftism and communism in the region. For this reason, the United States has made every effort to confront the idea of communism and establish a foothold in the region among its policies. To this end, then US President Harry Truman announced his country's new policy in the context of the Truman project on the Middle East in (1945). Following Harry Truman, when Eisenhower assumed power as the new US president in (1953), he put forward the new policy of his country named Eisenhower’s Dwight in Congress in order to confront Russian politics and infiltrate communist thought in the area. There were several items in his project that emphasized the cooperation of Middle Eastern countries, especially in the economic and military fields. The Eisenhower’s Dwight has had a variety of reactions from countries in the region, especially Arab countries. Some have accepted it from the very beginning. Some also expressed opposition to the project. There were also countries that initially opposed the Eisenhower project, but after a period of time following US efforts and pressure, eventually endorsed the project and became a fan of the US. As a result of these political divisions in the region, several political and military alliances between the countries of the Middle East Were formed. The idea of Nasser and the idea of Arab nationalism come to life at this time. Although originally favored by the Eastern Bloc, especially Russia, it also partially weakened the notion of communism and was about to cause tension between proponents of these two ideas. This situation had nothing in fact to do other than destabilizing the political state and the occurrence of several coups in order to change the regime of some of Middle Eastern countries, besides the long sovereignty of some Arab rulers.Regarding the Soveit Union attitude towards the Eisenhower’s doctrine, it can be seen that,the Soveit Union ctitisized by the Soviet authorities from internal and external the SoveitUnbion.For instance the The Soveit Union attempted to gain extermal allies among the Middle Middle Eastren countries to convince them this doctrine is a part previous imperliams that supported by Westren countries.Finally,in the United Nation,The Soveit attempted to make a campaign to remove this doctrine as it mention a therat of world peace.

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Alenezi, Adnan. « The regional challenges affecting Kuwait’s national security ». Review of Economics and Political Science 5, n^o 1 (13 janvier 2020) : 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/reps-06-2019-0088.

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Purpose This study aims to scrutinize and analyze the regional challenges facing Kuwait and their impact on Kuwait’s national security since the outbreak of Arab Spring revolutions in 2011. These challenges are as follows: the Iranian threat, the Arab Spring revolutions and the recent Gulf crisis with Qatar. Design/methodology/approach The study adopts national interest approach, which focuses on a state’s economic, military and cultural objectives. According to this approach, a state seeks to achieve its own national interests. There are multiple national interests, but the ultimate goal is the survival and security of the state. Findings The study concludes that the Gulf countries, including Kuwait, are facing unprecedented challenges as a result of the dire consequences of the Arab Spring revolutions, the control of Houthi group on Yemen’s institutions and the repercussions of negotiations between 5 + 1 group (Russia, China, France, Britain, the USA + German) and Iran on the Iranian nuclear program. These developments are not in the interest of the Gulf countries in general and Kuwait in particular. The study recommends that Kuwait must adopt an external strategy based on achieving the regional balance with the countries of the region and dealing with different challenges according to its national interest. Originality/value The importance of the study stems from the fact that the Arab region witnessed many developments at the political, economic and social levels since the outbreak of the Arab Spring revolutions. These developments posed many threats to Arab countries such as the spread of terrorism, religious extremism, terrorist organizations and non-state actors. They also became a key determinant of foreign policy. Kuwait was affected by these developments. In addition, it faces threats affecting its national security such as the Iranian threat, the Arab Spring revolutions and the Gulf crisis with Qatar. The study addresses these threats and how Kuwait, as a small state, has dealt with such enormous ones.

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MİKAYILOV, İlkin. « TÜRKİ YE’Nİ N YENİ BÖLGELERE YÖNELİ K “İ DDİ ALI” DIŞ POLİ Tİ KASI : HERKESİ N DOSTLARA İ HTİ YACI VAR ». “Küresel siyaset : Türkiye’den bakış”, Spring,2021 (30 avril 2021) : 230–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.30546/2616-4418.bitd.2021.230.

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This article’s main argument is that after failure of ‘zero problems with neighbours’ oriented foreign policy Turkey is experiencing the transformation of foreign policy and more focusing towards the regions which were ignored before. After Arab Spring, especially after the Syrian Crisis, it has been observed that ‘zero problem with neighbours’ oriented foreign policy became ineffective and lost its effect in the Middle East. However, this does not mean that Turkey’s foreign policy loses its assertiveness. After assertive policies towards Middle East and Mediterranean areas, Turkey’s assertive foreign policy shifted towards new regions, which are historically, have less confrontation with Turkey and has positive trends against Turkey such as Caucasus and Central Asia. In this context, while the relations with the Turkic Council were deepened, the policy towards this region became clear with the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. During the Second Nagorno- Karabakh War Turkey gave strong support to Azerbaıjan both in term of rhetoric and military support as well based on Turkish drones and other Turkish made military equipment which shows the assertiveness of Turkey. The development of the Turkic Council’s member countries both politically and economically made organization an important regional actor. Thus, Turkic Council become an important tool for Turkish foreign policy in terms of assertiveness. Turkey’s assertive foreign policy will increase which is the in compliance with the Turkey’s national security. Also for region countries, it is important that Turkey put weight on region, which is crucial for Turkish foreign policy. Keywords: Assertiveness, Caucasus, Turkish Foreign Policy, Turkic Council.

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Mahmod, Hoshman A., et Arez A. Abdullah. « An Examination of The U.S. Military Intervention Against the Islamic State in Iraq ». Koya University Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, n^o 1 (30 juin 2021) : 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14500/kujhss.v4n1y2021.pp21-27.

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This article focuses on the politics of U.S. intervention against the Islamic State. In the last two decades after the 9\11, the U.S. intervened in many countries in different ways. For example, the U.S. forces and its allies fully intervened in Afghanistan in 2001 and in Iraq in 2003. After the dynamic changes in the Middle East and the era of Arab spring the intervention has changed in different way. Especially when the terrorist organizations rose the U.S. has repeated the same way used in the Kosovo war (1999) against the Islamic State, which has not fully intervened. U.S. public opinion plays a great role in U.S. politics. Regional and international relations between countries are crucial. It will be worth addressing Turkey, Iran, and Kurdish forces in regional considerations because all of them have a border with the Islamic State. Besides, the IS directly and indirectly, has impacted on them. In international considerations, the U.S. usually makes a coalition and alliance to intervene in countries and groups. The purpose of the study is to understand the politics of U.S. intervention against the Islamic State. This article examines it from three perspectives: firstly, a change in the U.S. policy of intervention; secondly, the U.S. domestic political considerations; thirdly, Regional and International considerations. Following this evaluation, this study answering the question: Why has the U.S. not fully intervened against the Islamic State? This research concludes that the U.S. should change its policy of intervention from one time to another. The U.S. should change its military tactics from one war to another war. The American government should understand how its domestic politics and other countries feel about the politics of U.S. intervention against I.S. ultimately; it appears that the politics of U.S. intervention are complex. However, there is still a way to understand it.

