Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Arab countries – Military policy »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Arab countries – Military policy"
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Akhmedov, Vladimir M. « THE ROLE OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL TRADITIONS IN ARABO-IRANIAN RELATIONS ». Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no 1 (19) (2022) : 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-1-42-49.
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In the last decades Iran became one of the powerful states in the Middle East. Today Iran plays a significant role in political, economic, social, religious and ideological issues of the region. Iran’s politics shape major developments in regional security and international relations in the Middle East, pursuing active policy towards Arab countries in the region. Iran plays an active role in military conflicts in several Arab countries (Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen and Libya). However, Iran’s involvement in the inner-political life of Arab countries; their societies, security affairs, and politics strengthens tensions and hostility between Arabs and Iran. The existing strains in Arabo-Iranian relations provoke the religious strife in the Middle East that takes different forms, among which are Sunny-Shiite conflicts. The worsening of Arabo-Iranian relations encourages new conflicts; it undermines power balance and destabilizes security in the Middle East. The long history of Arabo-Iranian relations still influences Iran’s policy in the Middle East. Ethnic and sectarian differences and the historical Arab-Persian rivalry reflected the major orientation of Iran’s foreign policy in general and determine some major parameters of Arabo-Iranian relations in the Middle East, in particular. Before the Arab conquest of Iran the interactions between Arabs and Iran had had many positive dimensions. The Islamization of Iran and its partial Arabization dramatically changed Iran’s cultural, social, and political development. These processes challenged the behavioral patterns of many Iranians towards Arabs and vice versa. Since that time the ethnic identity of two peoples, their adherences to Sunnis and Shiites have acquired antagonistic overtones. In this view, research of Arabization and Islamization processes as one of the main drivers of Arabo-Iranian relations and Iranian policy in the Middle East proves to be a pressing subject of grave importance.
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Kryzhko, Lidiya Anatol'evna, Evgeniy Vladimirovich Kryzhko et Petr Igorevich Pashkovsky. « Egypt in U.S. policy in the Middle East in the early 1950s. » Конфликтология / nota bene, no 2 (février 2022) : 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2022.2.38065.
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The author considers the problem of the role of Egypt in the US policy in the Middle East in the early 1950s. It is shown that a new political circumstances in the regions of the Middle and Near East forced the United States to act as a competitor to Great Britain. The United States understood the importance of gradually ousting Great Britain from the region, trying to prevent the increase of Soviet influence there using various methods. At the same time, the implementation of US's plan to form a controlled military-political bloc of Middle Eastern states in 1950-1953 proved to be untenable for various reasons. The decisive role in this regard was played by the position held by Egypt. A special contribution of the authors to the study of the topic is the focus on the project "Middle East Command", as the first failed plan of the military bloc of Western countries in the region. It was revealed that the US stake on Egypt as a conductor of its interests turned out to be unjustified. The US administration objectively saw in the anti-British movement, which was gaining momentum in Egypt during this period, an opportunity to strengthen its influence. However, with the approval of G. A. Nasser in power in Egypt, a new foreign policy strategy was being developed, which was based on efforts to raise the patriotism of the Arab countries and unite the Arabs in the fight against the colonial past. Also, US's efforts to achieve coexistence of Egypt and Israel in a single policy not brought the desired results. In the context of the unresolved Palestinian issue and the aggravation of the Arab-Israeli confrontation in Egypt's foreign policy, tendencies towards rapprochement with the Arab countries in the form of a number of military-political alliances were gaining momentum.
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Akhmedov, Vladimir M. « IRAN’S POLITICS IN THE MIDDLE EAST : POLITICAL AND MILITARY DIMENSIONS ». Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no 4 (14) (2020) : 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-4-247-256.
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The article explores the core components of Iran’s politics in the Middle East and its latest developments achieved in the region since the 1990s. The author focuses on the Iranian activity in some Arab countries, mainly in Syria, showing why and how Iranian influence managed to ground so deeply in the social fabric of the Syrian society. The author briefly characterizes historic background of Arab-Iranian relations, showing the place and role of Iranian politics in Arab society and political institutions on the eve of ‘Arab Spring’. The article studies the influence of ‘Arab Spring’ on Arab-Iranian relations and shows the challenges, caused by this popular uprising on its early stages in some Arab countries, for Iran and its relations with Middle Eastern states. The stand of the Arab authorities with regards of the given situation and its ability to influence its development are demonstrated as well. The author explores the latest actions of IRI to create structures under Iranian control in some Arab countries, showing the latest developments of Iranian penetration into Arab countries, first of all into Syria. The author analyzes the actions of Iranian diplomacy in concerning the above mentioned goals to strengthen Iranian positions in the Middle East. The article shows the main spheres of Iranian, Israeli, Turkish and Russian contradictions in some Arab countries, first of all in Syria, paying special attention to the development of Russian-Iranian relations in the Middle East. The author estimates Iran’s chances to safeguard its present position in the Middle East in the contexts of latest developments in the region and with regards to Iran’s relations with Russia and Turkey. The author tries to predict transformations in Iran’s Middle Eastern politics in view of further political developments in the region, sharing his views about reconsidering Russian-Iranian relations aiming to improve it, considering the upcoming challenges in the region, where Moscow pursues today an active policy.
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خلف, م. د. رنا علي. « US policy toward the political movement in the Arab countries Egypt a model ». مجلة العلوم السياسية, no 51 (20 février 2019) : 249–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jj.v0i51.107.
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The whole world and the Arab world, especially an important part of this international system, is undergoing a radical transformation at all levels. This mosaic of political, economic, social and military relations and alliances, whether based on the special interests of the major Powers or on the basis of mutual interests, The major transformations to social, economic, political and military conflict and these transformations still bear more surprises, at all levels, nothing remains constant, all changed, relations changed and alliances changed and loyalties fell and the principles of the M changed and the spectacular imperial economies collapsed and the will of the masses was no longer fixed.
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Ivanov, S. M. « Joe Biden's visit to the Middle East : losses and gains ». Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no 5 (27 septembre 2022) : 398–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2205-05.
