Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Anders Langes parti »

Op 11 oktober 1978 splitste de Belgische Socialistische Partij zich als laatste van de drie unitaire partijen op in twee autonome partijen. Langs Franstalige zijde werd éénzijdig de Parti Socialiste opgericht, twee jaar later volgde de Socialistische Partij. De splitsing vormde het eindpunt van een lange en bewogen geschiedenis van de socialistische eenheidspartij.Ondanks het feit dat heel wat auteurs reeds een licht hebben geworpen op de belangrijkste gebeurtenis uit de na-oorlogse geschiedenis van de BSP, is het antwoord op de vraag naar de oorzaken van de splitsing vrij eenduidig. Overwegend wordt aangenomen dat de splitsing van de BSP het gevolg is van een moeilijke samenwerking in het kader van het communautaire dossier. Andere oorzaken worden amper aangehaald, of onvoldoende verduidelijkt. Tevens wordt slechts het politiek-tactische aspect van het communautaire dossier uitvoerig besproken. In de bestaande literatuur wordt zo goed als nergens dieper ingegaan op de inhoudelijke elementen die binnen de partij problemen teweegbrachten.Onderzoek van twee cruciale documenten heeft de mogelijkheid geboden het verhaal van de splitsing beter te reconstrueren. Daarbij is gebleken dat de splitsing van de partij in een ruimer kader dient te worden geïnterpreteerd dan het communautaire dossier. Aan de splitsing van de partij ging een lang proces van autonomisering en vleugelvorming vooraf. Bovendien werd aangetoond dat de problematiek inzake het Egmont-Stuyvenbergpact niet de enige directe oorzaak vormde voor de splitsing van de partij, in de periode 1977-1978. Enkele andere oorzaken hebben daartoe eveneens bijgedragen.________The division of the Belgian Socialist Party. Two explanatory documentsOn 11 October 1978 the Belgian Socialist Party divided into two autonomous parties, the last of the three unitary parties to do so. First the French speaking section unilaterally founded the ‘Parti Socialiste’, two years later the ‘Socialistische Partij’ followed. The division constituted the termination of the long and eventful history of the socialist unitary party.In spite of the fact that many authors have already shed light on the most important event from the post-war history of the BSP, the answer to the question about the causes for the division are fairly unequivocal. The majority of opinions favour the view that the division of the BSP was the consequence of the difficulty of collaborating within the framework of the community dossier. Other causes are hardly cited, or insufficiently elucidated. Moreover only the politico-tactical aspect of the community dossier is discussed in detail. The existing literature hardly ever carries out a more thorough examination of the intrinsic elements that caused problems within the party.The investigation of the two crucial documents has offered the opportunity to provide a better reconstruction of the division. This showed that the division of the party should be interpreted within a larger framework than the community dossier alone. A long process of autonomisation and the formation of political wings preceded the division of the party. It also demonstrated that the issues concerning the Egmont-Stuyvenberg pact were not the only direct cause for the division of the party, during the period 1977-1978. There were several other causes that also contributed to this division.

Summary It has become widely accepted that English has undergone no interruption in transmission, its paucity of inflection treated as a random loss paralleled in Scandinavian. This paper argues that English has in fact lost more of the Proto-Germanic inheritance than any other Germanic language including Afrikaans. These losses extend far beyond inflection: where other Germanic languages overtly mark a given feature, in a great weight of cases English leaves the distinction to context. While there are no grounds for treating English as a “creole”, the evidence strongly suggests that extensive second-language acquisition by Scandinavians from the eighth century onwards simplified English grammar to a considerable extent. Résumé On accepte que l’anglais est une langue qui s’est transmise sans heurts, et que la disparition quasi-totale de sa flexion n’est qu’un changement aléatoire, que l’on retrouve également dans les langues scandinaves. Dans cet article, on soutient qu’en fait, l’anglais est la langue qui a éliminé le plus de traits du germanique commun, surpassant même l’Afrikaans. Parmi ces traits éliminés, on ne compte pas que la flexion: là où d’autres langues germaniques marquent de façon obligatoire divers traits, dans un nombre déterminant de cas l’anglais laisse ces distinctions au contexte. Bien qu’il n’existe aucune raison de qualifier l’anglais de “créole”, tout porte à croire que l’apprentissage à grande échelle de l’anglais par des scandinaves à partir du huitième siècle a considérablement simplifié la grammaire de l’anglais. Zusammenfassung Es ist mittlerweile allgemein anerkannt, dass die englische Sprache sich ohne Bruch entwickelte, wobei man davon ausgeht, dass der Verlust der Flexionsendungen wie auch im Skandinavischen rein willkürlich vonstatten ging. Dieser Aufsatz zeigt, dass die englische Sprache tatsächlich aber mehr von ihrem protogermanischen Erbe verloren hat, als jede andere germanische Sprache, eingeschlossen Afrikaans. Diese Verluste beziehen sich auf weit mehr als die Flexion. Wo andere germanische Sprachen ein bestimmtes Merkmal ausdrücklich kennzeichnen, überlässt die englische Sprache in vielen Fällen dem Kontext die Unterscheidung. Obwohl es keinerlei Anhaltspunkt gibt, Englisch als Kreolsprache zu betrachten, gibt es Beweise, die eindeutig darauf hinweisen, dass die englische Grammatik im Zuge des Zweitsprachenerwerbs der Skandinavier, die seit dem 8. Jahrhundert nach Großbritannien strömten, erheblich vereinfacht wurde.

SUMMARY The distribution of reflexes of 'Nostratic' roots among the first-order subgroups of the proposed family in Illic-Svityc (1971) is not significantly different from a binomial distribution, the type of curve described by random chance similarities of uniform probability. By contrast, Pokorny (1959) shows a very different distribution of Indo-European cognates. This graphically illustrates the fact that the resemblances between recognized language families on which the Nostratic hypothesis is based have never been demonstrated to be greater-than-chance — unlike the resemblances between languages of the Indo-European family, or within any other generally recognized language family. RÉSUMÉ Parmi les sous-groupes de premier ordre de la famille 'nostratique' telle que proposee par Illic-Svityc (1971), on ne retrouve pas de difference significative entre la distribution des reflexes de racines 'nostratiques' et une distribution binomiale, c'est a dire la courbe qui represente des similarites a probabilité uniforme dues au hasard. En contraste, Pokorny (1959) demontre une distribution tout a fait differente pour les mots apparentes dans les langues indo-europeennes. Cela illustre clairement le fait que contrairement aux ressem-blances entre les langues de la famille indo-europeenne ou de n'importe quelle autre famille linguistique generalement reconnue, on n'a encore jamais etabli un caractere plus qu'arbitraire pour les ressemblances entre les families linguis-tiques reconnues sur lesquelles se base l'hypothese nostratique. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Die Verteilung der Reflexe 'nostratischer' Wurzeln innerhalb der Unter-gruppen der ersten Odnung der in Illic-Svityc (1971) vorgeschlagenen Sprach-familie unterscheidet sich nur geringfügig von einer binomischen Distribution, einem Kurventyp, der durch zufallige Ahnlichkeiten gleichformiger Wahr-scheinlichkeiten gekennzeichnet ist Im Gegensatz hierzu zeigt Pokorny (1959) eine ganz andersartige Verteilung der untereinander verwandten Wurzelformen des Indoeuropaischen. Graphisch gesehen, illustriert dies die Tatsache, daß für die Ahnlichkeiten zwischen erwiesenen Sprachfamilien, auf die die nostratische Hypothese sich stutzt, bisher keine groBer als zufallige Ahnlichkeiten nachge-wiesen worden sind — ganz anders also als im Falle der indoeuropaischen Familie oder jeder anderen allgemein anerkannten Sprachfamilie.