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Repeshko, E. A. « NATO's approach to the Libyan crisis in the events of the «Arab spring» ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, n^o 1(34) (28 février 2014) : 172–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-172-176.

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The modern system of international relations more often faces the conflicts of different tension which appear in different regions of the world. Conflicts of the beginning of XXI century are determined by different political, economic, national and confessional reasons. The system of international relations faced the crisis. This system had existed for many centuries and was adopted in the Westphalia Peace. The ending of the Cold War made the world see the new conditions whose distinctive feature was an increasing quantitative index of clashes. A number of political changes at the beginning of the current decade have resulted in changes of political regimes in these countries. On the whole, the process of peaceful political transformation was characteristic of the events of the so-called «Arabic spring». However, similar changes in Libya proved to have a different character causing military changes and NATO's military intervention. If the process of social uprising turned into protest-street disturbances in Egypt and Tunis, in Libya there was an armed overthrow of the authorities by the opposition supported by foreign states. The author touches upon the events of the Arabic spring which resulted in overthrowing Gaddafi's regime. NATO' policy was criticized in the course of military actions in Libya. The author considers NATO's views, particularly, that of the USA, France and Great Britain in terms of the Libyan crisis and its solutions. The study of the conflict mechanism, its nature will allow to estimate taken by the world measures influencing the modern system of international relations.

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Alsafi, Bayan. « The regional counter-blocs strategy in the context of the Middle East Second Cold War ». International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 9, n^o 06 (13 juin 2021) : 652–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v9i6.sh01.

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Iranian Shiite geopolitical theories aimed at forming a transnational ideological project in order to unite the Islamic world and the formation of Iran military and ideological strategically allies in addition to Iran’s nuclear ambitions have shaken the regional alliances system. Adapting to a radical change in regional policy and security requires the use of a counter-bloc strategy with account for questions regarding the structure, formation, motivation, and risk involved with counter-bloc to Iran. For countries with a Sunni ideology, this stage requires reformulating and upgrading their strategy with a regional ally characterized by hostility to Iran and loyalty to USA, in addition to military, nuclear and cyber capabilities and global support to form a counter-bloc. Israel, a historical enemy of the Arab nation became the best option. Turkey’s absence within this structure may impede the success or continuity of the strategy of the counter-Iran bloc.

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Kurylev, Konstantin P., et Nickolay P. Parkhitko. « Russian Policy in the Mediterranean : Historical Continuity and International Context ». Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, n^o 4 (27 décembre 2021) : 609–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-609-624.

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The article considers the main directions of the Russian Federations foreign policy in the Mediterranean region in the period from 2015 to autumn 2021. The authors present a historical analysis of Russias military presence in the Mediterranean Sea since its first deployment in the 18th century and separately during the Cold War, since the key strategic goals and operational-tactical tasks facing the 5th Soviet Navy operational squadron in those years, as a whole, remained unchanged. Only their scale was adjusted. Three key aspects that determine the need for Russias presence in the Mediterranean are researched. These are the military, political and economic (raw) components that form the determinant of Russian foreign policy in the region. The expansion of the military activity of NATO countries - in particular, the United States, Great Britain and France - in the Mediterranean Sea and the Middle East, especially since the beginning of the civil war in the Syrian Arab Republic in 2011, requires an asymmetric response from Russia in the context of protecting its national interests. As far as geopolitics is concerned, Russias return of at least partial of those Soviet influence in the region also contributes to strengthening our countrys international positions. Finally, Russias presence in a part of the world, which is a natural logistics hub in the context of both world trade and energy supplies, conceptually complements the military-political agenda. The authors use the methods of historical and political analysis and practical systematization in order to formulate the main hypothesis of the study and come to scientific and theoretical conclusions. The main hypothesis is that the expansion of Russias military, political and economic presence in the Mediterranean will be intensified as the countrys economic potential grows. The authors suggest the following order as tools for implementing the strategy: speeding up efforts to ensure the permanent military presence of the Russian Navy in the Mediterranean, deepening bilateral ties with Syria and conducting a pragmatic economic policy towards Turkey, which claims to be an important actor in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East as a whole.

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Fariborz, A. P., J. S. Seyed et A. Hossein. « Developing Sino- Israeli Relations in the Post-Cold War Era : Analyzing Desecuritization Scenarios for Iran ». MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, n^o 3 (8 juillet 2020) : 205–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-205-224.

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An important feature of Israel's foreign policy in the post-Cold War era has been development of relations with emerging powers, including China. The importance of the economic component in the foreign policy of both countries, China's efforts to achieve the status of a great power, and Israel's strategies to improve its global image and regional position have brought the two countries' relations into a form of comprehensive cooperation in the post-Cold War era. Describing the relations between the two countries in the political, military and economic spheres and acknowledging the impact of China and Israel's behavior patterns on national and regional security of Iran the article seeks to answer the following questions : What are the indicators of the development of China-Israel relations in the post-Cold War era? What are the consequences of these relations for Iran? From this article's point of view, the development of China-Israel relations in all areas has been on an upward trajectory and hence have substantial implications at the national (threatening China-Iran relations in the field of energy and weakening Iran-China military relations and enfeebling Iran's position in the Silk Road project), regional (changing the balance to the detriment of Iran, Iran's containment and normalization of Arab-Israeli relations) and international levels (China's accompanying pressures on Iran, Israel's use of China's capacity in international institutions and efforts to legitimizing and reinforcing the notion of Iran's threat and continuing Iranophobia) for Iran's security.

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Ivanova, Nadezhda Andreevna. « The Jewish Lobby and U.S. Policy Toward Israel in 1952-1954. » Исторический журнал : научные исследования, n^o 6 (juin 2022) : 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.6.39428.