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The article analyzes the US foreign policy in the Middle East in the context of the growing confrontation between the collective West and Russia against the backdrop of the Ukrainian crisis. Particular attention is paid to the results of the visit of US President Joe Biden to Israel, to the West Bank of the Jordan River to the State of Palestine and to Saudi Arabia, which he made in mid-July 2022. The author comes to the conclusion that another attempt by Washington to draw the countries of the region into its behind-the-scenes foreign policy games has failed. The Middle Eastern allies and partners of the United States represented by Israel, the monarchies of the Persian Gulf and other Arab states took a neutral position in relation to the confl ict in Ukraine, and the oil and gas exporting countries did not go for a sharp increase in hydrocarbon supplies to the EU countries and the UK, as he insistently asked Biden. The White House failed to put together a regional anti-Iranian bloc on the basis of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Persian Gulf (GCC), as the leaders of Qatar, Oman and Iraq are determined to maintain their traditional ties and contacts with Tehran. Moreover, these countries are making mediation eff orts to normalize relations between the Saudi Arabia and Iran, and there are prerequisites for success in this matter. In general, the Arabs do not support the US administration's concept of hegemony in the world and building a unipolar world order in the Middle East. Even with some remaining dependence on the United States and the West as a whole in the fi nancial, economic, military-technical and other fi elds, the Arab countries prefer to pursue an independent policy on key issues of our time, develop a multipolar world, and maintain mutually benefi cial and respectful relations with all states, including China and Russia. The Arab capitals are in no hurry to speed up the rapprochement with the State of Israel, which is imposed by Washington, expecting from its leadership to intensify eff orts to justly resolve the Palestinian problem and liberate the illegally occupied Arab lands. Even the bogey exaggerated by the White House of a common threat to the Middle East from the hypothetical appearance of Iran's nuclear weapons and its expansion in the region cannot persuade the Persian Gulf monarchies and other Arab countries to cooperate with Jerusalem in the military or military-technical fields.
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Osipov, Evgeny Aleksandrovich. « French “Mirages” in Libya in 1970 as a symbol of “new Arab” policy of France ». Genesis : исторические исследования, no 12 (décembre 2020) : 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.12.34569.
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The relations with Arab countries have always been an intrinsic component of French foreign policy, predominately in the de Gaulle's Fifth Republic. Namely in the 1960s the General de Gaulle laid the groundwork for the so-called “new Arab” policy of France, intended for consolidation of the country's role in the Middle East and the Mediterranean, as well as for overcoming issues in the relationship with Arab countries caused the colonial past of France. Leaning on the wide range of scientific literature and sources, including the documents from the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France, the author reviews the circumstances of signing a major contract by France for delivering arms to Libya in 1970, few months after the Libyan Revolution and assumption of power by Muammar Gaddafi. The signed in 1970 Franco-Libyan agreement was congruent with the overall context of “new Arab” policy of Gaullist France, and can be regarded as its symbol. Special attention is given to the factors that prompted French leadership to military cooperation with Libya, although France was aware that it could aggravation relations not only with Israel, but also with the United States. Along with the interests of French military-industrial complex, oil factor, and, prospects for the development of Franco-Libyan cooperation, an important role played rivalry between France, USSR and the countries of socialist camp, the activity of which increased in the third world countries during the 1960s – 1970s. In a way, namely the concerns about the growing influence of Moscow in the Middle East and the Mediterranean accelerated the “new Arab” policy of France.
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Elmahly, Hend, et Degang Sun. « China’s Military Diplomacy towards Arab Countries in Africa’s Peace and Security ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no 4 (décembre 2018) : 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.114006.
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China’s security concept is evolving, and its participation in Africa’s Arab countries’ peacekeeping is transforming itself from aloof bystander to active player, and from multilateralism to both multi- and unilateralism. The establishment of China’s logistics base in Djibouti does not signify a sudden change in China’s African foreign policy; instead, change has been gradual and tangible and began with the evolution of China’s participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations, and engagement in Africa’s infrastructure projects, in parallel with China’s increasing global presence. The base serves as a logistics and support facility for Chinese peacekeepers, as well as a naval facility to support anti-piracy missions off the coast of Somalia as part of an international anti-piracy operation. Moreover, the base helps China to ensure its maritime and commercial interests and safeguard Chinese nationals in West Asia and the African continent. However, the United States and the West are concerned with the geopolitical and geoeconomic implications of China’s logistics base in Djibouti. The geography of Djibouti has led to the rising of geopolitical rivalries between the great powers, which may intensify in the coming years.
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Shved, V. « Arab States of the Persian Gulf in the System of Geopolitical Changes of the Beginning of the XXI Century ». Problems of World History, no 7 (14 mars 2019) : 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-7-6.
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The impact of changes in the geopolitical landscape at the global and regional levels on the development and transformation of such an important region of the Arab world as the Persian Gulf is analyzed. It is noted that the transformation processes of this region were primarily influenced by the US intervention in Iraq in 2003 and the “Arab spring” of 2010-2011. Over the past two decades, Iran has become the main rival of the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf. The tough and uncompromising confrontation with Iran mainly determines the peculiarities and aspirations of the foreign policy of these countries, the development of their integration formats and the emergence of new alliances. It isindicated that under the influence of the events of the “Arab spring” and the need to confront Iran, a “revolution from above” is unfolding in the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf today, and large-scale reforms have begun. The prospects for creating a new military-political project “Middle East Strategic Alliance”, the possibilities and risks of normalizing relations between the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and Israel are analyzed
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Njadat, Abdelsalam, et Ahmad Aref Al Kafarneh. « American Policy torwards Minorities in the Arab World : A Case Study ». Journal of Public Administration and Governance 6, no 2 (24 avril 2016) : 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v6i2.9371.
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Minorities subject is one of the ignored subjects in the Arab world and is surrounded with a great deal of conservation accompanied with clear efforts to minimize or spell any existing type of this problem where states in the Arab world are still based on tribal and regional basis, which resulted in the interest and care in minorities subject and the foreign intervention and the immersion of most minorities in resistance movements against margination and annulation with the aim of being recognized as partners in the country.Minorities in the Arab world can be divided into the following types([1]).(1) Non Arabic linguistics Minorities: Groups that don't use Arabic language as mother language in their daily transactions such as leurds, Armans, Arams, Serian, Turkmans, Shakas, Jews, Nigro, Nobions and Baraberian Tribes.(2) Non Muslim religion Minorities: Consisting of Christians Jews and other religion groups such as yazeedis, paganism, to taling for (20) million persons.(3) Non sounnitti Islamic groups; imami shiat (lthnay A shriah), Zaydis, ismailis, Durs, Alawyeen, and Abathyah khawarej.(4) Non Arabic and Non Muslim Minorities: those minorities that differ from Arab world habitants in terms of language, religion, and descent such as Migros and paganism minorities in the south of Sudan.Minorities represent one of the most important problems threatening state's national and regional unit, which opens the door for foreign intervention in the state national affairs, politically, economically, or military which will result in threatening internal stability.Given that united nations in it, current shape represent power relations distribution in the modern global order (system), these powers might Kurds those declaration issued by UN calling for the respect of human and minority rights to intervene in those countries internal affairs under various names such as humanistic intervention given the political and international usage towards human rights issues to control resistant or outlaw countries and the titles of human rights.The united states as a unipolar, started recently, adopting minorities and human rights issues as part of political requirements, that determine its foreign policy towards this countries or that, according to the way it deals with its minorities. But the proven thing is that the American intervention in minorities affairs has political objectives including its countries policies to be in accordance with American political requirements, and this intervention takes many various linds including military intervention in those countries in which USA has supreme interests and once these interests are secured, withdraw and left those minorities alone([2]).[1] sa'edeldin, Ibrahim, Reflections on minorities Question, Cairo, Ibn – khaldon center, (1992), pp. 73 – 132.[2] sa'edeldin, Ibrahim, AL-milal walnahal walarag minorities concerns in the Arab world, Cairo, Ibn khaldun centre, 1994, pp, 740 – 749.