SUMMARY The copula in present-day Swahili is primarily expressed with the non-variant item ni in all persons. Historical documents show that the copula situation was markedly different as recently as two centuries ago. There was a full verb -li "to be" which was used only with locative sentences, while in equa-tional sentences there was no expressed copula. M existed only as a focus particle of free syntactic movement, and also as a diachronically related clause-initial presentative morpheme. This paper traces the evolution of this system into that of the present day, in which presentative ni was reanalyzed in the present tense as a copula due to a particular syntactic configuration in which it frequently appeared, while the -li was reanalyzed as a marker of past tense and disappeared as a verb. The analysis is supported with evidence from various languages in which copulas have arisen similarly. The analysis has the benefit of accounting for the behavior of present-day ni in non-present tenses, in which the focus particle ni is still in usage. RÉSUMÉ En Swahili moderne la copule est en principe exprimée à l'aide du morphème invariable ni à toutes les personnes. Les documents historiques montrent que le système différait d'une façon marquée il y a à peine deux siècles. Il y avait un verbe -li "être" qui ne s'employait que dans les phrases locatives, alors que dans les phrases équationelles la copule n'était pas exprimée. M n'existait que dans le rôle d'une particule d'emphase de mouvement syntactique libre, ou plus dans celui d'un morphème présentatif qui se trouvait au début d'une phrase et était lié historiquement à la particule d'emphase. La présente étude suit l'évolution de ce système jusqu'au présent; il est montré qu'il s'agissait d'une réanalyse du ni présentatif au temps du présent comme copule à cause d'une configuration syntactique parti-culière dans laquelle il apparaissait souvent, alors que -li fut réanalysé comme indicateur du temps passé et que son emploi comme forme verbale disparut. L'argument de cette analyse est renforcé par des données de plusieurs langues dans lesquelles des copules sont apparues d'une manière semblable. L'avantage de la présente analyse est qu'elle explique le ni moderne dans les temps qui ne sonmt pas des temps du passé et dans lesquels la particule d'emphase ni s'emploie encore aujourd'hui. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Im heutigen Swahili wird die Kopula vornehmlich durch das gleichförmige Morphem ni ausgedruckt. Historische Dokumente zeigen jedoch, daß die Situation noch vor zwei Jahrhunderten eine ganz andere war. In ihnen findet sich ein Vollverb -li "sein", das nur in lokativen Sätzen gebraucht wurde, während in Vergleichssätzen keine Kopula zu finden war. M gab es nur als Fokus-partikel freier syntaktischer Wahl und darüber hinaus als ein historisch ver-wandtes Morphem, das einen Satzbeginn markiert. Der gegenwärtige Aufsatz verfolgt die Entwicklung dieser Verwendungsweisen zum neuen, heutigen System, in welchem das vorweisende ni im Präsens neuinterpretiert wird, und zwar als Kopula als Folge eines häufigen Erscheines in bestimmten syntakti-schen Bildungen, wohingegen -li als Vergangenheitszeichen neu analysiert wurde und als selbständiges Verb verschwand. Diese Analyse wird unterstutzt durch Beispiele aus anderen Sprachen, in denen Kopula auf âhnliche Weise entstanden sind. Der Vorteil dieser Analyse ist, daß sie das moderne ni in den nicht-vergangenen Tempora erklärt, in denen die Fokuspartikel ni noch ver-wendet wird.

SUMMARY Indo-Iranian poetic phraseology has been the subject of quite a number of contributions which have resulted in the identification of numerous formulas of poetic language. These results have effectively been facilitated by the fact that not only Vedic and Gathic culture, but also the lexicon of the texts are extremely conservative, so much so that their comparison permits the reconstruction of entire verbal strings which could be attributed with certainty to the common phase of Indo-Iranian. The present study attempts to show that, among these formulas, there are a great number which could be traced back to the poetic lexicon of Indo-European, and this to the extent where they are attested not only in Vedic and Avestan, but in other Indo-European languages as well. This presupposes that one considers at the same time the phenomena of lexical renewal and lexical variation which manifest themselves in the history of every language and even in Indo-European. All this means that the reconstruction of the poetic formulas of Indo-European should be based not on the identity of signifiers, but on that of the signifieds. RÉSUMÉ La phraséologie poétique de l'indo-iranien a fait l'objet de bien des contributions, qui ont abouti à l'identification de nombreuses formules du langage poétique; et cela a été objectivement facilité par le fait que non seulement la culture, mais aussi le lexique des textes védiques et gathiques sont extrêmement conservateurs, si bien que leur comparaison permet de reconstruire sans difficulté des séquences verbales que l'on peut attribuer avec certitude à la phase commune de l'indo-iranien. Notre étude se propose de montrer que, parmi ces formules, nombreuses sont celles qu'on peut faire remonter au lexique poétique de l'indo-européen, dans la mesure où elles sont attestées non seulement en védique et en avestique, mais aussi dans d'autres langues indo-européennes, pour peu que l'on prenne en compte les phénomènes de renouvellement lexical et de variation lexicale qui se sont manifestés dans l'histoire de chaque langue et même dans l'indo-européen. Cela signifie que la reconstruction des formules poétiques de l'indo-européen doit se fonder non pas sur l'identité des signifiants, mais sur celle des signifiés. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Indo-iranische poetische Phraseologie ist bisher schon Objekt vieler Bei-trage gewesen, die zur Identifikation einer groBen Anzahl von Formeln poeti-scher Sprache geführt haben. Diese Ergebnisse sind nicht zuletzt dadurch mög-lich geworden, daB nicht nur die vedische und gathische Kultur, sondern auch das Lexikon dieser Texte ziemlich konservativ sind, und zwar so sehr, daB deren Vergleich ohne Schwierigkeit die Rekonstruktion ganzer Verbalfolgen erlaubt, die mit Sicherheit der gemeinsamen indo-iranischen Phase zugeschrie-ben werden konnen. Die vorgelegte Arbeit versucht zu zeigen, daB unter diesen Formeln sich eine groBe Anzahl befindet, die auf das poetische Lexikon des Indo-Europaischen zurückgeführt werden können, und dies soweit sie nicht nur fur das Vedische und Avestische, sondern auch für andere indoeuropaische Sprachen attestiert sind. AU dies setzt freilich voraus, daß man ebenfalls Phä-nomene lexikalischer Erneuerung und lexikalischer Variation mitberücksichtigt, die sich in der Geschichte einer jeden Sprache manifestieren, sogar im Indo-Europäischen. All dies bedeutet, daß sich die Rekonstruktion poetischer Formeln des Indo-Europäischen nicht auf die Identität der Bezeichnenden, sondern der Bezeichneten stützen muß.