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The article is dedicated to the study of the Jewish lobby and its influence on the U.S. foreign policy decision-making in 1952-1954. The methods applied by Jewish lobbyists to defend the interests of Israel in the U.S. administration and Congress during the stated period are revealed. The assessment of the effectiveness of these methods as the ruling party changed was carried out. The research starting point is 1952, when the U.S. presidential election took place, D. Eisenhower won and that created the need for the Jewish lobby to adapt itself to the new administration. The upper research limit was 1954, a period when relations between the countries cooled down because of the desire of the U.S. to establish a dialogue with Arab states, as well as the aggressive foreign policy of Israel itself. The article analyzes the materials of the State Archive of Israel, which were not previously used by Russian historians in the study of this topic. Conclusions are drawn that in 1952-1954 the Jewish lobby only entered the stage of its consolidation as response to the changes in the US foreign policy agenda. Previously, it was represented by disparate organizations, in which only the leaders, due to common interests, used a single approach to lobbying. The Israeli government used the lobby for informal contact with the American side in case of conflict situations with Arab countries, as well as to defend its interests in matters related to financial and military assistance provided by United States. The emerging crisis in relations between Israel and United States in 1954 showed that under the administration of D. Eisenhower the Jewish lobby had to transform the lobbying mechanism to effectively demonstrate that cooperation with Israel was more in line with US foreign policy interests in the region.

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Al-Qteishat, Ahmad Saher Ahmad. « The Regional Role of Russia after Military Aid to Syria ». RUDN Journal of Public Administration 8, n^o 4 (15 décembre 2021) : 434–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2021-8-4-434-441.

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One of the most important goals of Russian foreign policy during Vladimir Putins presidency is to strengthen Russian influence in the Caucasus region and Central Asia, as well as to develop relations with such countries as Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. The Russian government has always expressed concern about the so-called color revolutions that took place in Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan, as well as the fact that many of them were supported by Western forces. Russia believes that the events of the Arab Spring are in some way similar to the aforementioned revolutions, and that with the support of the West they could bring Islamists to power, which is a dangerous model not only for the countries of the region and the countries neighboring Russia, but also for Russia itself. For these reasons, in the Syrian conflict, Moscow sought to preserve the Assad regime, because believes that the Western model in solving regional problems can lead to the general chaos, like it was, for example, in the Iraqi and Libyan models. Despite the difficulties faced by government officials in Syria since the beginning of the civil war, and thanks to Russian military assistance and reforms, Syria preserved the legitimate regime and did not allow destroying all state institutions. Participation in the Syrian conflict brought Russia a significant role in the region and allowed it to become a successful mediator in most regional issues, as well as to strengthen its economic and political relations with the most important players in the region, as Turkey, Iran, Egypt and Saudi Arabia.

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Haled, Alheder. « Prospects for Cooperation Between Russia and Syria in Various Scenarios of Military Conflict Development ». Scientific Research and Development. Economics 9, n^o 3 (22 juin 2021) : 50–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-9111-2021-9-3-50-55.

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The paper is devoted to determining the prospects for cooperation between Russia and the Syrian Arab Republic in various scenarios of military conflicts. In order to identify the relationship between the success of the country's foreign economic policy and the military conflicts waged on its territory, a study was conducted of such indicators of Syria as: the growth rate of the peace index and the GDP growth rate. A strong inverse correlation is revealed, which means that the level of political situation and peace in the state determines the efficiency of the economy. In view of this, various scenarios of the development of the military conflict in Syria have been studied: at the initial stage, at the stage of active hostilities, at the present stage of overcoming the crisis. The last stage involves four different scenarios for the development of a military conflict, including a local nature and a protracted nature with the involvement of other countries of the world. Options for developing cooperation between Russia and Syria have been identified for each scenario. Taking into account the assessment of the international political situation, the two most likely scenarios for further military events in Syria are identified, and the prospects for cooperation between Russia and Syria in these conditions are outlined.

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Mohammed, Abdulkhaliq Shamel. « American foreign policy in Middle East : new transformations under W. Bush and Obama administrations ». Tikrit Journal For Political Science 1, n^o 1 (28 février 2019) : 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v1i1.97.

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This study attempts to diagnose the changes witnessed by the American foreign policy in the Middle East, in both of Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations, this phase witnessed shift at the level of the visions, beliefs and attitudes. which reflected on the nature of the of dealing with the issues of the region , and embodied the most prominent features of change to adopt the U.S. policy toward the countries of the region in a general principle encapsulates policies , texture pressure in order to establish the values of democracy and human rights as a philosophy and a general principle , and inwardly save its interests in the Middle East , the United States sought for six decades in middle east countries to achieve stability on the expense of democracy , and through the support of totalitarian existing regimes , and cracking down on the opposition .but the events of September 11 forced them to change the approach to foreign policy encouraging democracy and claim to impose reforms. the study exposed to the George W. Bush hard doctrine, unilateral, military tool that give superiority to the implementation of the objectives of its foreign policy, on the contrast of president Obama doctrine with its realistic approach, which sees the need to combine all the tools of foreign policy to implement its objectives, Also this study return to realistic policy in its alliances and legitimacy, as well as dealt approach U.S. political discourse towards the Muslim world, and seek the main topics like, the war on Iraq in 2003and its impact on reformation in the Middle East .And the U.S. position on the Arab Spring, specifically the Syrian revolution. Also this study deals with U.S policy towards Iran Nuclear file, and The Arab-Israeli conflict .The study concluded that foreign policy changes occurred in George W. Bush second presidency is differ from his first presidency, and this transformation take a wider dimension and more comprehensive in Barack Obama's presidency.

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Diwan, Kristin. « Clerical associations in Qatar and the United Arab Emirates : soft power competition in Islamic politics ». International Affairs 97, n^o 4 (juillet 2021) : 945–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab083.

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Abstract In the wake of the 2011 Arab uprisings, the wealthy Gulf states of Qatar and the United Arab Emirates began hosting and establishing associations of influential Islamic scholars. These clerical associations, the Doha-based International Union for Muslim Scholars (IUMS) and the Abu Dhabi-based Muslim Council of Elders (MCE) and associated peace initiatives, have afforded a platform for more credibly entering into religious and political debates, for cultivating new networks of influence among Muslim publics, and engaging non-Islamic countries and organizations. Drawing upon interviews and primary resources, this study investigates this exercise in religious statecraft, comparing the discourse and policy interventions of these associations, and analysing their improbable challenge to the predominant religious terms set by the traditional heavyweight in the Gulf, Saudi Arabia. It finds that the effectiveness, or resonance, of these religious soft power projects depends upon credibility—their alignment with national religious traditions and policy directions—and positioning—the targeting of particular audiences and stakeholders. It concludes that the UAE holds certain advantages over Qatar in its soft power positioning in the current nationalist moment, as states gain ground over transnational Islamic movements and relations with powers such as India, Russia, China and Israel—all hostile to independent Islamic movements—gain in importance. Policy-makers acknowledging the surprising hard power projection of these small states through military interventions and economic leverage may benefit from this study of their new religious soft power influence.