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Petriaiev, O. S. « STRATEGIC INTERESTS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY IN THE REGION OF THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA ». National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no 3(55) (21 décembre 2022) : 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.3(55).269555.
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The coming to power in the Republic of Turkey of Prime Minister and later President Recep Tayyip Erdogan led to a change in the ideological foundation of the state, the rejection of the ideology of Kemalism and the transition to the ideology of neo-Ottomanism with an active foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. The strengthening of Erdogan's power contributed to a change in Turkey's foreign policy and the development of external relations with the Islamic worlds and, first of all, with the Arab countries. The neo-Ottoman ideology has become a key element in Turkey's foreign policy strategy in the Arab region. Prerequisites for changing the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey in the Middle East and North Africa are complex. After the political party Justice and Development came to power, it led to the desire for neo- Ottoman revanchism and the rejection of the "zero problems with neighbors" political vector. Also, through various reforms, the leader of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, managed to neutralize the political opposition and the Turkish military, who historically were the external arbiters of Turkish political life. The strengthening of Erdogan's political position inside Turkey allowed him to change the external political course of his country. After the start of a series of revolutions in the Arab countries of the Middle East and North Africa, Turkey felt that it could regain in this region the lost political and economic positions that it had lost after the fall of the Ottoman Empire. After that, Turkey began to position itself as an important military, political and economic player in the region, competing with such countries as Israel, Egypt, Iran and Saudi Arabia. This vector of development of Turkey's foreign policy showed that the country no longer seeks to pursue a policy close to the interests of the United States and the European Union, and began to distance itself from the Western world, becoming the dominant political and military player in the Middle East, North Africa and other regions. This trend showed that the Republic of Turkey has already declared itself as a regional power that other political players need to reckon with.
Thèses sur le sujet "Arab countries – Military policy"
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Madani, Hamed. « Socioeconomic Development and Military Policy Consequences of Third World Military and Civilian Regimes, 1965-1985 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277872/.
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This study attempts to address the performance of military and civilian regimes in promoting socioeconomic development and providing military policy resources in the Third World. Using pooled cross-sectional time series analysis, three models of socioeconomic and military policy performance are estimated for 66 countries in the Third World for the period 1965-1985. These models include the progressive, corporate self-interest, and conditional. The results indicate that socioeconomic and military resource policies are not significantly affected by military control. Specifically, neither progressive nor corporate self-interest models are supported by Third World data. In addition, the conditional model is not confirmed by the data. Thus, a simple distinction between military and civilian regimes is not useful in understanding the consequences of military rule.
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De, Roy van Zuydewijn Edwin Karel Willem. « The arms transfer policy of the Federal Republic of Germany towards the Middle East, 1949-1982 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321547.
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Sless, Jonathan Philip. « Britain's policy towards Israel 1949-1951 : from recognition to the fall of the Labour Government ». Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313293.
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El, Baker Lina. « L'Institut du monde arabe : une institution culturelle au carrefour des récits ». Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28267.
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This thesis is a case study of a cultural institution located in Paris, France, namely the Arab World Institute. It strives to identify the various political and ideological discourses that manifest themselves throughout the Institute's history. The Institute's mission is to bridge the two cultures, Arab and European. It is a particularly interesting case study because of its problematic status which lies somewhere between the imperatives of local policies and those inherent to the international arena.The first chapter is a presentation of the institute, its history and its mission. It also dwells upon the local French political scene and the relations between France and the Arab world. It also offers a brief overview of the political and social realities of the Arab world.
Chapter two is an introduction to the particularities of the French cultural landscape. It looks at the historical and social movement towards the democratization of culture, specifically through the transformation of the museum and of cultural institutions as a whole.
Chapter three aims at identifying the repercussions of the French cultural policies on the Institute's functioning. The perceived failure of these policies is confronted with the official discourse surrounding the Institute.
Chapter four is a mapping of the different discourses that manifest themselves through the Institute. The multiplicity of the discourses and the discrepancies of their proclaimed objectives are understood to be at the source of the malfunctioning of the Institute.
This thesis does not attempt at finding solutions to the many problems of the Arab World Institute. It is rather an excavation work that aims at bringing forth some of the issues that could be explored while attempting at finding a resolution to the ailments of the Institute.
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Bartz, Jamie. « Explaining domestic inputs to Israeli Foreign and Palestinian Policy : politics, military, society / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FBartz.pdf.
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Sule, Attila. « The European Union in peace operations : limits of policy-making and military implementation ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1061.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThe 1992 European Union (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP, Maastricht Treaty) marked a turning point in the trans-Atlantic relationship. The Balkan conflicts and broader political changes in the 1990s compelled the EU to assume more responsibility in peace operations. The EU's 60,000 strong Rapid Reaction Force (RRF) is planned to be operational in 2003. Will the EU be able to conduct Petersberg-type peace operations? This thesis analyzes policy and military shortfalls of the Balkan peacekeeping effort. Questions about the legitimacy of armed humanitarian interventions, about difficulties in common policy formulation and translation to sound military objectives are the core problems of civil-military relations in European peace operations. The case studies focus on the EU failure to resolve the Bosnian crises between 1992-95, and on the gaps between NATO policies and military objectives in the operations of 'Implementation Force' in Bosnia and 'Allied Force' in Kosovo. The thesis considers developments in EU CFSP institutions and EU-NATO relationship as well as the EU's response to terrorist attacks on September 11 2001. The thesis argues that the difficulty in EU CFSP formulation limits the effective use of RRF in military operations.
Major, Hungarian Army
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Ballesteros, Moyano Andrés Enrique. « Military conversion in post-conflict countries : determinants, impact, and a case study on policy implications for Colombia ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/23471/.