Im Sommer des Jahres 2020 jährte sich der Beginn der Zusammenarbeit unserer Universitäten zum 10. Mal. Die enge rechtswissenschaftliche Kooperation mit gemeinsamen Seminaren von Professoren, Studierenden und Doktoranden nahm im Juni 2010 mit dem ersten vom DAAD geförderten Seminar in Tartu seinen Anfang – ins Leben gerufen von den Professoren Paul Varul, Rainer Hausmann und Astrid Stadler. Für mich war es die erste Reise nach Estland und es sollten noch einige in dieses kleine, aber faszinierende Land folgen. Das erste Seminar wurde unter dem Obertitel „Die Harmonisierung des Europäischen Privat- und Verfahrensrechts” abgehalten und bot auch für die Gruppe von deutschen Studierenden erstmals die Gelegenheit, Estland und einer der ältesten ehemals deutschsprachigen Universitäten in Europa kennenzulernen. Wie auch später waren wir alle vom Charme der Stadt und der Universität begeistert und unsere Studierenden machten die für viele überraschende Entdeckung einer gemeinsamen Geschichte und rechtlichen Tradition. Es folgten in fast jährlicher Abfolge weitere Seminare, die abwechselnd in Konstanz und Tartu bzw. Tallinn (Konferenzsprache überwiegend Englisch) abgehalten wurden und von dem „Kern“ Irene Kull, Merike Ristikivi, Marju Luts-Sootak, Astrid Stadler und den jeweiligen Nachfolgern auf dem Konstanzer Lehrstuhl von Rainer Hausmann, zunächst Christoph Althammer, dann ab 2014 Michael Stürner und dem Konstanzer Rechtshistoriker (bis 2020) Matthias Armgardt durchgeführt wurden: im Frühjahr 2011 in Konstanz unter dem Titel „Die schwächere Partei – ein wechselvolles Konzept des Privatrechts“; 2013 in Tartu/Tallinn („Handelsbeziehungen in Europa: die Perspektive des Privatrechts und Internationalen Privatrechts“); im Herbst 2014 in Konstanz („Neue Wege zur Harmonisierung des Privatrechts in Europa – Lehren aus dem Einheitlichen Europäischen Kaufrecht und künftige Herausforderungen“); im Dezember 2016 in Konstanz („Privatrecht im Zeitalter der Digitalisierung“); im November 2017 in Tartu/Tallinn („Vergleichendes Privatrecht und EU- Recht“); im Dezember 2018 in Konstanz („Vertrag und Delikt“) und zuletzt im Winter 2019 in Tartu/Tallinn („Personen und persönliche Freiheit im Privatrecht“). Die Veranstaltung im Oktober 2014 wurde ausnahmsweise in größerem Format und unter Beteiligung weiterer Professoren (Burckhard Hess, MPI Luxemburg; Soazick Kerneis, Paris; Nils Janssen, Münster; Pascal Pichonnaz, Fribourg) durchgeführt – wie es sich für das große Thema der Harmonisierung des europäischen Privatrechts gehörte. Die für den Herbst 2020 in Konstanz geplante Jubiläumsveranstaltung war schon genau geplant, wurde aber bedauerlicher Weise wie so vieles in 2020 ein Opfer der Covid19-Pandemie. Die Veranstaltung kann hoffentlich schon in 2021 nachgeholt werden. Die Seminare waren für die deutschen Teilnehmer immer ein großer persönlicher und wissenschaftlicher Gewinn, da sich immer schnell ein freundschaftliches Miteinander der Seminarteilnehmer einstellte und die Gastfreundschaft der Kollegen überwältigend war. Manche Doktoranden beider Seiten begegneten sich in den Seminaren wiederholt und wir konnten miterleben, wie sie zu erfolgreichen jungen Wissenschaftlern und Wissenschaftlerinnen heranwuchsen. Abgerundet wurden die Veranstaltungen stets auch von Vorträgen der beteiligten Professoren mit aktuellen Einblicken in deren Forschungsaktivitäten. Thematisch waren die Seminare bewusst breit angelegt und erlaubten Präsentationen zu hochaktuellen Themen mit innovativen Ideen der jeweiligen Studierenden und Doktoranden. Dies bot gerade den deutschen Studierenden, deren engmaschiges Studium bis zum Staatsexamen sich in einem eher traditionellen Kanon von Themen und Fächern bewegt, schon in einer frühen Phase ihres Studiums interessante Einblicke in neue und gesamteuropäische Entwicklungen. Themen wie die Digitalisierung, die heute in aller Munde sind, waren dank der Vorreiterrolle Estlands in diesem Bereich schon früh auch ein Thema in den Seminaren, ebenso wie alle rechtlichen Probleme rund um Bitcoins, smart contracts etc., aber auch methodischen Fragen der Rechtsvergleichung und europäischen Harmonisierung. Neu war für die deutschen Teilnehmer/innen insoweit häufig der völlig andere und offenere Blick eines Landes wie Estland auf die Harmonisierungsbemühungen in der Europäischen Union. Sie erfuhren, dass man in Estland aufgrund der wechselvollen Geschichte und einer noch eher jungen Tradition autonomer Rechtssetzung nach Loslösung von der Sowjetunion, deren Teil die Estnische Sozialistische Sowjetrepublik von 1940−1991 gewesen war, viel aufgeschlossener ist gegenüber neuen Ideen und einer Harmonisierung als in Deutschland, wo häufig der Reflex in Wissenschaft und Politik überwiegt, das lieb gewonnene BGB zu bewahren. Ebenso konnten sie darüber staunen, dass es in einem Land wie Estland ohne weiteres möglich war, schon als junge/er Rechtswissenschaftler/in an landesweiten Kodifikationsprojekten mitzuarbeiten und Universität, Gerichte und Ministerien generell einen engen personellen Austausch pflegen und Wissenschaft und Praxis viel enger verbunden sind als in Deutschland. Die Kooperation mit Tartu ist für den Fachbereich Rechtswissenschaft der Universität Konstanz die längste und traditionsreichste Beziehung zu einer ausländischen Universität. In deren Mittelpunkt stehen zwar die gemeinsamen Seminare, aber darüber hinaus besteht auch ein reger Austausch durch Forschungsaufenthalte und wissenschaftliche Vorträge zu verschiedenen Anlässen. Die über die Jahre gewachsenen freundschaftlichen Beziehungen zu den Kollegen und Kolleginnen in Tartu sind eine einzigartige Basis, aufgrund derer sich den Studierenden an beiden Universitäten Möglichkeiten bieten, die sie sonst nicht wahrnehmen könnten. Dies alles wäre nicht möglich gewesen, ohne den enormen persönlichen Einsatz von Irene Kull, Marju Luts-Sootak und Merike Ristikivi, aber auch nicht ohne die stets wohlwollende finanzielle und organisatorische Unterstützung des DAAD und unserer beider Universitätsverwaltungen, insbesondere dem International Office der Universität Konstanz. Ihnen allen sei an dieser Stelle ganz herzlich gedankt – auch im Namen aller Kollegen und Studierenden. Am Fortbestand der Kooperation, die auf beiden Seiten auch von den jüngeren Kollegen mit großem Engagement getragen wird, besteht kein Zweifel und wir freuen uns auf den weiteren Austausch.