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Pasha, A. K. « Saudi Arabia and the Iranian Nuclear Deal ». Contemporary Review of the Middle East 3, n^o 4 (16 septembre 2016) : 387–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798916664613.

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The signing of Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) between Iran and the P5 + 1 countries (i.e., China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States) heralds a new US foreign policy approach in the Middle East. Amidst growing signs of declining geopolitical influence in the region, the United States chose to end its three-decade-old tension with Iran. This has alarmed its traditional regional allies and partners, especially Israel and Saudi Arabia. While Israel had advocated a “military option” to stop Iranian nuclear ambitions and took the matters to the US Congress, Saudi Arabia preferred a less confrontationist approach due to its dependence upon the United States for security. Its reactions and the recent foreign policy choices underscore its anxiety over growing Iranian influence as well as its “interventionist” policy stoking instability in many Gulf and Arab states. In foreseeable future, both Saudi Arabia and Iran would have work for rapprochement and be content with their spheres of influence and continue depending on the United States to maintain stability and balance of power in the region.

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Khizhnyak, Anastasiya Vladimirovna. « Military cooperation of Russia with the Syrian Arab Republic as an instrument of the Russia's New Middle East Policy (2000-2008) ». Genesis : исторические исследования, n^o 5 (mai 2022) : 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.5.38078.

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The article examines the key aspects of military-technical cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Syrian Arab Republic in the first two terms of Vladimir Putin's tenure as President of Russia. Relations between Moscow and Damascus in the sphere of arms and special equipment supplies are considered in the general context of the updated foreign policy of the Russian Federation, initiated by Vladimir Putin, and which implied, among other things, the return of Russia's position as an active geopolitical player in the Middle East. Having long-standing political and economic ties with Moscow, Syria was rightly considered by the Russian leadership as the most suitable ally in solving the task mentioned above. Analyzing the history of supplies to Syria of the main articles of Russian military products, the author comes to the conclusion that during the period under review, Moscow managed to lay a new solid foundation for bilateral relations, even though it had to be done to a certain extent with an eye to the position of other regional players and, above all, the countries of the collective West. When building its political course towards the SAR in the period under review, the Kremlin adhered primarily to the principle of restraint and pragmatism, taking into account the realities of international relations in the Middle East region and setting as its main goal the counteraction of the hegemonic claims of the United States, which sought to turn this already conflictogenic point of the planet into a zone of "controlled chaos".

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Kadhim, Mohammed Karim. « Iraq and the international and regional environment Read the challenges and opportunities ». Tikrit Journal For Political Science, n^o 16 (2 juillet 2019) : 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i16.137.

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The international and regional changes that the world and the Especially the Arab region, are still continuing, from the demise of old regimes and the replacement of new regimes with increasing anarchy and instability, such as the war on Yemen and the regional and international conflict in Syria, between countries that support change in political regimes and others opposed to this, Which is clearly defined and orientations according to international interests. The problem that is discussed in the research is the following questions: What is the location of Iraq in the midst of these challenges? Can Iraq, with these contradictions and internal crises, face these regional and international challenges? Through our study, We came out with a result That is "we must work to consolidate the relations between the regional neighboring countries, especially with the international parties that are friendly to both Iraq and neighboring countries, as with the United States of America, which can achieve politically, economically, military and security support to achieve national goals and interests, The Iraqi foreign policy-makers must try to determine what are the most important challenges facing the regional environment and work to confront them individually or cooperatively with the friendly countries and reach the Iraqi interest".

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Anissa, Andini. « Analisis Balance of Interest dalam Studi Kasus Kepentingan Turki Melakukan Kerja Sama dengan Rusia di Suriah pada 2016 – 2019 ». Nation State : Journal of International Studies 4, n^o 1 (29 juin 2021) : 18–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.423.

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When the Arab Spring swept through the Arab world as far as Syria, Turkey and Russia were not on the same side. Turkey demand a regime change, while Russia supports the regime. The relationship between the two countries was also exacerbated by the downing of the Sukhoi-24 jet which led Russia to impose a number of sanctions on Turkey. However, from 2016 to 2019, the relationship between the two has started to improve. This was marked by various cooperation to end the civil war in Syria. Based on the theory of balance of power, Turkey should balance against Russia because every country always try to prevent one country from dominating. Instead they both cooperate. The military intervention carried out by Russia in Syria in 2015 can be analysed as an attempt to change the global balance of power, while Turkey can be categorized as a regional rising power. This article tries to answer: why Turkey choose to cooperate with Russia in Syria? I argue that the change in the Turkey's foreign policy during the AKP's increasingly harsher against the Kurds. This caused friction with the US, so that Turkey establish strategic relations with Russia to fight Kurdish in Syria.

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Grafov, Dmitriy B. « The Influence the Qatari-Israeli and the Qatari-American Relations on the Qatar's Arab Policy ». Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva : istoriia i sovremennost, n^o 4 (2021) : 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080015563-6.

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As Qatar’s ambitions to become a regional player grew, it repeatedly offered to broker peace between Israel and the Arab states, and also tried to negotiate between conflicting parties. But Sunni Gulf States are irritated by this mediation and suppose that Doha tries to undermine stability of Arab countries. This is the reason for the tension in Doha's relations with Riyadh and Abu Dhabi. As a result, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain and Egypt declared a blockade on Qatar in June 2017. They accused Qatar of supporting terrorism, demanded to break off all ties with Iran and to close the Turkish military base on its own territory. Qatar tries to ease tensions with the Gulf States by using American lobbyists, Israeli interests, and the Jewish-American community. Qatar follows defensive realism in the combination with the “buck passing” strategy – transferring the responsibility to act to other States while remaining on the sidelines. This is transferring the responsibility to act to the U.S. Qatar's relations with Israel and the Jewish-American community should shift the U.S. position in favor of Qatar. The main conclusions are the following: 1) there is little chance of luck lobbying in the U.S. for any interests of any State that cooperates with Iran. But the development of Qatari-Israeli relations makes it difficult to accuse Qatar of supporting Iran; 2) the development of Qatari – Saudi crisis shows that attempt both rival parties to “buck-pass” by one superpower is inefficient. The reason is that both Qatar and Saudi coalition act like US's clients.

