Thèses sur le sujet « Arab countries – Military policy »
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Madani, Hamed. « Socioeconomic Development and Military Policy Consequences of Third World Military and Civilian Regimes, 1965-1985 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277872/.
Texte intégralDe, Roy van Zuydewijn Edwin Karel Willem. « The arms transfer policy of the Federal Republic of Germany towards the Middle East, 1949-1982 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321547.
Texte intégralSless, Jonathan Philip. « Britain's policy towards Israel 1949-1951 : from recognition to the fall of the Labour Government ». Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313293.
Texte intégralEl, Baker Lina. « L'Institut du monde arabe : une institution culturelle au carrefour des récits ». Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28267.
Texte intégralThe first chapter is a presentation of the institute, its history and its mission. It also dwells upon the local French political scene and the relations between France and the Arab world. It also offers a brief overview of the political and social realities of the Arab world.
Chapter two is an introduction to the particularities of the French cultural landscape. It looks at the historical and social movement towards the democratization of culture, specifically through the transformation of the museum and of cultural institutions as a whole.
Chapter three aims at identifying the repercussions of the French cultural policies on the Institute's functioning. The perceived failure of these policies is confronted with the official discourse surrounding the Institute.
Chapter four is a mapping of the different discourses that manifest themselves through the Institute. The multiplicity of the discourses and the discrepancies of their proclaimed objectives are understood to be at the source of the malfunctioning of the Institute.
This thesis does not attempt at finding solutions to the many problems of the Arab World Institute. It is rather an excavation work that aims at bringing forth some of the issues that could be explored while attempting at finding a resolution to the ailments of the Institute.
Bartz, Jamie. « Explaining domestic inputs to Israeli Foreign and Palestinian Policy : politics, military, society / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FBartz.pdf.
Texte intégralSule, Attila. « The European Union in peace operations : limits of policy-making and military implementation ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1061.
Texte intégralThe 1992 European Union (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP, Maastricht Treaty) marked a turning point in the trans-Atlantic relationship. The Balkan conflicts and broader political changes in the 1990s compelled the EU to assume more responsibility in peace operations. The EU's 60,000 strong Rapid Reaction Force (RRF) is planned to be operational in 2003. Will the EU be able to conduct Petersberg-type peace operations? This thesis analyzes policy and military shortfalls of the Balkan peacekeeping effort. Questions about the legitimacy of armed humanitarian interventions, about difficulties in common policy formulation and translation to sound military objectives are the core problems of civil-military relations in European peace operations. The case studies focus on the EU failure to resolve the Bosnian crises between 1992-95, and on the gaps between NATO policies and military objectives in the operations of 'Implementation Force' in Bosnia and 'Allied Force' in Kosovo. The thesis considers developments in EU CFSP institutions and EU-NATO relationship as well as the EU's response to terrorist attacks on September 11 2001. The thesis argues that the difficulty in EU CFSP formulation limits the effective use of RRF in military operations.
Major, Hungarian Army
Ballesteros, Moyano Andrés Enrique. « Military conversion in post-conflict countries : determinants, impact, and a case study on policy implications for Colombia ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/23471/.
Texte intégralPanagopoulos, Ilias. « Electronic warfare : a critical military and technological asset for the improvement of the Common European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FPanagoloulos.pdf.
Texte intégralThesis Advisor(s): Donald Wadsworth, Robert Looney. Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-144). Also available online.
Tebra, Hamda. « Containment as Foreign Policy Doctrine in Two United States ‘Wars’ : from the Cold War to the War on Terror : How Do Arab Spring Countries Fit into the Scheme ? » Thesis, Paris Est, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PESC0029.