Na de schipbreuk van het Verdinaso, maakte Jef Van Bilsen (1913-1996) nog kortstondig deel uit van de groep Dinaso's rond Paul Persijn en diens alternatieve Verdinaso-directorium. Ondertussen ging hij ook op zoek naar andere manieren om aan betekenisvolle politiek te doen onder het bezettingsregime. Vanuit de overtuiging dat Duitsland nog lange tijd heer en meester over Europa zou blijven, raakte Van Bilsen in 1941 verwikkeld in een kluwen van nationalistische en royalistische Nieuwe Orde-initiatieven. In die middens ondernamen ook socialistisch voorman Hendrik De Man en de industrieel Tony Herbert afzonderlijke pogingen om iets zinvols te ondernemen in afwachting van het oorlogseinde.Tijdens Van Bilsens reis naar Berlijn in oktober 1940 was de idee ontstaan om een soort eenheidsbeweging rond Hendrik De Man op te zetten. Concreet moest De Man, in de hoedanigheid van een soort kanselier, een kabinet vormen met Dinaso’s. Dit op basis van een gemeenschappelijk programma waarin de Dinaso-ideologie centraal stond. Van Bilsen stond echter alleen met zijn enthousiasme want andere Dinaso's zagen een mogelijke samenwerking met De Man niet zitten. Bovendien stond ook De Man zelf bijzonder sceptisch tegenover het hele opzet. Verder dan een introductiegesprek tussen Van Bilsen en De Man is het aanvankelijk niet gekomen.Pas begin februari 1941 vond een eerste weerzien plaats tussen Van Bilsen en De Man. Deze laatste toonde zich toen bijzonder geïnteresseerd in de ontbinding van het Verdinaso en op 1 maart volgde een tweede ontmoeting in verband met de De Mans voorbereidingen voor de uitgave van Le Travail, dagblad van de Unie voor Hand- en Geestesarbeiders. De Man was op zoek naar enthousiaste medewerkers voor zijn krant en hengelde daarom naar Van Bilsens hulp. Van Bilsen negeerde dit en stelde voor om een Nederlandstalig dagblad 'met standing' uit te geven, los van de Unie voor Hand- en Geestesarbeiders en qua programma vergelijkbaar met dat van het Rexistische Le Nouveau Journal. Een bezoek van Otto Abetz (Duits ambassadeur in bezet Frankrijk en oud-leerling van De Man) aan Brussel, bracht dit voornemen in een stroomversnelling. Met de steun van Abetz zou het mogelijk zijn om een Vlaams dagblad uit te geven dat 'de Belgische thesis' verdedigde. Van Bilsen ging mee in die redenering en werkte alvast een voorstel uit. Van Bilsen wilde een 'politiek, cultureel, economisch informatie- en leidingsblad' uitgeven met als taak het 'negatieve nationalisme, zoals het 'anti-Fransch, anti-Waalsch en anti-Hollandsch', te bestrijden. Het 'België van morgen' zou volgens de ontwerpnota georiënteerd zijn op de vereniging van de Nederlanden en om dit alles te realiseren moest na de bezetting een 'Orde-revolutie van bovenaf' worden doorgevoerd. Er moesten echter nog heel wat praktische zaken geregeld worden vooraleer tot een daadwerkelijke uitgave kon overgegaan worden. In het bijzonder de financiering van het project en het vinden van een geïnteresseerde drukker bleek al snel onmogelijk. Door een gebrek aan middelen is er van een dagblad dan ook niets in huis gekomen.Toch had Van Bilsen de ontwerpnota niet voor niets opgesteld. Tijdens het voorjaar van 1941 vond De Man inspiratie in een initiatief van Robert Poulet en Raymond De Becker, de respectieve hoofdredacteurs van Le Nouveau Journal en de 'gestolen' Le Soir. Zij brachten alle rechtse Waalse groeperingen samen onder de noemer 'Parti Unique des Provinces Romanes de Belgique'. Eind mei 1941 voerde De Man van zijn kant een aantal gesprekken met als doel een soortgelijke organisatie aan Vlaamse kant uit te bouwen. Daartoe werd ook Van Bilsen opnieuw ingeschakeld. Eind mei 1941 werd hem verzocht om de voornoemde ontwerpnota aan De Man over te brengen. Waarschijnlijk hoopte deze de ontwerpnota nu te kunnen gebruiken als politiek-ideologische fundering voor een eventueel blad ter ondersteuning van de nog op te richten nieuwe formatie.Tijdens een eerste samenkomst op 6 juni 1941 deed De Man zijn plannen uit de doeken aan een achttal genodigden, onder wie ook Van Bilsen. De Man wilde samen met de Parti Unique een alternatieve eenheidsbeweging vormen voor de taalgrensoverschrijdende collaboratiecoalitie tussen het VNV en Rex. Daarvoor moest eerst en vooral een Vlaams pendant van de Parti Unique opgestart worden met een aantal 'Vlaamse personaliteiten'. De politiek-ideologische agenda van de op te richten beweging werd voorgesteld in een 'Schets van een Programma voor een Vlaamsche Beweging in het kader van een Belgisch Federale Staat'. De beweging zou zich niet profileren als een nieuwe partij. Het zou louter gaan om een groepering van 'thans geïsoleerde personen, en kernvorming, als mogelijk element van een ruimere constellatie later'. Ten tweede zou de groepering nationaal-socialistisch zijn, voor een socialistische orde en een autoritaire staat. Van Bilsen struikelde echter over De Mans federalistische opvattingen voor de toekomst van het Belgisch staatsverband. Het was duidelijk dat er tussen De Man en Van Bilsen een communautair meningsverschil bestond dat voor die eerste onbelangrijk scheen, maar voor Van Bilsen van onoverkomelijk belang was. Uiteindelijk bleken Van Bilsens reserves ten aanzien van een zoveelste samenwerking met De Man overbodig. De oprichting van een Nationale Bond-Vlaanderen (NBV), zoals het project ondertussen heette, werd namelijk verboden door de Duitse militaire overheid.Voor Van Bilsen was het na deze laatste poging met De Man duidelijk dat een zinvolle aanwezigheidspolitiek onmogelijk was onder de bezetting. Hij sloot zich vervolgens aan bij de clandestiene beweging van Tony Herbert, maar eigenlijk maakte Van Bilsen de mentale overstap al vroeger. Herberts beweging vond zijn wortels in een netwerk van kleine 'morele weerstandsgroepen'. Herbert was een van de weinige figuren die nooit heeft willen twijfelen aan een geallieerde eindoverwinning en vond dat men, gezien 'een Duitse overwinning voor ons land en volk een katastrofe zou zijn, slechts in één hypothese moest werken'. Hij zag het daarom als zijn plicht om tijdens de bezetting een eensgezinde groep mensen klaar te stomen om, onmiddellijk na de bevrijding, de eenheid van het land te verzekeren om zo de economische, sociale en politieke problemen van de naoorlogse periode het hoofd te bieden. De grootste uitdaging hierbij zou volgens Herbert de integratie van Walen en Vlamingen in een nieuw België zijn.Concreet begon Herbert tijdens het najaar van 1940 voordrachten te geven 'over de nationale betekenis van de Vlaamse Beweging'. Toenadering tussen Waalse en Vlaamse elites en de vervlaamsing van de Franstalige Vlamingen stonden hierbij telkens centraal. Met dit 'werk van nationale vernieuwing' oogstte hij al snel succes, ook omdat het patriottisme hoogtij vierde in de middens die hij aandeed. Begin 1941 kon Herbert al een beroep doen op een bescheiden netwerk van geëngageerde studiegroepen, al was het toen nog te vroeg om van een georganiseerde beweging te spreken. Vanaf maart 1941 vertakte dit netwerk zich ook tot in Wallonië en op 19 juni dat jaar, exact een week voordat de oprichting van de NBV verboden werd, had Van Bilsen een beslissend gesprek met Herbert. Qua politiek-ideologische instelling sloot de ultraroyalistische en antiparlementaire actie van de Herbert-beweging goed aan bij Van Bilsens discours. Bovendien was attentisme niets voor iemand met een innerlijke gedrevenheid als die van Van Bilsen. De concrete aanpak van de clandestiene Herbert-groepen moet, na de resem Duitse weigeringen tot erkenning, een heuse verademing geweest zijn.Het staat vast dat Van Bilsen zich vanaf september 1941 volledig aan de Herbert-beweging wijdde. Van Bilsens 'schamele' advocatenpraktijk bleek de ideale dekmantel om 'herbertianen' te ontvangen, vergaderingen te houden en de werking van de beweging te stuwen. Bovendien liet zijn registratie bij de balie hem toe om afspraken te regelen in het Justitiepaleis en de vredegerechten. Herbert zorgde aldus voor een nieuw kantoor op een centrale locatie in Brussel waar Van Bilsen daarna, van september 1941 tot februari 1944, het hart van de Herbert-beweging leidde. Mede omdat zich onder de Herbertianen een groot aantal verzetslieden bevonden, verzeilde ook Van Bilsen geleidelijk in de wereld van het actieve verzet.