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Magomedov, D. S. « Partnership of the USA and African Countries in the Fight Against Terrorism under the Administrations of J.W. Bush and Barack Obama ». Outlines of global transformations : politics, economics, law 11, n^o 5 (3 décembre 2018) : 164–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-5-164-181.

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The article examines the place of African countries in the US counter-terrorism strategy under the administrations of G.W. Bush and B. Obama. It is alleged that at the turn of the 2010-s the significance of this trend has increased due to the intensification of Islamists in the countries of West Africa and the new round of the civil war in Somalia. This led to an intensification of the military presence and tightened cooperation with the allies, on which the Americans also sought to entrust the main struggle against the radicals. There are several directions of counterterrorism policy: the provision of technical assistance to partner countries for the development of special forces; the building of subregional mechanisms for coordinating counter-terrorism actions; intensification of cooperation in the financial sphere; carrying out separate military operations, mainly by UAV forces. In the end, itwas the African direction that turned out to be the most successful example of Obama’s “leading from the behind” strategy. Despite the fact that under the influence of the Arab Spring and the rise of the ISIS in the Middle East in 2011-2014, there was an escalation of violence in the region, in general, the main goals of combating Islamist terrorism by the end of 2016 were achieved by the USA. In Somalia, Nigeria and Libya, Americans relied on the local forces concerned, restricting participation by coordinating allies, providing intelligence and striking individual blows. The French intervention in Mali in 2013 enabled the Europeans to shift the main burden of fighting local Islamists. In addition, Egypt, receiving abundant military assistance from the United States, did not allow the expansion of the ISIS’s zone of operations in the Sinai Peninsula, but it was not possible to fully cope with the small local branch due to the instability of relations with local tribes that remain outside the control of the central government.

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Крыжко, Л. А. « The Formation of the US Attitude to a Military Operation against Egypt on the Eve of the 1956 Suez Crisis ». Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, n^o 1(74) (1 avril 2022) : 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2022.74.1.008.

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В статье исследуются особенности формирования позиции США накануне англо-франко-израильской военной операции против Египта. В год 65-летия Суэцкого кризиса остается в высокой степени актуальным вопрос выработки Соединенными Штатами внешнеполитических стратегических решений в условиях нарастания конфликтности на Ближнем Востоке. Автор выделяет основные причины отказа США поддержать Великобританию и Францию в военной акции против Египта. В статье отмечается ряд негативных последствий для США, которые нес в себе период выстраивания совместной политики с Великобританией и Францией в отношении Египта. Попытки политического и экономического подчинения Египта осуществлялись посредством египетско-израильского сближения, предоставления кредита на строительство Асуанской плотины, включения Египта в инициируемый странами Запада военно-политический блок, что в итоге стимулировало активизацию антизападных настроений во внутренней и внешней политике Г. А. Насера. Основными последствиями этого стали Чехословацкая сделка и национализация Суэцкого канала. Смелые действия лидера Египта как прецедент для всего арабского мира требовали от западных стран жесткой реакции. Выделяются основные аргументы администрации США в пользу отклонения военного сценария, указываются расхождения между США и западноевропейскими лидерами по вопросу о привлечении Израиля в конфликт, что связывалось с ростом авторитета президента Египта в арабском мире. США продемонстрировали отказ от совместной политики с союзниками по НАТО в случае, когда сложившая ситуация напрямую не угрожала их стратегическим интересам в регионе и, более того, препятствовала реализации долгосрочных задач на Ближнем Востоке. The article investigates the formation of the US attitude to a military operation against Egypt on the eve of the Anglo-French-Israeli military operation against Egypt. Now when the world is commemorating the 65th anniversary of the Suez crisis, the issue of the United States working out strategic foreign policy decisions in the context of the growing conflict in the Middle East remains highly relevant. The author highlights the main reasons for the US refusal to support Britain and France in the military action against Egypt. The article underlines a number of negative consequences the United States brought about by joint actions of the USA, Great Britain and France in Egypt. Egyptian-Israeli rapprochement, the provision of a loan for the construction of the Aswan Dam, and the inclusion of Egypt in the military-political bloc initiated by the Western countries were associated with an attempt to rob Egypt of its political and economic independence. These developments resulted in anti-Western sentiments in Egypt’s domestic and foreign policy during the Nasser period, the main consequences being the Czechoslovak arms deal and the nationalization of the Suez Canal. The bold actions of the Egyptian leader as a precedent for the entire Arab world demanded a tough reaction from Western countries. The author highlights the main arguments of the US administration in favor of abandoning the military scenario. The author says that the USA and Western Europe had different views on whether or not to involve Israel, which is accounted for by the growing influence of the Egyptian president in the Arab world. The USA abstained from cooperating with NATO in what might threaten the strategic interests of the country in the region and hinder its long-term agenda in the Middle East.

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Khidhir, Zainaddin M. « US Foreign Policy Goals in the Middle East between 2011 and 2021 ». Foreign Policy Review 14, n^o 3 (2021) : 164–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.164-182.

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Since the end of World War II, the United States’ interests in the Middle East have intensified rapidly, and this presence continues today in response to a variety of economic and security concerns. Following the 2011 Arab uprisings and the Iraqi regime change, US foreign policy has pursued several transformative agendas against some of its traditional allies, apparently contradicting Washington’s longstanding defence of the regional status quo. This has caused levels of uncertainty among regional players about what to expect from the United States. The present study highlights the US foreign policy goals in the Middle East between 2011 and 2021, which includes upholding US military bases in the Gulf countries, supporting client-states and other friendly states, providing support and protection to Israel’s sovereignty, maintaining strategic access to oil in the Gulf countries, and battling Islamic movements and terrorist groups (such as Hamas, Al-Qaeda, and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)). In addition, the study also focuses on other crucial aspects that might affect the United States and their regional allies’ interests in the regime. To explore US foreign policy decisions and actions between the years 2011 and 2021, data was collected through structured interviews and online secondary data sources. The data was reviewed and analysed to look at the sociopolitical, historical, and economic factors at work in the Middle East. The theoretical analysis uses a descriptive approach as to how the changes in the period after 2011 have influenced American foreign policy in the Middle East. The findings illustrate that terrorism, civil wars, and instability in the Middle East have had significant influence on the United States’ economic, national security, and diplomatic interests in the region. Maintaining strong ties with allies and comprehending the nature of conflicts is critical to attaining the US foreign policy objectives in the Middle East. This research study serves as a reference guide for scholars, policy analysts, and practitioners by examining to what extent the relationship between the US and the Middle East has changed.