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This dissertation examines the determinants and the impact of military conversion on conflict recurrence in post-conflict countries. The dissertation also aims to identify some of the main elements needed to design a public policy addressing conversion processes. Military conversion is the process of transferring military resources to civilian activities. This process could appear after the end of an internal war. Based on existing theoretical and empirical studies, I develop a new empirical framework that allows me to identify that democratic regimes could lead to the onset of a military conversion process, while the US military aid variable could reduce the likelihood of starting a conversion process. Likewise, I test the effect of military conversion on the risk of conflict recurrence. The empirical evidence shows that the reduction of the military expenditure could prompt the probability of conflict recurrence. Additionally, the Colombian case study complements the findings on conversion determinants in a post-conflict society, specifically how the persistence of defence and security threats and economic growth affect the onset of military conversion process. Besides those findings, the Colombian case study provides evidence about the reallocation of less-used military resources to new or existing military roles. The use of less-used military resources for fulfilling any military role could reverse conversion processes in the short term. Additionally, I identify the future and feasible conversion alternatives in Colombia according to the dual use of some military resources (e.g., military bases).
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Panagopoulos, Ilias. « Electronic warfare : a critical military and technological asset for the improvement of the Common European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FPanagoloulos.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Systems Engineering)--Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 2004.Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Wadsworth, Robert Looney. Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-144). Also available online.
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Tebra, Hamda. « Containment as Foreign Policy Doctrine in Two United States ‘Wars’ : from the Cold War to the War on Terror : How Do Arab Spring Countries Fit into the Scheme ? » Thesis, Paris Est, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PESC0029.
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Cette thèse de doctorat porte sur le sens et rôle de la notion de néo-endiguement dans le contexte de l‘après-Guerre-froide. Elle postule que la politique d‘endiguement a évolué depuis pour s‘adapter aux nouveaux défis que pose le nouvel ère, tout en restant fidèle aux principes de la politique étrangère américaine développés pendant la Guerre froide durant la guerre contre le terrorisme et la période du printemps arabe qui a surgit dans la région du Moyen-Orient et de l‘Afrique du Nord. Ce travail de recherche revoit la littérature portant sur les grandes stratégies américaines, de la Guerre froide au printemps arabe. Il s‘appuie sur des données issues de documents officiels, de discours politiques, des écrits académiques, et de diverses ressources médiatiques pour comprendre comment les Etats-Unis ont pu adapter et adopter la politique d‘endiguement pour contrer la montée du terrorisme et la venue du printemps arabe. Cette thèse présente une analyse détaillée des principaux mécanismes d‘endiguement de la Guerre-froide, tels que nous les avons conçus. Aussi, elle démontre l‘emploi de ces mêmes mécanismes durant la période de l‘après-Guerre-froide pour contrer les nouveaux adversaires, notamment dans la région duMoyen-Orient et de l‘Afrique du Nord. Les États-Unis se sont d'abord appuyés sur l'endiguement économique qui consiste à utiliser l‘arme économique, soit pour affaiblir leurs rivaux, en leur imposant des sanctions économiques, soit pour soutenir leurs alliés,en leur versant des aides économiques annuels. Ensuite, il y a l'engagement des administrations américaines à défendre l‘idéologie américaine de la « démocratie dans le monde », qui constitue la pierre angulaire de la politique de la Guerre froide au néo-endiguement du 21ème siècle. Les présidents américains successifs ont joué la carte de la démocratie pour soutenir les alliés et contrer les adversaires. Ils pointent du doigt, d‘une manière sélective, certains régimes autoritaires, tout en fermant les yeux sur d‘autres. Enfin, l'endiguement militaire reflète le recours des administrations américaines à apporter une aide militaire et technique considérable au profit de leurs alliés, malgré l'effondrement de la ‗menace soviétique‘, tout en continuant à préconiser des guerres régionales par procuration dans les zones géostratégiques afin de maintenir la sphère d'influence américaine.Cette thèse examine également les politiques étrangères du point de vue de la quête de primauté qui constitue une constante de la politique étrangère américaine. Elle met ainsi en évidence la continuité des doctrines de la politique étrangère américaine qui ne s‘est pas fondamentalement modifiée, en dépit de la disparition de la menace communiste depuis la chute du mur de Berlin. Notre étude de cas confirme notre hypothèse sur le choix du néo-endiguement comme politique étrangère américaine vis-à-vis du printemps arabe, visant à isoler les gouvernements islamiques fraîchement élus au Moyen-Orient et en Afrique du Nord entre 2011 et 2014. L‘administration Obama a oeuvré activement pour endiguer l'Islam politique et les partis islamiques dans les pays du printemps arabe comme réponse au dilemme qu‘ils ontposé aux Etats-Unis : bien qu‘élus démocratiquement, ils ont représenté une menace pour le système d'alliances des États-UnisThis doctoral dissertation develops the notion of neo-containment in the post-Cold War era. Its premise is that Cold War containment evolved to adapt to new challenges in a new era and continued to be the cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy and notably during the War on Terror and the Arab Spring period in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). This research revisits the sizeable body of literature about the U.S. grand strategies from the early Cold War to the Arab Spring. It relies on data from official policy documents, policy makers‘ speeches, academic writings and various media resources to understand why, how and with what results the United States extended and developed the containment policy as its approach to the War on Terror and the Arab Spring. The dissertation provides a balanced account of the extent to which what we have qualified as the major Cold War mechanisms of containment continued to be implemented in comparable proportions in the post-Cold War era, but to contain new adversaries, mainly in the MENA. The United States relied firstly on economic containment which consists in using its economic power either to weaken challenging rivals by imposing economic sanctions upon them or empower allies through annual economic packages. The second mechanism of containment is the commitment to defend the U.S. ideology of ―democracy‖ which continued to be a cornerstone of neo-containment policy in the 21st century. The successive U.S presidents played the democracy cardto contain allies and adversaries. They selectively accused some authoritarian governments of abusing democracy while turning a blind eye on others. Finally, military containment reflects the American administrations‘ reliance on annual military aid and training services at consistently high levels, despite the collapse of the ‗Soviet Threat,‘ to its allies, while at the same time continuing to advocate regional proxy wars in geostrategic areas to maintain its sphere of influence.The dissertation also examines policies through the quest of primacy as U.S. ‗habit‘. It asserts, therefore, that the United States‘ political doctrines remained fundamentally unaltered despite the demise of the Soviet Union. The case study applies the dissertation hypothesis of neo-containment in U.S. foreign policy vis-à-vis the Arab Spring, to the U.S. quest for countering rivals such as Iran, by containing the newly elected Islamic governments in the Middle East and North Africa from 2011 to 2014. The Obama administration contained political Islam and Islamic parties in the Arab Spring countries as the policy response to the dilemma they posed; even though they were democratically elected, the governments represented a threat to the United States alliance system
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Ko, Sung-youn. « Military Spending, External Dependence, and Economic Growth in Seven Asian Nations : a Cross-National Time-Series Analysis ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279398/.