________Jef Van Bilsen between Hendrik De Man and Tony Herbert. The political search by a former DinasoAfter the failure of the Verdinaso party, Jef Van Bilsen (1913-1996) briefly joined the Dinaso Group led by Paul Persijn with his alternative Verdinaso-directory. Meanwhile he also started searching for different ways of being involved in significant politics during the regime of the Occupation. Based on the conviction that Germany would continue as lord and master of Europe for a long time to come, Van Bilsen was caught up in a tangle of nationalistic and royalist New Order initiatives. The socialist leader Hendrik De Man and the industrialist Tony Herbert also started separate initiatives in that environment to undertake something meaningful while awaiting the end of the war. During his trip to Berlin in October 1940, Van Bilsen conceived the idea of starting a kind of unity movement centred around Hendrik De Man. This meant in fact that De Man, as a kind of chancellor was to constitute a cabinet together with the Dinaso members, based on a common programme focused on the Dinaso-ideology. However, Van Bilsen was isolated in his enthusiasm, for the other Dinaso members did not consider it feasible to cooperate with De Man. Moreover, De Man himself was very sceptical towards the whole concept. At first, Van Bilsen and De Man did not get beyond an introductory conversation. Not until the beginning of February 1941 Van Bilsen and De Man met again. At that time, De Man was very interested in the dissolution of the Verdinaso party and on 1 March, a second meeting took place in view of De Man’s preparations for the publication of Le Travail, a daily paper of the Union of Manual and Intellectual Workers. De Man was searching for enthusiastic collaborators for his paper and he therefore angled for the assistance of Van Bilsen. Van Bilsen ignored this attempt and proposed instead to publish a daily paper ‘of standing’ in the Dutch language that would be separate from the Union of Manual and Intellectual Workers and whose programme would be comparable with that of the Rexist Le Nouveau Journal. A visit by Otto Abetz (the German Ambassador in occupied France and a former student of De Man) to Brussels gave impetus to this intention. With the support of Abetz it would be possible to publish a Flemish daily paper that would defend the ‘Belgian proposition’. Van Bilsen agreed with this line of thinking, and immediately drafted a proposal. Van Bilsen wished to publish a ‘political, cultural, economic informative and leading newspaper that would have the mission to combat ‘the negative nationalism ‘like ‘the anti-French, anti-Walloon and anti-Dutch’ types of nationalism. According to the draft note, the ‘Belgium of tomorrow’ would be geared towards the reunion of the Netherlands, and in order to bring all of this about it would be necessary to carry out a ‘top-down Order-revolution’ after the occupation. However, a large number of practical matters needed to be resolved before a factual publication could be produced. It soon proved that in particular the financing of the project and finding an interested printer was impossible. Because of a lack of finances, the daily paper never saw the light of day. However, Van Bilsen had not composed the draft note in vain. During the spring of 1941, De Man was inspired by an initiative by Robert Poulet and Raymond De Becker, the respective chief editors of Le Nouveau Journal and the 'stolen' Le Soir. They united all right-wing Walloon factions under the common denominator of the 'Parti Unique des Provinces Romanes de Belgique'. At the end of May 1941, De Man had a number of conversations in his turn in order to set up a similar organisation for the Flemish side. Van Bilsen became involved again for this purpose. At the end of May 1941, he was asked to hand over the previously mentioned draft note to De Man. The latter probably hoped to make use of the draft note as a politico-ideological foundation for a future publication for the as yet to be founded formation. During a first meeting on 6 June 1941, De Man revealed his plans to eight invited guests including Van Bilsen. De Man wanted to start an alternative unity movement together with the Parti Unique to achieve a collaboration coalition across the language boundaries between the VNV and Rex. A preliminary to this end was to start up a Flemish counterpart to the Parti Unique that would include a number of ‘Flemish personalities’. The politico-ideological agenda of this future movement was presented in an ‘Outline of a programme for a Flemish movement in the framework of a Belgian Federal State’. The movement was not to be profiled as a new party. It would only concern a grouping of ‘persons that were isolated at present, and could form a core, which might be a possible element of a larger constellation later on’. Secondly, the grouping would be national-socialist, propagating a socialist order and an authoritarian state. However, Van Bilsen considered the federalist concepts of De Man an obstacle for the future of the Belgian Union of state. It was clear that De Man and Van Bilsen had different opinions about the communities. The former considered this of little importance, but for Van Bilsen it was an insurmountable problem. In the end, Van Bilsen’s reservations about yet another attempt of cooperation with De Man proved to be superfluous, as the German military authorities forbade the foundation of a National Union-Flanders (NBV) as the project was called by then. After this last attempt with De Man, Van Bilsen concluded that a meaningful politics of presence was impossible during the occupation. Consequently, he joined the clandestine movement of Tony Herbert, though he really had already switched his allegiance earlier on. Herbert’s movement was based on a network of small ‘moral resistance groups’. Herbert was one of the few people who never wanted to doubt the eventual victory of the Allies and he considered that in view of the fact that ‘a German victory would constitute a catastrophe for our country and our people, you could really only act based on one hypothesis’. Therefore, he considered it his duty to prepare a group of like-minded people during the occupation in order to be able to ensure the unity of the country and thereby confront the economic, social and political problems of the post-war period immediately after the liberation. Herbert considered that the main challenge would then be the integration of the Walloons and the Flemings into a new Belgium. During the autumn of 1940, Herbert started in fact to give lectures about the ‘national significance of the Flemish Movement’. He always focalised on the rapprochement between Walloon and Flemish elites and the process of converting French speaking Flemings into Flemish speakers. He quickly became successful with this ‘work of national renewal’, in part because patriotism reigned supreme among the circles he visited. At the beginning of 194l, Herbert could already call on a modest network of committed study groups, even if it was too early to call it an organised movement. From March 1941, this network also started spreading into Wallonia and on 19 June of that year, exactly one week before the foundation of the NBV was forbidden, Van Bilsen had a decisive discussion with Herbert. The politico-ideological views of the ultra-royalist and anti-parliamentarian action of the Herbert Movement fitted in well with the discourse of Van Bilsen. The concrete approach of the clandestine Herbert-groups must have provided great relief, after the series of German refusals for recognition. It has been established that Van Bilsen dedicated himself completely to the Herbert Movement from September 1941. Van Bilsen’s 'humble’ lawyer’s office proved to be the ideal cover for receiving the members of the Herbert Movement, to organise meetings and to promote the operation of the Movement. Moreover, his registration at the bar allowed him to organise meetings in the Justice Palace and the justice of the peace courts. Thus, Herbert provided a new office in a central location in Brussels, from where Van Belsen led the core of the Herbert Movement from September 1941 until February 1944. In part, because the Herbert Movement counted a large number of members of the resistance, Van Bilsen gradually also ended up in the world of active resistance.