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Aliyeva, A. I. « Turkey’s Assistance to Iraq after 2014 : Key Determinants and Components ». Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, n^o 1 (19 novembre 2020) : 121–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-1-121-149.

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In the 2010s amid the destabilization of the region and the outbreak of new armed conﬂicts the inﬂuence of the Republic of Turkey in the Arab world has signiﬁcantly increased. The proclamation of the Islamic State in the neighbouring countries in the sphere of Turkey’s interest — Syria and Iraq — became a kind of watershed. And whereas Ankara’s strategy in Syria has received substantial attention of researchers, its policy towards Iraq which included both military and non-military measures remains understudied. The paper aims to uncover the logic behind Turkey’s assistance to Iraq to counter territorial expansion of the Islamic State and to remedy the negative impact of its presence. The paper is divided into two sections. The ﬁrst section focuses on the military-political interaction between the Republic of Turkey and Iraq after 2014. The second examines speciﬁcs of the Turkish non-military assistance to its neighbour. The author stresses that Ankara’s military support to Baghdad in the ﬁght against ‘ISIS’ included expansion of the Turkish troops’ presence in Iraq and escalation of tensions with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party. That has, in turn, led to the growing tension between Turkey and Iraq. As for the civilian assistance, Turkey has focused on its humanitarian dimension implementing relatively small projects — mainly in the areas populated by the Iraqi Turkomans. After declaring victory over the Islamic State, Ankara did not rush to increase the level of its grant assistance that remained relatively low. At the same time Turkey sought to create, particularly through tied loans, advantageous conditions to attract Turkish construction companies to the reconstruction of destroyed infrastructure in Iraq. Thus, the paper shows that during this internationalized internal conﬂict, as well as after its formal end, Turkey has tended to prioritize its national interests, aiming to strengthen its strategic and economic presence in the neighbouring country through a combination of military and non-military measures. However, a recent destabilization of the situation in Iraq poses new challenges to the Ankara’s strategy towards Iraq and highlights the need for further monitoring of the development of Turkish-Iraqi relations.

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Kornilov, Alexander Alekseevich, et Alexandra Ilyinichna Afonshina. « Gaullism and Neogaullism : Foreign Policy Continuity and Dynamics in France ». Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, n^o 2 (15 décembre 2019) : 256–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-2-256-263.

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Article describes the main priorities and objectives of foreign policy of Gaullism and neogaullism, trying to underline those elements that remain untouched during the decades and those that have been transformed due to the changes on the international arena. Besides, the authors focus on the notion of “grandeur” that was extensively used by the general de Gaulle, and estimate the direct influence of this concept on the French foreign policy. The main foreign policy priorities of Charles de Gaulle include independent foreign policy, status quo change in the bipolar world and great power status regain. Foreign policy priorities of neogaullists, Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy, haven’t been changed so far, but the ways of achieving goals are different now. Both presidents have been trying to develop the EU integration, even through strengthening the supranational institutions, and develop the integration with NATO (Sarkozy even returned France to the military structures of NATO). France, led by neogaullists, also conducted an active policy in the Mediterranean, cooperating not only with traditional partners (Arab states) but making attempts to restore relations with Israel. Sarkozy launched the idea of the Mediterranean Union that had the aim to strengthen the influence of France in the region, boost cooperation with Mediterranean countries and solve the numerous problems that all of them were facing. But this idea wasn’t realized as it was supposed to. In general, neogaullists follow the main principles of Charles de Gaulle, also responding to the current challenges. It’s worth mentioning that the authors analyze the foreign policy of French presidents holistically from the point of view of neogaullism, trying to evaluate the level of continuity during the decades and conclude whether the provisions of Gaullism are relevant for France in the 21st century.

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Zavada, Yaryna. « Development of Syria-Iran Bilateral Relations in the 20-21st Centuries ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, n^o 44 (15 décembre 2021) : 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.17-22.

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The article analyzes the evolution of Iranian-Syrian relations and describes their features. Iran and Syria are historically, politically and geographically related states, diplomatic relations between which were established in 1946. However, after the Islamic Revolution, in 1979 and the leadership of A. Khomeini, relations between the countries strengthened and began to develop rapidly. Because Syria was the first Arab country to diplomatically recognize the Islamic Republic of Iran and actively support Iran during the Iran-Iraq war of 1980-1988. It is worth to say that these two countries combine many factors, especially such as common interests and position on current regional issues and the presence of shared enemies. Оfficial Damascus and official Tehran consider themselves as part of the Middle East's "axis of resistance" of the defense alliance, thus responding to joint threats from Israel and the United States. The position and role of Iran in the civil war in Syria are highlighted. In fact, since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, Iran has provided political, economic and military support to Assad, and has since become a major player in the Syrian conflict. In the current context, Iranian leaders have described Syrian President Al-Assad as his main ally and are working hard to keep him in power. According to a study published by the Office of the US Special Envoy to Syria Staffan de Mistura, financial, military and economic assistance to Iran in Syria is estimated at about $ 6 billion USA per year. It is also investigated that Syria fully shares and supports the foreign policy of official Tehran and the active development of nuclear and missile programs. Syria strongly condemns the decision of former US President D. Trump to withdraw from the JCPOA and is in full solidarity with the leadership, government and people of Iran.

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HADDAD, M. « STRATEGIES OF MAIN ACTORS OF WORLD POLICY REGARDING THE MIDDLE EAST AND MODERN SYRIA(ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE USA AND THE EUROPEAN UNION) ». Political Science Issues, n^o 3(33) part : 9 (18 décembre 2019) : 316–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35775/psi.2019.33.3.011.

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The article is devoted to the study of foreign policy strategies of the main actors of the world politics, represented by the USA and the countries of the European Union, regarding the Middle East and the Syrian Arab Republic. The interest in this topic is explained by the particular attractiveness of the Middle East region for the above-mentioned actors, since it has significant economic and transport potential and a favorable geographical position, which opens up opportunities for establishing strong partnership trade and economic ties between the US and the EU on the one hand and Middle Eastern states on the other. At the same time, the Middle East, as a region of increased military-political and social tension, directly influences peace and security situation in the entire world, and because of that the most developed countries of the world seek to establish control over the internal politics in the Middle East and spread their influence on its territory. The author pays great attention to the study of factors that have contributed to the formation of certain US and EU foreign policy courses in respect of the entire Middle East and Syria in particular, and comes to the conclusion that all of them can conditionally be divided into several large groups that equally affect the development process strategies. Their comparison allowed us to establish that in general both the USA and the countries of the European Union have similar perspective goals and objectives, however, they use different methods and forms of implementing their strategies. This explains the difference in the results achieved: while the United States successfully implement their geopolitical aspirations and gradually strengthen their presence in the Middle East, the EU countries are faced with a number of problems that impede their participation in the current regional events. Nevertheless, despite the successes and failures, the importance of the Middle East region for both the United States and the EU is beyond doubt.