Texte intégralThis doctoral dissertation develops the notion of neo-containment in the post-Cold War era. Its premise is that Cold War containment evolved to adapt to new challenges in a new era and continued to be the cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy and notably during the War on Terror and the Arab Spring period in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). This research revisits the sizeable body of literature about the U.S. grand strategies from the early Cold War to the Arab Spring. It relies on data from official policy documents, policy makers‘ speeches, academic writings and various media resources to understand why, how and with what results the United States extended and developed the containment policy as its approach to the War on Terror and the Arab Spring. The dissertation provides a balanced account of the extent to which what we have qualified as the major Cold War mechanisms of containment continued to be implemented in comparable proportions in the post-Cold War era, but to contain new adversaries, mainly in the MENA. The United States relied firstly on economic containment which consists in using its economic power either to weaken challenging rivals by imposing economic sanctions upon them or empower allies through annual economic packages. The second mechanism of containment is the commitment to defend the U.S. ideology of ―democracy‖ which continued to be a cornerstone of neo-containment policy in the 21st century. The successive U.S presidents played the democracy cardto contain allies and adversaries. They selectively accused some authoritarian governments of abusing democracy while turning a blind eye on others. Finally, military containment reflects the American administrations‘ reliance on annual military aid and training services at consistently high levels, despite the collapse of the ‗Soviet Threat,‘ to its allies, while at the same time continuing to advocate regional proxy wars in geostrategic areas to maintain its sphere of influence.The dissertation also examines policies through the quest of primacy as U.S. ‗habit‘. It asserts, therefore, that the United States‘ political doctrines remained fundamentally unaltered despite the demise of the Soviet Union. The case study applies the dissertation hypothesis of neo-containment in U.S. foreign policy vis-à-vis the Arab Spring, to the U.S. quest for countering rivals such as Iran, by containing the newly elected Islamic governments in the Middle East and North Africa from 2011 to 2014. The Obama administration contained political Islam and Islamic parties in the Arab Spring countries as the policy response to the dilemma they posed; even though they were democratically elected, the governments represented a threat to the United States alliance system
Ko, Sung-youn. « Military Spending, External Dependence, and Economic Growth in Seven Asian Nations : a Cross-National Time-Series Analysis ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279398/.
Texte intégralNguyen, Kimthoa Thi. « How resource rich countries attract foreign direct investments : a study of Western Asian countries and strategies of industrialization and diversification ». reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/15058.
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Fuel is a self-depleting resource and long term dependency on this commodity alone will not suffice. An export trade oriented approach can lead to faster industrialization while diversification leads to economic sustainable growth. This research seeks to understand how countries compete for foreign direct investments, and how certain activities have the most impact in the competitive global marketplace. Research suggests that when companies decide to invest abroad, they seek only to find countries that facilitate their strategic objectives. The results conclude with appropriate levels of government accountability, credibility and visibility with the private sector, foreign direct investment is attracted by policy advocacy and policy reform. By reviewing countries such as United Arab Emirates in direct comparison to Western Asian countries, including Kuwait and Iraq with high levels of fuel exports, along with Qatar with optimistic marketplace indicators and plentitude of skills and capabilities – research seems to suggest that despite high capabilities and attractive GDP, promotional investment activities yield the highest returns using policy advocacy and reform.
Allison, Benjamin V. « Through the Cracks of Detente : US Policy, the Steadfastness and Confrontation Front, and the Coming of the Second Cold War, 1977–1984 ». Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1587394697039162.
Texte intégralGrevi, Giovanni. « The common foreign, security and defence policy of the European Union : ever-closer cooperation, dynamics of regime deepening ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210673.
Texte intégralThe Convention on the future of Europe, set up by the Laeken Declaration, represented an important stage in the pan-European debate on the objectives, values, means and decision-making tools of CFSP. The US-led intervention in Iraq in March 2003 marked a new ‘critical juncture’ in the development of the conceptual and institutional bases of CFSP. As it was the case in the past, following major policy failures in the course of the Balkan wars, Member States sought to mend the rift that divided them in the run up to the Iraq war. In so doing, Member States agreed on a significant degree of institutional reform in the context of the Convention and of the subsequent Inter-Governmental Conference (IGC). The creation of the new position of a double-hatted Foreign Minister, as well as the envisaged rationalisation and consolidation of the instruments at his/her disposal, including a new European External Action Service (EAS), is a primary achievement in this perspective. On the defence side, a new formula of ‘permanent structured cooperation’ among willing and able Member States has been included in the Treaty Establishing the European Constitution (Constitutional Treaty), with a view to them undertaking more binding commitments in the field of defence, and fulfilling more demanding missions. Right at the time when the Iraq crisis was sending shockwaves across the political and institutional structures of the Union, and of CFSP in particular, the first ESDP civilian mission were launched, soon followed by small military operations. The unprecedented deployment of civilian and military personnel under EU flag in as many as 13 missions between 2002 and 2005 could be achieved thanks to the development of a new layer of policy-makign and crisis-management bodies in Brussels. The launch of successive ESDP operations turned out to be a powerful catalyst for the further expansion and consolidation of this bureaucratic framework and of the conceptual dimension of CFSP/ESDP. Most importantly, these and other dimensions of institutional and operational progress should be set in a new, overarching normative and political framework provided by the European Security Strategy (ESS).