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The theme of this study is that seven major East Asian less developed countries (LDCs) have experienced "dependent development," and that some internal and external intervening factors mattered in that process. Utilizing a framework of "dependent development," the data analysis deals with the political economy of development in these countries. This analysis supports the fundamental arguments of the dependent development perspective, which emphasize positive effects of foreign capital dependence in domestic capital formation and industrialization in East Asian LDCs. This perspective assumes the active role of the state, and it is found here to be crucial in capital accumulation and in economic growth. This cross-national time-series analysis also shows that the effects of external dependence and military spending on capital accumulation and economic growth can be considered as a regional phenomenon. The dependent development perspective offers a useful way to understand economic dynamism of East Asian LDCs for the past two decades.
Livres sur le sujet "Arab countries – Military policy"
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Fityānī, ʻAbd al-Ḥamīd. al- Ṣināʻāh al-ʻaskarīyah al-ʻArabīyah. Bayrūt : al-Muʼassasat al-ʻArabīyah lil-Dirāsāt wa-al-Nashr, 1991.
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Tūqah, Ḥusayn ʻUmar. Abʻād istirātījīyah : Majmūʻah min al-maqālāt allatī nushirat fī al-ṣuḥuf wa-al-majallāt al-Urdunīyah wa-al-ʻArabīyah. [Amman : s.n., 1989.
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Bahgat, Korany, Noble Paul et Brynen Rex, dir. The Many faces of national security in the Arab world. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1993.
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Creveld, Martin L. Van. Defending Israel : A controversial plan toward peace. New York : Thomas Dunne Books/St. Martin's Press, 2004.
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Golan, Shimon. Gevul ḥam, milḥamah ḳarah : Hitgabshut mediniyut ha-biṭaḥon shel Yiśraʾel, 1949-1953. [Tel Aviv] : Tsahal, Hotsaʾat "Maʻarakhot", Miśrad ha-biṭaḥon, 2000.
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Shlaim, Avi. The iron wall : Israel and the Arab world. London : Allen Lane/The Penguin Press, 2000.
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Tahir, Alaa. al- Khuṣūṣīyah al-istirātījīyah lil-ʻālam al-ʻArabī. [Cairo] : al-Hayʼah al-Miṣrīyah al-ʻĀmmah lil-Kitāb, 1992.
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Tahir, Alaa. al- Khuṣūṣīyah al-istirātījīyah lil-ʻālam al-ʻArabī. [Cairo] : al-Hayʾah al-Miṣrīyah al-ʻĀmmah lil-Kitāb, 1992.
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Active labour market policies in Arab Countries. New York : United Nations, 2012.
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Saab, Najib. Arab environment 5 : Survival options : ecological footprint of Arab countries. Beirut, Lebanon : Arab Forum for the Environment and Development, 2012.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Arab countries – Military policy"
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Shaban, Radwan A., et Shantayanan Devarajan. « Inequality in Arab Countries ». Dans Inequality and Growth : Patterns and Policy, 195–211. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137554598_6.
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Gat, Moshe. « Military power and foreign policy inaction ». Dans The Arab–Israeli Conflict, 1956–1975, 172–96. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2018. : Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315103938-9.
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Ahmadian, Hassan, et Payam Mohseni. « Iran’s Syria Strategy : The Evolution of Deterrence ». Dans NL ARMS, 231–60. The Hague : T.M.C. Asser Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-419-8_13.
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AbstractIran has been a critical player in the Syrian war since 2011, crafting a complex foreign policy and military strategy to preserve its Syrian ally. What have been the drivers of Iranian decision-making in this conflict? And how has Iranian strategy evolved over the course of the war? This chapter argues that the logic of deterrence has been fundamental not just for shaping the contours of Iran–Syria relations since the Islamic Revolution of 1979, but also for determining the overall trajectory of Iranian strategy in the Syrian war. The authors outline Iran’s decision-making calculus and divide the country’s strategy on Syria after the Arab Spring into four primary phases: (1) a ‘Basij’ strategy to establish local militias in Syria; (2) a regionalization strategy to incorporate transnational fighters and militias in the war effort; (3) an internationalization strategy to incorporate Russia and balance the United States; and (4) a post-ISIS deterrence strategy to balance against the United States, Turkey and Israel. Iran’s Syria strategy progressively escalated in response to the possible defeat of its ally and the deterioration of its forward deterrence capacities against the United States and Israel. Today, the potential for direct inter-state conflict is rising as proxy warfare declines and Iran attempts to maintain the credibility of its forward deterrence.
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Rashdan, Abeer. « Middle Class and Institutional Reform in Selected Arab Countries ». Dans International Series on Public Policy, 59–73. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-82257-6_3.
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Ayish, Muhammad I. « Broadcasting Transitions in the United Arab Emirates ». Dans National Broadcasting and State Policy in Arab Countries, 13–27. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137301932_2.
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Armanious, Amir. « Arab Stock Markets Integration : The Case Study of Agadir Agreement Countries ». Dans Financial and Monetary Policy Studies, 119–37. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-35697-1_7.
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Guaaybess, Tourya. « Introduction : A Return to the National Perspective ». Dans National Broadcasting and State Policy in Arab Countries, 1–12. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137301932_1.
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Issiali, Aârab. « Liberalization of the Moroccan Broadcasting Sector : Breakthroughs and Limitations ». Dans National Broadcasting and State Policy in Arab Countries, 131–49. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137301932_10.
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Richter, Carola. « Libyan Broadcasting under al-Qadhafi : The Politics of Pseudo-Liberalization ». Dans National Broadcasting and State Policy in Arab Countries, 150–65. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137301932_11.
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Mostefaoui, Belkacem. « Algerian Public Authorities in the Face of Transnational Media Competition : Between Status Quo and Deregulation ». Dans National Broadcasting and State Policy in Arab Countries, 166–87. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137301932_12.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Arab countries – Military policy"
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Olejnik, Łukasz. « ECONOMIC GROWTH AND MILITARY EXPENDITURES FROM A FISCAL POLICY PERSPECTIVE. EVIDENCE FROM CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES ». Dans Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2022.0003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Using a newly created dataset of detailed and disaggregated military expenditures, this paper studies the impact of military expenditures on economic growth in nine Central and Eastern European countries in 1999-2021. The results of the estimation of a Barro-type endogenous growth model with military expenditures confirm a negative and significant influence of different kinds of military expenditures on economic growth in the long run, and identify personnel expenditures and labour market adjustments as one of the most important channels of influence. To measure the impact of the short-run effect, fiscal multipliers of military expenditures were estimated using SVAR model and significantly negative values were obtained for aggregated and disaggregated military expenditures. Military expenditures tend to crowd-out non-military government expenditures in some cases.