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Sherstyukov, S., et N. Bodishteanu. « Russian-Turkish Relations after 2015 : New Trends, Old Dilemmas ». World Economy and International Relations 65, n^o 11 (2021) : 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-88-96.

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As the events of the past few years indicate, relations between Russia and Turkey are increasingly determined by security-related issues. Such a shift in priorities in bilateral relations should be perceived not only as a response to the emerging threats to the internal and external security of the two countries but also as a consequence of the changes in the strategic orientation of Russia and Turkey after the end of the Cold War. The most important events in the formation of a new model of relations between Russia and Turkey were such as the “Arab Spring”, the wars in Syria and Libya, US support for the Syrian Kurds from the “People’s Self-Defense Forces”, the revolution in Ukraine and the subsequent Russia’s annexation of Crimea, the Russian military operation in Syria, the 2015 crisis in Russian-Turkish relations, and the attempted military coup in Turkey in 2016. Regional crises near the borders of Russia and Turkey and the growing securitization of the policies of both states not only pushed Moscow and Ankara to interact in the security sphere but also created new challenges for their relations. In this article, the authors examine the dynamics of Russian-Turkish relations, paying particular attention to the security dimension, as well as the opportunities and limitations for cooperation between the two countries, given that security is becoming an increasingly important element in bilateral relations. The main focus is on the analysis of competitive cooperation between Russia and Turkey in Eurasia, for the understanding of which it is necessary to refer not only to the current context but also to the historical experience of interaction between the two countries in this wide geographical space. Acknowledgements. Published with the financial support of the project “The influence of the policy of Iran and Turkey on transformation of the Middle East and Post-Soviet space” of the Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs of HSE-University.

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Marushchak, Anatolii, et Rostyslav Khaba. « The Russian Federation Information Influence (the Czech Republic case study) ». Information Security of the Person, Society and State, n^o 26 (2019) : 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.51369/2707-7276-2019-2-1.

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Nowadays the hybrid attacks that use propaganda and fake news and are actively inculcated by the information centers under the control of Russian Federation on the territories of EU countries present serious threat not only to Ukraine in the view of disseminating false information about the events in our country but to the population of EU countries who are the final users of such information as well. On the basis of examples fixed by the European representatives concerning a great number of facts when Russia interfered into the process of elections in France and Germany, hackers attacks on social networks of Great Britain during public discussions and referendum on Brexit, we ascertained that the informational presence of the RF propaganda schemes played the decisive role in choosing the European policy, presaged Brexit and ensured the growth of European populists rating on the eve of the important political processes in a number of countries. The aim of the article is to show the means and methods of Russian information propaganda in EU countries on the example of the Chech Republic. Such methods of Russian information propaganda as strict following the multilingual principle while disseminating the same information to different resources in different countries; active usage of English as a mediator; usage of local internet resources; broadcasting the reiterative stories about the migrants from Arab states, the threat of Islamism for Europe, criticism of Western political elite, military crises in Ukraine; forming the image of Russia as the main opponent of aggressive US policy, the symbol of stability; focusing on the negative news, i.e. on protests, political rows, notorious retirements in EU and Western countries; ignoring the success and achievements etc. have been defined. We came to the conclusion that hybrid war in Ukraine drew attention of not only the European population but of the whole world to political, media and social phenomena that is the information war of Russia vs. Ukraine and in broad aspect – to a modern propaganda of Russia which has already challenged the whole democratic world, with an impact on public opinion formation and views of young people. Key words: hybrid war, misinformation, information influence, information propaganda.

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Bishku, Michael B. « Morocco and Sub-Saharan Africa : In the Shadow of the Western Sahara Dispute ». Contemporary Review of the Middle East 8, n^o 3 (31 mai 2021) : 273–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477989211017568.

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During much of the past several decades, Moroccan actions in Western Sahara have impacted on that country’s bilateral and multilateral ties, especially with other countries in Africa, though to a lesser degree in the Arab world. In recent years, Morocco has gained the upper hand in its conflict in Western Sahara and has been increasing its political and economic footprint on the continent of Africa, an area of interest since independence. At the same time, Morocco has regarded itself as a “gateway” to Africa for the USA and Europe, while the USA, France (and the Gulf states) have provided military and financial assistance as well as diplomatic support for Morocco as that country’s policies have served Western interests. While attention is given by academics in recent years to the involvement in Africa of other middle powers from the Middle East such as Turkey, Iran and Saudi Arabia and, in the past, of Nasser’s Egypt and Qaddafi’s Libya, as well as Israel, Morocco has not stirred the same sort of interest. This article seeks to address that issue by examining all political and economic factors that have influenced Moroccan policy toward Sub-Saharan Africa, those both connected and unconnected with the issue of the Western Sahara dispute.

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Zubov, V. V. « The Interaction of the European Union and Turkey on the Problem of the Migration Crisis : Deep Contradictions as a Result of Changes in the Geopolitical Realities ». Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, n^o 4 (4 décembre 2019) : 78–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-4-78-82.

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The growing number of refugees from the Middle East and North Africa to Europe, which occurred after the onset of the Arab spring and the military strengthening of the Taliban in Afghanistan, has become a severe challenge for the European Union. The migration crisis has forced the EU to step up negotiations with Turkey, a country that has become a transit point for migrants on their way to Europe. It seems evident both parties are not interested in the increase in the number of terrorist acts, the increase in the level of street crime and the appearance of separate enclaves in the territory of the countries participating in the negotiations. However, Turkey and the EU could not reach a final agreement that could completely secure the “European” border from the uncontrolled flow of refugees. Despite the decrease in the number of refugees in 2018, the danger for the European Union remains: the desire of the Kurds to create an independent state can be stopped by military force, and the re-entry of the Taliban to power is quite real. A legitimate question arises: why has Turkey, which has been a member of NATO since 1952, actively pursued the westernisation of its society since Mustafa Kemal and signed the association agreement in 1963, which is unfriendly towards the EU? The article discusses the history of relations between Turkey and the European Union, analyses the role of the EU member states in forming a common position about Turkey’s potential membership in the organisation. The author paid particular attention to changing the foreign policy situation as a factor that influenced the priorities of the parties.