Needless to say, institutional innovations are stalled following the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in the French and Dutch referenda of May/June 2005. With a view to the evolution of the CFSP regime, however, I argue in this thesis that the institutional reforms envisaged in the Constitutional Treaty are largely consistent with the unfolding normative and bureaucratic features of the regime. As illustrated in the course of my research, the institutional, bureaucratic and normative dimensions of the regime appear to strengthen one another, thereby fostering regime deepening. From this standpoint, therefore, the stalemate of institutional reform does slow down the reform of the international regime of CFSP but does not seem to alter the direction of its evolution and entail its stagnation, or even dismantling. On the contrary, I maintain that the dynamics of regime change that I detect will lead to stronger, endogenous and exogenous demands for institutional reform, whose shapes and priorities are to a large extent already included in the Constitutional treaty. This vantage point paves the way to identifying the trends underlying the evolution of the regime, but does not lead to endorsing a teleological reading of regime reform. As made clear in what follows, CFSP largely remains a matter of international cooperation with a strong (although not exclusive) inter-governmental component. As such, this international regime could still suffer serious, and potentially irreversible, blows, were some EU Member States to openly depart from its normative coordinates and dismiss its institutional or bureaucratic instances. While this scenario cannot be ruled out, I argue in this thesis that this does not seem the way forward. The institutional and normative indicators that I detect and review point consistently towards a ‘deepening’ of the regime, and closer cooperation among Member States. In other words, it is not a matter of excluding the possibility of disruptions in the evolution of the CFSP regime, but to improve the understanding of regime dynamics so as to draw a distinction between long-term trends and conjunctural crises that, so far, have not undermined the incremental consolidation of CFSP/ESDP.
Central to this research is the analysis of the institutional and normative features of the CFSP regime at EU level. The focus lies on the (increasing) difference that institutions and norms make to inter-governmental policy-making under CFSP, in the inter-play with national actors. The purpose of my research is therefore threefold. First, I investigate the functioning and development of the bureaucratic structures underpinning the CFSP regime, since their establishment in 2000/2001 up to 2005. This theoretically informed review will allow me to highlight the distinctive procedural and normative features of CFSP policy-making and, subsequently, to assess their influence on the successive stages of reform. Second, I track and interpret the unprecedented processes by which innovations have been introduced (or envisaged) at the institutional and normative level of the regime, with a focus on the Convention on the future of Europe and on the drafting of the European Security Strategy. Third, I assess the institutional and normative output of this dense stage of reform, with respect both to the ‘internal’ coherence and the deepening of the regime, and to the ‘external’ projection of the EU as an international actor in the making.
On the whole, I assume that a significant, multidimensional transition of the CFSP regime is underway. The bureaucratic framework enabling inter-governmental cooperation encourages patterned behaviour, which progressively generates shared norms and standards of appropriateness, affecting the definition of national interests. In terms of decision-making, debate and deliberation increasingly complement negotiation within Brussels-based CFSP bodies. Looking at the direction of institutional and policy evolution, the logic of ‘sharing’ tasks, decisions and resources across different (European and national) levels of governance prevails, thereby strengthening the relevance of ‘path-dependency’ and of the ‘ratchet effect’ in enhancing inter-governmental cooperation as well as regime reform.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Strolená, Lucie. « Vliv revolucí v arabských zemích na azylovou a imigrační politiku Evropské unie ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-191983.
Texte intégralRamahi, Hanan. « Teachers leading school improvement and education reconstruction in Palestine ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/277681.
Texte intégralGurkan, Seda. « The impact of the European Union on turkish foreign policy during the pre-accession process to the European Union, 1997-2005 : à la carte Europeanisation ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209295.
Texte intégralDoctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Papastathopoulos, Stavros. « Expanding the European Union's Petersberg tasks : requirements and capabilities / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FPapastathopoulos.pdf.
Texte intégralThesis advisor(s): David S. Yost. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-64). Also available online.
KOEHLER, Kevin. « Military elites and regime trajectories in the Arab spring : Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen in comparative perspective ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/29621.