Al cierre de la presente edición de INNOVAR, la ciudadanía en Latinoamérica y Colombia se encuentra consternada frente a los hechos de corrupción público-privada que han sido conocidos por la opinión pública en casos como los de Reficar ("Reficar: ¿el escándalo económico del siglo?", 2016) y Odebrecht ("¿Qué es el caso Odebrecht?: claves para entender el millonario escándalo de corrupción", 2017), entre otros. La consternación no se debe tanto a la novedad de los hechos, sino a la dimensión de los ilícitos y a la posición de los implicados (que incluye a múltiples miembros de las élites políticas, económicas y empresariales de varios países de la región). El malestar social crece ante la incapacidad de prevención y la ineficacia en la reacción de los aparatos de justicia. El siglo XXI ha sido especialmente profuso en eventos que visibilizan prácticas corruptas, tanto en el contexto empresarial como estatal: Enron, Worldcom, Adelphia, Tyco, Parmalat, J. P. Morgan, hipotecas subprime, los papeles de Panamá, entre muchas otras (Ashforth, Gioia, Robinson y Treviño, 2008). La dimensión de la corrupción supera las fronteras geográficas, las formas de gobierno de los Estados, las tradiciones culturales y los niveles de desarrollo socioeconómico de los países.El origen de la corrupción, sus manifestaciones y dimensiones, así como los mecanismos para enfrentarla, constituyen un campo de estudio que reclama enfoques inter y multidisciplinarios. Existen aproximaciones desde diversas perspectivas: la economía, la sociología, el derecho, la teoría organizacional, entre otros, y se identifican diversos enfoques y cuerpos de teoría que buscan explicar y comprender tal problemática (Pinto, Leana y Pil, 2008). Desde el punto de vista de la gestión y la teoría de las organizaciones, reconociendo la variedad de paradigmas sobre el asunto, un texto que ya se considera clásico fue el artículo de Diane Vaughan (1999) "The Dark Side of Organizations: Mistake, Misconduct, and Disaster" publicado en Annual Review of Sociology. La importancia del tema, fruto de la profundización de las crisis por corrupción del presente siglo, llevó a que una publicación académica tan reconocida como Academy of Management Review dedicara un número especial al abordaje de este fenómeno en el 2008.Allí, Lange (2008) ha definido la corrupción organizacional como: "[…] pursuit of individual interests by one or more organizational actors through the intentional misdirection of organizational resources or perversion of organizational routines" (p. 710). Esta definición enfatiza los comportamientos y malas prácticas de los gestores como fuente de la corrupción en las organizaciones. Pone el acento, por tanto, en la corrupción como una desviación de los individuos, de los agentes que solo persiguen su interés particular. Sin negar la responsabilidad de los individuos en la corrupción los fallos éticos-, es necesario también desarrollar un enfoque sobre la estructura y el sistema como generadores de corrupción en las organizaciones. El abordaje que desde la ciencia política y la filosofía se ha realizado a partir de la "banalidad del mal" (Arendt, 2003) puede aportar a este propósito en las ciencias de gestión y en la teoría organizacional. La tesis central de este planteamiento es que lo criminal y lo aberrante se pueden convertir en lo legal o en lo axiológicamente valorado como correcto en ciertas condiciones históricas, lo que hace que se establezcan estructuras que promueven lo incorrecto e institucionalizan una forma de lo corrupto. Esto impide que el juicio individual opere como freno ético del mal (Arendt estudió cómo los militares alemanes que participaron en el genocidio judío creían actuar correctamente y simplemente cumplir con las órdenes emitidas por el Tercer Reich).Los últimos años han visto la entrada a la gestión organizacional de perspectivas soportadas en la competencia sin límite, la visión de corto plazo, la gestión por medio del estrés, la generación de inestabilidad psicológica como motivante del desempeño, la amenaza del desempleo y el abrumador consumo y sus efectos sobre el medioambiente; y todo esto tiene lugar bajo el objetivo estandarizado del crecimiento incesante de los rendimientos financieros (con el eufemismo de la "creación de valor"). Estos elementos se han convertido en imperativos institucionalizados y naturalizados que hacen parte de las estructuras de las organizaciones contemporáneas. Gerentes y subalternos señalan: "¡así es la organización, ese es el mercado, todos se comportan igual!". Este contexto normaliza la "astucia" como valor que debe ser premiado, la "viveza" como capacidad a exaltar, la innovación como cualquier cambio formal por el que pagan los consumidores y, en su conjunto, promueven la negación de las consideraciones éticas por el interés general, lo que evita la valoración del impacto de las acciones administrativas sobre las personas, el entorno social y el medioambiente -es decir, negando la otredad-.Así pues, desde esta tribuna que es INNOVAR, convocamos a los investigadores en Colombia e Iberoamérica a realizar aportes teóricos e investigaciones empíricas que enriquezcan nuestra comprensión del flagelo de la corrupción, para plantear propuestas para su identificación, prevención y tratamiento; de esta manera, se pueden superar los enfoques que responsabilizan solamente a los individuos, sin abordar adecuadamente las dimensiones sistémicas o estructurales de la corrupción organizacional.La edición 64 de INNOVAR se estructura en cuatro de nuestras tradicionales secciones. La primera sección está dedicada a Marketing, y en esta publicamos tres trabajos, resultados de investigación.Desde la sede Medellín de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia, el investigador James Sánchez-Alzate y la profesora Luz Alexandra Montoya aportan a este número el artículo titulado "La confianza como elemento fundamental en las compras a través de canales de comercio electrónico: caso de los consumidores en Antioquia (Colombia)". La investigación tuvo como objetivo identificar y recoger los factores que afectan la confianza de quienes compran por medios electrónicos en un mercado local, concretamente en Antioquia. Metodológicamente el trabajo se desarrolló por medio de una encuesta a 500 participantes, cuyo instrumento siguió una estructura de diseño según la escala de Likert, con la que posteriormente se realizaron análisis estadísticos descriptivos. Se concluye que la reputación del vendedor, el riesgo percibido, la privacidad en el manejo de los datos y la seguridad de las transacciones son los factores más influyentes en la confianza de los consumidores en el estudio realizado.Los profesores António Carrizo, Pedro Freitas y Victor Ferreira, de la Universidad de Aveiro, Portugal, son los autores del trabajo "The Effects of Brand Experiences on Quality, Satisfaction and Loyalty: An Empirical Study in the Telecommunications Multiple-play Service Market". El artículo se planteó como objetivo aportar al conocimiento sobre el papel que juega la experiencia de marca, relacionando factores como la satisfacción, la confianza y la calidad en el servicio, en la lealtad hacia esta. El objeto de estudio estuvo compuesto por usuarios del sector telecomunicaciones en Portugal. Metodológicamente se desarrollaron ecuaciones estructurales, para identificar relaciones causales en los constructos para cada factor. Los resultados muestran que la experiencia de marca está significativamente relacionada con la lealtad, la confianza y la calidad. Se concluye que las experiencias de marca pueden ser una oportunidad clara de diferenciación en el sector servicios.Con el artículo "La influencia del consumo simbólico en la intensidad de uso de las redes sociales digitales y el valor percibido de las experiencias", el profesor Gonzalo Luna Cortés, de la Universidad Autónoma del Caribe, Colombia, participa en esta sección de Marketing. El trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar la relación