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Gukasyan, Gurgen, et Ali Nasser Khayder. « PROSPECTS OF THE OIL INDUSTRY OF OPEC+ COUNTRIES - MAJOR OIL EXPORTERS IN THE CONTEXT OF POST-PANDEMIC AND POLITICAL INSTABILITY ». Dans 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/1.1/s06.075.
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The purpose of the analysis is to identify prospects and opportunities for the development of the oil industry of Arab countries (including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates. Kuwait, Qatar. Oman, Iraq) as well as Iran, Venezuela, Russia and some others), in the difficult post�pandemic and political conditions of 2022. In our opinion, there is a strong influence on the oil industry of cyclical and structuralcyclical fluctuations of the world economy, along with the environmental policy of the OECD countries, long-term trends in the consumption of fossil fuels. In this aspect, the historical approach to analysis contributes to a better forecasting of the studied problem, namely, an experience of the OPEC policy in the 20th century. At the same time, in the context of the events of 2022, there is an overlap of political factors of the development of the oil market with its economic trends. This may lead to a change in the entire configuration of the oil market and industry. The bet on the exceptionally decisive role of "green energy" does not fully justify itself due to various difficulties. The oil resource is viewed differently by developing countries and OECD. Under these conditions, it is possible to identify and justify the impact of a number of unexpectedly intensified factors and strategic directions of the development of the oil industry for key OPEC+ member countries. In the article the methods of macro and microeconomic analysis, historical approach, statistical analysis, and partly, political analysis, are used. The results can be used in further investigation of oil-exporting countries oil policy.
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Koç, Murat, et Hakkı Çiftçi. « World Investments, Global Terrorism and the New Perception of Politic Risk ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01108.
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Based on economic power struggle, the economic strength began to take the place of military power and economic security has been considered as important as military security in this new world order. Multinational companies and their feasibility studies constitute the agenda of politic risks before entering these markets. Political risk faced by firms can be defined as “the risk of a strategic, financial, or personnel loss for a firm because of such nonmarket factors as macroeconomic and social policies, or events related to political instability”. However, terrorism should be considered as a multiplier effect on some of the components mentioned above. Terrorism itself and these strict measures directly affect investments. In 2012, FDI (Foreign Direct Investment) flows into the Middle East and North Africa have been adversely affected by political risk over the past couple of years. Investor perceptions of political risks in the region remain elevated across a range of risks. The Arab Spring countries have fared worse than other developing countries in the region. The risk perception of civil disturbance and political violence, but also breach of contract, is especially prominent in Arab Spring countries. In other words, global terrorism has created a negative multiplier effect in the region. In this context, Multiplier effect can be summarized as an effect on a target, situation or event which exceed its creating strength than expected. Considering this impact, MNC’s SWOT analysis and investment analysis must signify a redefinition in a wide range by the means of political risk perceptions.
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RĂPAN, Florian. « THE EVOLUTION OF THE CONCEPTS OF USE OF ROMANIAN AVIATION IN THE TWO WORLD CONFLAGRATIONS AND IN THE INTERWAR PERIOD ». Dans SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION IN THE AIR FORCE. Publishing House of “Henri Coanda” Air Force Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19062/2247-3173.2021.22.27.
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Romania has dedicated to world aviation top personalities such as Traian Vuia, Aurel Vlaicu and Henri Coandă, being among the first countries in the world not only in the construction of aircraft lighter or heavier than air, but also through the procedures of conquest of airspace. Romania - as a country with significant possibilities in the field of aeronautical construction and the use of aviation for military purposes - has paid the necessary attention to capitalizing on its own and international experience. Thus, between the two world wars, in our country the concept of aviation use in combat experienced an evolution corresponding to the policy of that period of the Romanian state.
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Bhandari, Pitambar. « Making the Soft Power Hard : Nepal’s Internal Ability in Safeguarding National Interest ». Dans 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.008.
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Abstract Soft power is an important instrument of foreign policy and a tool in safeguarding national interests. Under various regimes after the advent of democracy in 1950, Nepal has experienced a turbulent effect of international influence on technology, governance capability, policy transfer, labor migration and climatic affairs. In these contexts, traditional diplomatic effort based on persuasive bargaining requires an interest based practice which is complicated for the countries like Nepal where military power and economy are considered to be public goods rather than strategic base for the expansion of domestic policy making the other countries follow. Nepal creates an exemplary image in coping with the internal and external threats even during the major political transitions in 1950, 1990 and 2006. In all these power sharing mechanisms, the immunity that galvanized internal forces with minimum experience of indirect influence from the neighbouring countries shows that soft power values in Nepal became the major component for managing internal tensions and mitigating external interests. At one hand, the sources of soft power rests on ancient value system and on the other, Nepal celebrates new political system confronting the values earlier regime survived on. Political crisis before 2015 and the natural disaster after it plunged Nepal into a serious threat. During the time of crisis it is need and the value that functions compared to the interest. This paper posits a central question that how soft power became a variant during the war to peace transition from 2006 to the period of implementation of constitution stipulated in 2015 with the result of a stable government. The first part of the paper explores the dimensions of soft power in Nepal- both perceived and practiced- after Jana Aandolan II. The effectiveness of soft power in maintaining the geostrategic importance through a constant coupling of soft power diplomacy adopted and endorsed in Nepal by the external powers and Nepal’s own soft power standpoint will be analyzed in the second part of the paper. The last section of the paper analyzes the challenges for effective implementation of soft power diplomacy in meeting the national interest. Key words: Soft power, geo-strategic importance, national interest
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Patrascu, Petrisor. « THE APPEARANCE AND DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL CYBER SECURITY STRATEGIES ». Dans eLSE 2018. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-18-222.
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In the last years, digital world have took a lot of importance applied on multiple fields, due to benefits, but also due to multiple number of users from both government and private companies. This development had involved a lot of risks and vulnerabilities. Nowadays a lot of vulnerabilities had been attacked, another ones had been tried to jeopardize and because of that were issued measurements for protection and cyber defense. The cyber security concept was generate by a permanent development of the information and communications technology, due to an increased number of users, due to an increased number of cyber threats and attacks and also due to the importance of this concept as an instrument of the national power strength. All through, the cyberspace became a field that applied to diplomatic, information, economic and military level of the global and country policy. The cyber security had an ascendant course started from technical discipline, developed to tactical level and finally reached strategically level of the powerful countries. Development of the cyber security became country policy and worldwide directives as a consequence of an increased number of threats and cyber-attacks. Because of those a lot of states took a lot of countermeasures to protect the national cyber infrastructure. Is observed that those countermeasures had been took when the cyber infrastructures were attacked or after that. Therefore, after these moments when cyber-attacks became a threat to critical cyber infrastructure, worldwide countries started to take in consideration that prevention is the basement of the cyber security and started to develop strategies and some of these states applied laws of cyber security.