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Saad Aldin, Ammar. « Development of the Al-Assad National Library’s Collections under the Circumstances of the Military Conflict in Syria ». Bibliotekovedenie [Russian Journal of Library Science] 71, n^o 2 (7 juillet 2022) : 183–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/0869-608x-2022-71-2-183-192.

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During the military conflict on going on the territory of the Syrian Arab Republic (Syria), there was destroyed not only the economic, but also the educational and cultural infrastructure of the country. Thousands of libraries located in northern Syria have completely lost their collections. The number of Arab cultural centres (public libraries) decreased by 60% from 2011 to 2018. They were located in the conflict zones and were destroyed during military operations. Huge damage was caused to the market of publishing industry and the book culture of Syria as a whole.During the tough movement process from war to peace, the preservation of monuments, including writing, remains an important issue for the country and its future. The leading library in Syria is the Al-Assad National Library (NL), which receives legal deposit copy of domestic publications; it is engaged in international book exchange; makes procurements; receives books and manuscripts as donation. Preserving the documentary cultural heritage of the country, the library performs the memorial function, which is much more complicated in the conditions of military conflict and economic crisis.The purpose of the research is to study the impact of the war in Syria on the activities of the Al-Assad National Library, the dynamics of the development of its collections, as well as the formation of strategy for the reconstruction of the countryʼs library system. The author used the methods of comparative analysis in the work and conducted the review of the literature on this topic.In 1988, the Al-Assad National Library’s collections contained 131,931 items. In the 2000s, there was an increase in the number of publications received by the library via legal deposit copy system. Since 2011, the beginning of the terrorist war, which was accompanied by the economic blockade by Western countries, the replenishment of the stock has significantly decreased. From 2012 to 2015, the International Book Fair in Damascus was suspended. At the end of 2020, the total stock of the library amounted to 567,117 information resources in Arabic and foreign languages.Russiaʼs support in restoring peaceful life in Syria is highly appreciated by the Syrian people. The relevance of the study is related to the lack of information in Russian about the development of the national library collections during the war in Syria. Russian universities train Syrian specialists in both library and other branches of science. The Russian language has been introduced into educational programs in Syria, which will further lead to its adoption as a foreign language to replace English language in the Republic.At present, it is necessary to restore all areas of life in Syria, including cultural. The Al-Assad National Library plays a key role in the reform of the library system in the country, the formation of cultural policy through the creation of a stable system of book communication and the embedding of national book culture in the world information space. The Syrian society is forced to take into account political, economic, socio-cultural challenges. It is necessary to expand international cooperation, especially with countries that have maintained friendly relations with Syria.

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Lazić, Radojica, et Mirko Kulić. « DELOVANJE TERORISTIČKIH ORGANIZACIJA OSAMDESETIH GODINA 20. VEKA U JUGOSLAVIJI – SA POSEBNIM OSVRTOM NA „KARLOSOVU“ ORGANIZACIJU ». Istorija 20. veka 40, n^o 2/2022 (1 août 2022) : 513–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.laz.513-528.

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The foreign policy orientation of the Former Social Federative Republic of Yugoslavia relied mostly on “third world” countries or the so-called Non-Aligned Movement. In line with the politically proclaimed principles, the cooperation was based on “active peaceful coexistence”, equality, independence, and staying out of inner problems of other countries, as well as mutual respect and solidarity. To strengthen and improve the safety interests and the leadership position within the Non-Aligned Movement, Yugoslavia wholeheartedly supported a variety of liberation movements. As a transit country with an extremely liberal visa regime, it was exposed to potential dangers to be a hideout for certain criminal, terrorist, and other groups. This was more than enough of a reason for trying to establish a “background base” of the “Carlos” terrorist organization in Belgrade. The security issue in the country was more complicated by the fact that in that period, there were around 12,500 different people from various Arab countries (not counting over 2,000 officers and non-commissioned officers trained in military schools) who were mostly students. Those persons belonged to numerous groups and organizations, all with their own conceptual, political and religious beliefs. They acted under different international influences. The security organizations and services had an obligation to carefully track their behavior and take certain measurements against individuals, groups, and organizations, to prevent their secret and illicit activities aimed against the interests of the state. In this sense, it is perfectly understandable that when the activities of the “Carlos” terrorist group were discovered, the problem had to be solved in order not to harm the international position and the credibility of Yugoslavia. The most powerful countries in the West (primarily the USA) have openly resented the benevolent attitude of the Yugoslavia authorities towards members of certain groups and organizations that have used terrorist methods in their acts. One of those cases was Abu el Abas, the senior executive of a fraction of the Palestine Liberation Organization. After unexplained circumstances after a hostage crisis in the Middle East, el Abas found himself in Belgrade.

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Bielicki, Paweł. « Russian-Israeli Relations during the Reign of Prime Minister Netanyahu : Abrasive Friendship or Realpolitik ? » Historia i Polityka, n^o 36 (43) (1 juin 2021) : 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.011.

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The subject of my interest is to present the most important determinants of relations between the Russian Federation and Israel. The main purpose of this paper is to describe the current state of affairs in mutual contacts and their importance for international security. In addition, it will be important to try to answer the question of whether Russia will continue to play an important role as an economic and political partner of Israel in the near future, in the face of the gradual containment of the Syrian conflict. At the beginning, I intend to refer to the history of relations of both countries, dating back to the time of the existence of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the breaking of diplomatic relations after the Six-Day War in June 1967. In the following part of the discussion, I present the relations of both entities immediately after the collapse of the Soviet empire and coming to power of Vladimir Putin, who from the beginning of his term in office has sought to significantly improve contacts with Israel. Then, I raise the problem of Moscow-Tel Aviv contacts after Benjamin Netanyahu took over as prime minister again and after the Arab Spring, which implied the conflict in Syria, during which Russia and Israel established cooperation. It will also be important to trace the attitude of the authorities in Tel Aviv to the annexation of Crimea and the war in eastern Ukraine. I would also like to refer to the relationship of both entities on the historical and cultural level, as well as on the economic and military level. In the summary, I highlight future perspectives and try to determine whether the current relations of both countries will intensify in the face of the end of war in Syria, and whether we can observe a close alliance of both countries now and in the future, or a limited partnership, determined by the need to implement real policy in the world.

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