existente entre la congruencia de la experiencia y la identidad, con el valor percibido de la experiencia. También busca aportar evidencia empírica sobre las experiencias de consumo simbólico por medio de las redes sociales. Se realizaron 380 encuestas a estudiantes universitarios españoles, con las que se concluye que la percepción del consumidor, relativa al refuerzo de su propia identidad, aumenta su satisfacción y la intención de recompra. Esto se evidencia de forma muy clara en el consumo por medio de las redes sociales.La segunda sección de este número de la revista está dedicada a las Empresas de Menor Tamaño y presenta dos artículos de investigación.De la Universidad Jorge Tadeo Lozano, Colombia, el profesor Leonardo Santana nos presenta su artículo "Determinantes de la supervivencia de microempresas en Bogotá: un análisis con modelos de duración". La investigación tuvo como objetivo establecer la tasa de supervivencia de las microempresas en Bogotá, identificando las principales variables financieras que determinan el nivel de supervivencia. Con información financiera y de apertura y cierre de 25.523 microempresas, provista por la Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá, se aplican modelos de duración para realizar la medición perseguida. Se identifican como determinantes de la duración de la empresa el número de empleados, la rentabilidad operativa y la capacidad de generación de ingresos para atender el servicio de la deuda.Los profesores Natanael Ramírez, Alejandro Mungaray, José Gabriel Aguilar y Yadira Zulith, vinculados a la Universidad Autónoma de Baja California, México, son los autores del trabajo "Microemprendimientos como instrumento de combate a la pobreza: una evaluación social para el caso mexicano". El artículo tiene como objetivo evaluar la rentabilidad social y económica de un grupo de microempresas (marginadas) de Tijuana (México). Al mismo tiempo, busca evaluar la pertinencia del fomento al desarrollo de la microempresa como política de lucha contra la pobreza y de desarrollo social del país. El trabajo estudia 394 microempresas ubicadas en zonas marginales de Tijuana, que recibieron servicios de capacitación, asistencia técnica y acercamiento a las fuentes de financiamiento. Los resultados del trabajo muestran que la vulnerabilidad de estas empresas es menor una vez son apoyadas, por lo que resulta pertinente el fomento gubernamental con financiación y capacitación, ya que ayuda a paliar la pobreza, promoviendo el desarrollo económico.En nuestra sección de Turismo, se publican dos trabajos resultados de investigación.El artículo titulado "Determinantes estratégicos en la formación de la lealtad del joven residente: el caso de las Islas Canarias" es el resultado de investigación de los profesores José Alberto Martínez, Noemí Padrón y Eduardo Parra, vinculados a la Universidad de la Laguna, España. El trabajo buscó identificar las variables que determinan la formación de la lealtad de los jóvenes que residen en destinos turísticos domésticos (concretamente en las Islas Canarias). A partir de una muestra de 678 jóvenes residentes en Tenerife y Gran Canaria, se desarrolló un cuestionario, y con los datos se construyó un modelo de ecuaciones estructurales. Los resultados muestran que la orientación al mercado, constituye la base para generar procesos que consiguen la lealtad del consumidor, así como que la satisfacción es la única variable que determina la lealtad.Las profesoras Marysela Morillo Moreno y Cororina del Carmen Cardozo Moreno, de la Universidad de los Andes, Venezuela, son las autoras del artículo "Sistema de costos basado en actividades en hoteles cuatro estrellas del estado Mérida, Venezuela". En el contexto de competitividad que presenta el sector hotelero, este trabajo buscó formular un modelo de costos ABC para hoteles cuatro estrellas del estado Mérida (Venezuela), enfatizando en sus aportes a la creación de valor, el control y la reducción de costos. A partir de un enfoque de investigación cualitativo, de campo, de carácter exploratorio, descriptivo y documental, se caracterizó el contexto hotelero (por medio de entrevistas y observación directa), se identificaron sus necesidades y se planteó el modelo, llegando a la identificación de actividades y criterios de asignación del costo. Se concluye que los costos ABC son una herramienta de gestión que orienta las decisiones estratégicas y el control de costos, con diversos beneficios.La sección Aportes a la Investigación y la Docencia de este número recoge tres artículos académicos.Desde la Universidad de Talca, Chile, los profesores Sebastián Donoso-Díaz y Nibaldo Benavides Moreno suscriben el artículo que lleva por título "Descentralización de la gestión de la educación pública e institucionalidad local en Chile: el caso de los directores comunales de educación". Este trabajo busca analizar la institucionalidad y la gestión de la educación pública local en Chile, mostrando los cambios promovidos por los marcos normativos que buscan modernizar la administración pública. Particularmente, el documento se enfoca en el rol institucional y funciones de los jefes de departamentos de educación municipal. Con un enfoque metodológico cualitativo y a través de entrevistas semiestructuradas, se identifican "nudos críticos" en las funciones de los jefes de departamento que deben resolverse. Por ello, el trabajo formula propuestas de reorganización de la educación en el plano local.Se publica en este número el artículo titulado "Una reflexión ex post facto sobre la conducción de estudios multicaso para la construcción de teoría en ciencias de gestión", de autoría de la profesora Ruth Esperanza Román Castillo, de la Universidad Distrital Francisco José de Caldas, Colombia, y el profesor Ali Smida, de la Universitéde Paris 13 Sorbonne Paris Cité, Francia. Este trabajo recibió reconocimiento como una de las mejores ponencias presentadas en el Primer Congreso Internacional de Gestión de las Organizaciones (CIGO), desarrollado en la Universidad Nacional de Colombia, del 17 al 20 de noviembre del 2015. El objetivo de este trabajo es mostrar cómo, desde los referentes metodológicos de los estudios multicaso, se pueden realizar contribuciones teóricas a las ciencias de gestión. Evaluando las contribuciones de Yin (2014) y de Stake (2006), se muestran las potencialidades de la experiencia concreta, la reflexión observacional, la conceptualización abstracta y de la experimentación activa, en los estudios multicaso y sus aportes al desarrollo de teorías en ciencias de gestión.En una colaboración internacional, las profesoras Cecilia Alexandra Portalanza, de la Universidad Espíritu Santo de Ecuador, Merlin Patricia Grueso, de la Universidad del Rosario de Colombia, y el profesor Edison Jair Duque, de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia y de la Universidad Espíritu Santo de Ecuador, son los autores del artículo titulado "Propiedades de la Utrecht Work Engagement Scale (UWES-S 9): análisis exploratorio con estudiantes en Ecuador". El trabajo tuvo como objetivo analizar las propiedades psicométricas de una escala de engagement (compromiso o lealtad de marca) académico en estudiantes pertenecientes a una institución de educación superior en el Ecuador. Las implicaciones de este trabajo en el plano teórico se relacionan con la necesidad de desarrollar un marco conceptual que permita explicar el constructo del engagement en Latinoamérica que, por sus condiciones, podría diferir de lo que ocurre en otros contextos. Desde un punto de vista práctico, la ies en la que se aplica la escala debería fortalecer su engagement, para conseguir un mayor compromiso o lealtad de sus actuales y futuros estudiantes.Finalmente, nuestra edición cierra con el aporte del profesor Carlos Eduardo Maldonado, de la Universidad del Rosario, Colombia, quien realiza una reseña del libro Teoría general de sistemas. Conceptos y aplicaciones, de autoría de Carlos Alberto Ossa, editado por la Universidad Tecnológica de Pereira.