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Radu, Catalin. « DIGITAL MEDIA, IDENTITY AND THE LEARNING DESIGNER ». Dans eLSE 2018. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-18-277.
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Museums, archives, and other educational institutions around the world share on social media activity focused on World War I history. Following these institutions on social media, allow any user to discover interesting content almost every single day. More, experts and educators are sometimes online to answer questions, test knowledge in pop quizzes, and stream behind the scenes with live video. A special point is that of showing that the First World War marked a turning point with the appearance of news and artwork intended to capture the moment in a realistic way, by first-hand participants. Before World War I, war news and art largely depicted heroic military leaders and romanticized battles, done long after the fact, far from the battlefield. This study try to encompass all the forms in which social media contribute to the creation of public knowledge, underlining that, the number of object records created or the number of records made available to the public online, gives us vital information and a strong sense of what in military history is known and where improvement is needed. This article examines how practitioners can make informed choices about curriculum design and pedagogical approaches in their settings, based on historical theories and principles. The approaches advocated here respect some of the tenets of the ideological tradition, but at the same time provide a secure justification for play that inform by evidence from research and curriculum models from different countries. We have emphasized that practitioners should use policy frameworks as a guiding structure.
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GUEROUAOUI, Youssef. « THE REALITY OF EDUCATIONAL SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH IN REGIONAL CENTERS OF EDUCATION AND TRAINING PROFESSIONS AND THE MECHANISMS FOR ITS DEVELOPMENT ». Dans 2. IJHER-International Congress of Humanities and Educational Research. Rimar Academy, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/ijhercongress2-2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Educational research is only one of the areas of scientific research, or a branch of scientific research, as a careful, organized and critical attempt to address educational problems and issues of a practical nature, starting from monitoring and identifying the problem and subjecting it to the test of meditation, reflection and diagnosis in order to reach possible and appropriate solutions to it, as educational research is a mechanism of developing the work of teachers and raising the quality of their composition and improving their classroom practices, in addition to contributing to the drawing of educational policy, and providing information And the data needed for educational decision-making... If the educational research has all these and other advantages, we find that the ministry of the guardian of the national education sector in the Kingdom of Morocco did not give him the status that befits him, and the result was the emergence of an educational crisis in our country, where our educational system occupied very low ranks as will come later, which made king Mohammed VI Nasrallah warn of the seriousness of the crisis in his historic speech 20 August 2013.This was recently revealed by the Development Model Committee in April 2021. The Ministry has recently been alerted to the importance of educational scientific research in addressing this educational crisis and has issued some regulations and legislation to encourage it. Despite the state's efforts in this area, the meditator of the educational research situation in the various research centers in our country, as in other Arab countries, notes that there are many obstacles and difficulties in it and limit its performance of its expected role. From this point of view, this modest study came to shed more light on the reality of educational research in the regional centers of the professions of education and training, focusing on the most important difficulties facing it, hoping to find appropriate solutions to this situation in order to build a new Moroccan school that responds to the expectations of society and looks forward to its development prospects. From God, we derive help, conciliation and payment. Key words: Educational Research, Scientific Research, Regional Centers For Education And Training Professions.
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حسين عبد الجبوري, احمد. « Forced displacement from the outskirts of Kirkuk in 2014 challenges and hopes for return ». Dans Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/9.
Texte intégralRésumé :
"Introduction: Military and political crises and conflicts have been part of the reality of many countries of the world, which are witnessing political, economic, social, intellectual, cultural and sectarian changes that have made violence and terrorism an essential material for expressing the content of the conflict and its extensions, then turning to other societies. In mid-2014, Iraq was subjected to a fierce attack by the so-called Islamic State (ISIS) on the governorates of Mosul, Kirkuk, Salah al-Din, Diyala and Anbar, which led to the occupation of some of them by the organization's forces, and thus led to the forced migration of hundreds of thousands of people to the safe provinces. Stable, the extension of this crisis and its various effects made it a strategic challenge for Iraq that requires exceptional national efforts to achieve stability and ensure the return of the displaced to their areas of residence within a legal framework of a humanitarian nature. The problem of the study: The problem of the research lies in answering several questions that were raised in the study, which are what are the reasons that led to this forced migration and mass displacement, and what are the challenges facing the displaced and displaced in Kirkuk, and how to coexist amid the charged atmosphere in the city of Kirkuk, which is threatened by invasion from Before the forces of the organization, and how to reach solutions that satisfy all parties and end this crisis and ensure the dignified return of the displaced families to their homes after the liberation of the region and the restoration of security to it. Study hypothesis: The hypothesis that the researcher starts from in order to answer the questions raised by the problematic, confirmed or denied by the data of the study. Therefore, the absence of a unified national strategy that addresses the crisis of forced displacement and mass displacement in Iraq in general and in Kirkuk in particular and responds to the requirements of their relief and return to their areas would reduce the The quality of the humanitarian response policy and achieve social justice befitting the life of the Iraqi citizen. The importance of the study: The importance of this research comes since the crisis of forced displacement and mass displacement began in mid-2014, after ISIS took control of the northern and central regions of Iraq, the humanitarian emergency in Iraq became more severe, according to United Nations estimates, as the number of displaced people in Iraq exceeded Nearly three million displaced people, while more than eight million people are in need of humanitarian assistance, and with the lack of funding by the United Nations, and the presence of the Iraqi government and the Kurdistan Regional Government also under economic pressure as a result of the war on ISIS, the protection of human rights and the provision of assistance are at risk Also at great risk. Objectives of the study: 1- Getting to know the international evidence for the displaced. 2- The impact of the characteristics of the displaced in Kirkuk and the effects of the crisis. 3- Knowing the national efforts to curb the effects of the crisis. 4- Defining the general framework for the sustainable solutions required to ensure the success of return or resettlement cases. Study methodology: The study adopted the analytical method of an inductive nature based on reality, as a method in proving the hypothesis in order to reach the research objectives. Structure of the study: The study was divided into two sections. The first section included the challenges facing the displaced in Kirkuk, which included three main axes: first the political and security challenges, secondly the economic challenges, and thirdly the social challenges. The second topic dealt with the procedures used to deal with the crisis, which was divided into the situation The government from the crisis, the position of local associations and international organizations from the crisis, and finally the proposed solutions to end the crisis of forced displacement and displacement in Iraq in general and Kirkuk in particular. Results of the study: The study reached several results, including 1- The relief programs and the humanitarian response policy were unable to mitigate the economic, social and psychological impact of the displaced, which deepened the severity of the crisis and its repercussions. 2- Doubling the national and international effort is a necessity to limit the spillover effects of the crisis, provided that these efforts are linked and encapsulated by legal frameworks. 3- Returning to the liberated areas is among the most sustainable solutions. Therefore, the return of the displaced must be accompanied by achieving stability, providing services and security. Sources study: The sources of the study varied from the reports of the High Commission for Human Rights in Iraq, UNICEF, Amnesty International of the United Nations, and the reports of the International Organization for Migration and other organizations that used to issue their periodic reports and in numbers on the tragic conditions experienced by the Iraqi diaspora, including the book The Displacement Crisis in Safe Iraq. And protection issued by the Cisfire Center for Civilian Rights in London, the national report on human development in Iraq, the reports of the World Food Program, and other sources in the course of the study. "