Texte intégralExamining Board: Professor Laszlo Bruszt, (EUI - Supervisor); Professor Philippe C. Schmitter, (EUI - Co-Supervisor); Professor Holger Albrecht, (American University in Cairo); Professor Robert Springborg, (Naval Postgraduate School, Monterrey, CA.)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Why did different regimes react differently to the mass uprisings that shook the Middle East and North Africa in 2010 and 2011? Why did the personalist presidencies of Husni Mubarak in Egypt and Zine al-Abidin Ben Ali in Tunisia collapse only weeks into the uprisings while Syria’s Bashar al-Assad still holds onto power and Yemen’s Ali Abdallah Salih could negotiate his way out of office? Focusing on the cases of Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen, this thesis is an attempt to answer this question. The central argument of this thesis is that military elite behavior shaped regime trajectories in the Arab Spring. Where the armed forces as an institution defected from the incumbent, the presidency immediately collapsed; where at least some military elites remained loyal, the respective chief executives survived in office for a significantly longer period. I develop an explanation that focuses on the presence of regime cronies within the military leadership. Where such cronies exist, the costs of defection increase for all members of the officer corps. Since the loyalty of cronies appears as a forgone conclusion, defection would likely lead to confrontation within the military. In other words, the absence of crony officers is a necessary condition for the cohesive defection of the armed forces from authoritarian presidents. Empirically, the fact that there were no crony officers in their respective militaries enabled the Egyptian and Tunisian armed forces to defect from their commanders in chief without endangering their internal cohesion. In Syria and Yemen, on the other hand, the defection of the armed forces as an institution was not an option given the fact that key units in both militaries were controlled by officers closely connected to the president. The result was the swift collapse of personalist presidencies in Egypt and Tunisia and the escalation of conflict in Syria and Yemen. This thesis traces the emergence of patterns of political-military relations in Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen from regime foundation in the 1950s and 1960s to the uprisings of 2010 and 2011. I argue that path dependent processes of institutional development link patterns of political-military relations at the outbreak of the uprisings to the dynamics of regime foundation in the early 20th century. While the institutional form of the founding regimes that II emerged in the 1950s and 1960s was a function of the composition of regime coalitions, the patterns of political-military relations that shaped regime trajectories in 2011 were shaped by attempts to reproduce these initial institutional features over time and under changing environmental conditions. The initial role of the armed forces in founding regimes was determined by whether or not the regime coalition had drawn institutional support from the military. Where this was the case as in Egypt and Syria, the military developed into a central regime institution, whereas the armed forces remained marginal in Tunisia and institutionally weak in Yemen. These initial differences were reproduced in the context of a period of institutional and economic reform from the second half of the 1970s onwards. While all four regimes succeeded in reining in the military, they used different strategies that had different and partially unintended consequences. In Egypt the depoliticization of the military was sugarcoated by the emergence of a parallel ‘officers’ republic’ that ensured substantial military autonomy, in Syria the armed forces were controlled via a system of praetorian units, while in Tunisia the military remained marginal but largely independent from the regime and in Yemen tribal dynamics prevented the army from developing into a strong institution. These processes all fulfilled their primary goal of ensuring that the armed forces would not actively intervene in politics. At the same time, however, they produced different incentive structures for military elites confronted with regime threatening protests.
Emilio, Luís Antonio Bitencourt. « Developing countries and missile proliferation the cases of Argentina, Brazil, and india / ». 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/51955177.html.
Texte intégralWOLF, Katharina. « Europe's military responses to humanitarian crises ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/53504.
Texte intégralExamining Board: Prof Ulrich Krotz, EUI (Supervisor); Dr. Antonio Missiroli, NATO; Prof James Sperling, University of Akron; Prof Jennifer Welsh, EUI
Why do European Union (EU) member states sometimes respond collectively to prevent or address large-scale humanitarian crises while, at other moments, they use different institutional channels? More than once, EU states have pondered, hesitated, disagreed and let others interfere when widespread and systematic killing of civilians were looming. Instead of using the EU’s military crisis management capacities, member states have acted through different institutional channels such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), ad-hoc coalitions of states or single state-led operations to interfere in humanitarian crises. At times, they have decided not to intervene at all. Why does Europeans’ involvement in humanitarian intervention vary so strikingly? To examine this striking variation in European states’ responses to large-scale humanitarian crises, the thesis draws on in-depth case study evidence from the conflict in Libya during 2011, the post-electoral crisis in Côte d’Ivoire during 2010/2011, the sectarian war in the Central African Republic during 2013 and 2014 and the fight against Boko Haram in Nigeria and the Lake Chad region. The cases capture the entire range of variation on the dependent variable covering EU operations, NATO operations, ad-hoc operations, and non-intervention. The thesis develops a three-step model to explain why, when, and how European states use military force for humanitarian purposes. The model is situated at the intersection of domestic preferences and the international opportunities and constraints under which European states seek to realize their foreign policy goals. The findings show that, in combination, these factors condition European states’ readiness to intervene. Hence, a preference for non-intervention is easier to maintain if others are willing to intervene, but more difficult to pursue if the resort to force is urgent and the non-European actors are unable or unwilling to offer an appropriate response. At the regional European level, states’ power resources and preferences influence the institutional channel through which European states ultimately decide to intervene militarily. The findings show that the deployment of EU and NATO operations is likely when member states’ preferences are at least weakly congruent and backed by the interests and preferences of the organizations’ most powerful states. Diverging preferences among member states severely hinder common military operations and compel states to resort to ad-hoc arrangements. The dissertation concludes that European states’ preferences, the political contexts in which they operate and their ability to pursue their goals at the international and the regional level considerably influence why, when, and in which format European states intervene in humanitarian crises.