Law | Environment | Africa compiles the proceedings of the 5th Symposium and the 4th Scientific Conference of the Association of Environmental Law Lecturers from African Universities (ASSELLAU) in cooperation with the Climate Policy and Energy Security Programme for Sub-Saharan Africa run by the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) and the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP). The book’s aim is to explore, review and analyse recent developments at the point where the law and the environment in Africa overlap. The collection comprises 32 chapters by legal experts from central, eastern, southern and western Africa. It is divided thematically into four parts: 1.) Climate change and energy 2.) Natural resource governance 3.) Water governance, management and use 4.) The role of the law in regulating social and environmental impacts associated with human activity These subjects are discussed in the context of national, regional and international law frameworks, which are central to Africa’s quest to attain its desired and sustainable development trajectory within the confines of the continent’s valuable yet fragile ecological infrastructure. With contributions by Dr. Oluwatoyin Adejonwo-Osho, Dr. Lanre Aladeitan, Dr. Jean-Claude Ashukem, Dr. Godard Busingye, Prof. Dr. Mark B. Funteh, Dr. Elizabeth Gachenga, Prof. Dr. Patricia Kameri-Mbote, Prof. Dr. Emmanuel D. Kam Yogo, Prof. Dr. Emmanuel Kasimbazi, Prof. Dr. Michael Kidd, Gift Dorothy Makanje, Amanda Mkhonza, Prof. Dr. Ayoade Morakinyo Adedayo, Dr. Kariuki Muigua, Dr. Phiona Muhwezi Mpanga, Andrew Muma, Dr. Joseph Magloire Ngang, Dr. Marie Ngo Nonga, Chidinma Therese Odaghara, Edna Odhiambo, Dr. Collins Odote, Dr. Irekpitan Okukpon, Dr. Erimma Gloria Orie, Prof. Dr. Bibobra Bello Orubebe, Daniel Armel Owona Mbarga, Prof. Dr. Alexander Ross Paterson, Olivia Rumble, Prof. Dr. Oliver C. Ruppel, Dr. Esther Effundem Njieassam, Dr. Pamela Towela Sambo, Prof. Dr. Christopher Funwie Tamasang, Prof. Mekete Bekele Tekle, Robert Alex Wabunoha, Nerima Akinyi Were, Hadijah Yahyah.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

Abstract In the years from 1894 to 1900, Lang caused a stir with his defence of the saintly Joan of Arc against the charge of imposture or delusion and with his sympathetic biography of John Gibson Lockhart at the expense of Blackwood’s Magazine. Lang’s ‘Pickle’ books, identifying the notorious spy for the Hanoverian government at the time of 1745 Jacobite uprising to be a respected Jacobite clan chief, outraged many in Scotland. Lang’s own loyalties were tested in writing the DNB entry on his grandfather, Patrick Sellar, and the part his grandfather had played in the Sutherland Clearances. More contentious still, Lang’s evidence in The Making of Religion for ‘high gods’ and belief in an ‘All-Father’ among ‘low races’ succeeded in offending both rational secularists and Catholic theologians, and brought him into dispute with the Folklore Society and anthropological circles. He continued to divide his time between combative scholarly works and the calmer waters of popular literature and journalism, collaborating with A. E. W Mason on a Jacobite thriller, Parson Kelly, penning a weekly causerie for the Illustrated London News, and giving rein to his cross-disciplinary interests in a bi-monthly ‘Notes on New Books’ in the newly launched Cosmopolis magazine. In 1899, after a delay caused by the Boer War, he published the first volume of his revisionary History of Scotland.

Abstract Lang grew up in the historic county town of Selkirk in the Scottish Borders, where his father and, before that, his grandfather, a friend of Sir Walter Scott, held office as sheriff-clerk at the county courthouse. Lang’s family were High Church Episcopalians in a Presbyterian community, which affected his views of religious difference throughout his life. Lang’s mother was from the Highlands. His maternal grandfather, Patrick Sellar, was the target of attack from the press for his brutal part in the Sutherland Clearances. As a child, Lang saw much of life beyond Selkirk. He spent a year in England, in the spa town of Clifton, near Bristol, and travelling in Scotland, he visited his grandfather’s Highland estates and relatives in North East Scotland, where he heard stories of Jacobite forebears and folk tales in broad Scots. He was a precocious reader of fiction and non-fiction, and astonished people with his prodigious memory for facts and out-of-the-way information. He was sent, aged 10, to Edinburgh Academy, where he grew to love Homer and to develop literary ambitions. At 17, he enrolled at St Andrews University, where his uncle, William Young Sellar, was Professor of Greek.

In this chapter, Andrea Fried and Sarah Langer present a novel typology to systematize the variety of and reasons for organizational deviance from standards. The typology explains why organizations deviate from standards. It identifies four types of organizational deviance: two types of commitment-oriented deviance (attentive deviance from standards and over-conformity with standards) and two types of manipulation-oriented deviance (non-regulated deviance from standards and illegitimate deviance from standards). The basis of the typology is a cross-case comparison of CraneSolutions, MedTech, and MetroEngineers, as presented in part II of the book. In this comparison the authors explain which organizational conditions and contradictions in standard enactment make a certain type of organizational deviance likely.

Abstract During 1989-90 the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) underwent a fierce attack because it indirectly funded allegedly anti-Christian work by Andres Serrano and a Robert Mapplethorpe photographic exhibition considered pornographic by some.* In 1991 a revisionist, didactic display of Western art at the National Museum of American Art (part of the Smithsonian Institution) aroused congressional ire, yet that latter episode now seems, in retrospect, a fairly calm fracas compared with the controversy generated in 1994-95 by “The Last Act, “ a long-planned exhibition concerning the end of World War II in the Pacific that was canceled by the Secretary of the Smithsonian because of immense political pressure and adverse publicity emanating from veterans ‘ organizations and from Capitol Hill. Throughout 1995 those who hoped to eliminate entirely the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) and NEA, the Institute of Museum Services, and the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, and to reduce.

In line with the approaches already adopted in France during the 90s on various sites where research and/or radium-extraction activities were mostly conducted in the past, the French public authorities wish from now on to pursue their prevention and site-rehabilitation approach inherited from the French craftsman and medical sectors that used that radioelement. As a matter of fact, radium has been in use in several medical activities, notably in the initial methods of cancer therapy. Similarly, it was also used in some craftsman activities, such as the clock industry, for its radioluminescent properties, the fabrication of lightning conductors or cosmetics until the 60s. Those activities have generated various traces of pollution that have remained today. On the basis of the different inventories of industrial sites where radium may have been held or used, and notably the inventory updated by the French Institute for Radiation Protection and Nuclear Safety (Institut de radioprotection et de suˆrete´ nucle´aire – IRSN) in 2007 at the request of the French Nuclear Safety Authority (Autorite´ de suˆrete´ nucle´aire – ASN), French State services have potentially identified 134 sites that hosted radium-related activities in France. The radiological status of those sites is either unknown or very partially known by State services. Sites include both dwellings or commercial premises and derelict lands. The “Radium Diagnosis Campaign” (Operation Diagnostic Radium), consists of a radiological survey carried out by the IRSN. In cases where traces of radium are detected, plans call for the implementation of precautionary measures and of a medical follow-up of the relevant populations. Lastly, radium-contaminated sites are rehabilitated by the French National Radioactive Waste Management Agency (Agence nationale pour la gestion des de´chets radioactifs – Andra). That voluntary and positive approach on the part of public authorities is fully financed by public funds, and consequently, at no cost for the tenants of the premises involved, whether it involves the diagnosis, the individual health follow-up or the rehabilitation. The first diagnosis phase, which focused on the Iˆle-de-France Region (Paris and suburbs), was launched in September 2010. At the end of the year, six sites grouping a total of 40 premises or dwellings had already been fully surveyed. Traces of pollution were detected on 10 of those premises where rehabilitation activities are already under way. So far, that approach has been received favourably by the populations concerned.