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Arab countries – Military policy"
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Dorsey, Jessica, et Nilza Amaral. Military drones in Europe. Royal Institute of International Affairs, avril 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784134556.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The use of armed drones, particularly to conduct targeted killings outside formal war zones, is highly contentious. In the contemporary context, where conflict has moved beyond the theatres of traditional warfare to take place in undefined battle zones, and is chiefly characterized by counterterrorism and counter-insurgency operations, drone use has brought to the fore critical questions on civilian casualties, the rule of law, secrecy and lack of accountability, among others. This paper has been developed as part of a project focusing on the policy implications for the UK and the EU of the use of armed drones. The analysis draws on discussions that took place at two research workshops and a simulation exercise held at Chatham House in 2019. The authors argue that the troubling questions raised by armed drone use should not just be a concern for countries that may use them in permissive ways. The EU and the UK, with a shared interest in upholding democratic values, need to work together on developing guidance on best practice for improving transparency and accountability around the use of armed drones.
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Abdulrahim, Sawsan, Zeinab Cherri, May Adra et Fahed Hassan. Beyond Kafala : Employer roles in growing vulnerabilities of women migrant domestic workers. Centre for Excellence and Development Impact and Learning (CEDIL), février 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51744/ceb7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Women migrant domestic workers (WMDWs) constitute 7.7 percent of migrant workers worldwide, of whom more than a quarter live and work in the Arab region. In Lebanon, as in other Arab countries, WMDWs are recruited through the sponsorship system, Kafala. Under this system, a potential migrant worker can only obtain legal residency and a work permit in the country of destination if she is sponsored by a specific employer. Once in the destination country, the worker cannot transfer to a new employer unless granted permission by the original sponsor. The system heightens the social, economic, and legal vulnerability of WMDWs and has been described as unfree or bound labor and a system of racialized servitude. Yet, Kafala is not a written policy but rather a collection of administrative procedures, customary practices, and socially acceptable norms that are maintained by various players throughout the migration process. The question then arises as to whether advocacy efforts that focus on abolishing Kafala as a legal term would mitigate employers’ exploitative practices that violate the workers’ rights and freedoms, particularly in a country like Lebanon. This policy brief is based on a study carried out under the International Labour Organization’s (ILO) Work in Freedom project designed to mitigate the exploitation and forced labor of women migrating from South to West Asia to work in the domestic and garment sectors. This brief explores knowledge, awareness and attitudes to Kafala by employers in Lebanon.
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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer et Dominik Rehbaum. Mapping European Union Member States’ Responses to Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/htdn6668.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This SIPRI Research Policy Paper identifies European Union (EU) member states’ efforts to address climate-related security risks in the short to medium term and suggests entry points for further action. Even countries making visible attempts to mainstream the linkages between climate and security are falling short of pursuing a comprehensive approach. Among the ongoing initiatives that might bear fruit in one to three years are: appointing climate security advisers; climate proofing peacebuilding and conflict proofing climate action; investing in early warning and risk mapping; reassessing climate financing and development aid; and building up the operational resilience of the military. Strengthening such efforts would involve: incorporating climate insecurity into foreign and security policy dialogues; increasing conflict-sensitive climate adaptation finance; sensitization to climate change and conflict; and improving the operationalization of early warning. To remain credible, EU member states must advance their climate security initiatives and close the gap between rhetoric and practice.
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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer et Dominik Rehbaum. Advancing European Union Action to Address Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rzme5933.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Ukraine war has added to the pressure to address the links between the environment, natural resource management and conflict. This SIPRI Research Policy Paper assesses the priorities of selected European Union (EU) member states regarding climate-related security risks, explores their strategies for pursuing these at EU level and identifies steps for further action. It finds that the appetite to tackle climate-related security risks at EU level is mixed. While maintaining the operational efficiency of the military is a red line, concentrating efforts on research, development and peacekeeping is acceptable even to countries that do not prioritize climate insecurity in their policies. Country strategies for pursuing such efforts involve spotlighting climate security during their respective rotating Council presidencies, working closely with the European External Action Service and the European Commission, and collaborating with like-minded member states. The paper recommends additional steps for action but in order to make effective adjustments to EU processes, climate security will need greater prominence on the EU agenda.
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Black, Richard, Joshua Busby, Geoffrey D. Dabelko, Cedric de Coning, Hafsa Maalim, Claire McAllister, Melvis Ndiloseh et al. Environment of Peace : Security in a New Era of Risk. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/lcls7037.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The environmental crisis is increasing risks to security and peace worldwide, notably in countries that are already fragile. Indicators of insecurity such as the number of conflicts, the number of hungry people and military expenditure are rising; so are indicators of environmental decline, in climate change, biodiversity, pollution and other areas. In combination, the security and environmental crises are creating compound, cascading, emergent, systemic and existential risks. Without profound changes of approach by institutions of authority, risks will inevitably proliferate quickly. Environment of Peace surveys the evolving risk landscape and documents a number of developments that indicate a pathway to solutions––in international law and policy, in peacekeeping operations and among non-governmental organizations. It finds that two principal avenues need to be developed: (a) combining peace-building and environmental restoration, and (b) effectively addressing the underlying environmental issues. It also analyses the potential of existing and emerging pro-environment measures for exacerbating risks to peace and security. The findings demonstrate that only just and peaceful transitions to more sustainable practices can be effective––and show that these transitions also need to be rapid.
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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, octobre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).