KUROWSKA, Xymena. « The Politics of a Policy : Framing European security and defence policy ». Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10449.
Texte intégralDefence date: 25 February 2008
Examining Board: Professor Friedrich Kratochwil, European University Institute (Supervisor) Professor Ole Wæver, University of Copenhagen (External Supervisor) Professor Michael Merlingen, Central European University Professor Pascal Vennesson, European University Institute
This thesis enquires into the making of European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) from the perspective of the actors endorsing and contesting the policy. By identifying the political milieu of the policy, it seeks to problematise the established depiction of ESDP and delineate the framing involved in designing and implementing the policy. I thus advance the argument about the all-pervading character of the political and I stipulate the value of micropolitical analysis for unpacking broad political arrangements. In order to trace security practices enacted through the policy, I explore in depth two instances of ESDP operations and a case of strengthening the UNIFIL forces to Lebanon via an EU initiative. I conclude that the ESDP has proven transformative both within the EU internal system of governance and vis-à-vis the EU’s international positioning. The former involves the rise of domestic politics engendered by the interplay of institutional identities and conceptions of achieving EU security. The latter exposes the shift in the international role assignments wherein the EU becomes a deputy of the US and a saviour of the UN’s reputation.
BICCHI, Federica. « European foreign policy making towards the Mediterranean non member countries ». Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5220.
Texte intégralExamining Board: Prof. Emanuel Adler, The Herbrew University of Jerusalem; Prof. Christopher Hill, LSE; Prof. Leonardo Morlino, University of Florence; Prof. Thomas Risse, Free University and European University Institute (Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
A comprehensive and theoretically informed examination of European foreign policy making towards the Mediterranean, from 1957 to nowadays. This dissertation focuses on the reasons and the patterns of Europeans’ actions, with a special emphasis on the early 1970s and on current times. It analyses how interest in Europe for the Mediterranean has generally arisen out of a shared sense of puzzlement in front of challenges, such as terrorism or migration, originating from the Southern neighbours. The dissertation casts new light on the role of member states as policy entrepreneurs in European integration, and explains European foreign policy as a way to collectively reconstruct a new understanding of Euro-Mediterranean relations.
Dostalík, Igor. « Arabské vojenské hodnosti ». Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-405735.
Texte intégralBREUER, Fabian. « Die Konstruktion, die Institutionalisierung und das Entscheidungssystem der ESVP ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6587.
Texte intégralExamining Board: Prof. Gunther Hellmann (Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität Frankfurt a.M.) ; Prof. Jens Otmar Höll (Österreichisches Institut für Internationale Politik, Wien) ; Prof. Alexander H. Trechsel (EUI, Florenz) ; Prof. Firedrich Kratochwil (EUI, Florenz, Supervisor)
Abu-Sharia, Rateb Moh'd Ahmad, University of Western Sydney, College of Law and Business et School of Economics and Finance. « A theoretical and empirical study of stock market development, economic reform and economic growth : a case study of Arab countries ». 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/31782.
Texte intégralDoctor of Philosophy (Economics and Finance) (PhD)
Aboud, Brian. « States, immigration and entry regulation : Canada, Australia and immigrant admissions from the Arab world, 1946-1996 ». Phd thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147713.
Texte intégralAbu-Sharia, Rateb Moh'd Ahmad. « A theoretical and empirical study of stock market development, economic reform and economic growth : a case study of Arab countries ». Thesis, 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/31782.
Texte intégralPoltoratskaia, Tatiana. « Russia’s role in the Middle East : Russian weapons sales to the Syrian Arab Republic, 1950-2010 ». Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-12-2508.
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Staples, Clinton. « The military policy of Leo III and Constantine V and its effect on Arab-Byzantine warfare on the Taurus border, 715-775 A.D ». 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/18446.
Texte intégralLyttle, David M. J. « Democracy, dictatorship and development : European Union Pacific development policy in action : a study of Fijian society since December 2006 : a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in European Studies in the University of Canterbury / ». 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3741.
Texte intégralBobryk-Deryło, Natalia. « Uwarunkowania ewolucji wspólnej polityki bezpieczeństwa i obrony UE ». Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/126.
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