Articles de revues sur le sujet « American Federation for Polish Jews »

The term “the wandering Jew” could be properly referred to the situation of Polish Jews during the Second Polish Republic. Polish Jews constituted the largest separate ethnic group within overseas emigration from Poland during the years 1918–1939. They left Poland mainly for economic, and later for political reasons. The settlement schemes were supported and sponsored by Polish governmental agencies and Jewish societies in Poland and abroad. During the years 1918–1939 about several thousand Polish Jews emigrated to South Africa. A new immigration law implemented after 1930 had seriously reduced the influx of Polish Jews. That emigration had a very permanent character and included mainly members of the lower middle class. From the great variety of social, cultural, religious and professional activity of Polish Jews who settled in South Africa a pro-Polish attitude and activity was only evident in a tiny proportion of immigrants. The pro-Polish activity of Polish Jews was focused in Johannesburg (e.g. The Polish-Hebrew Benevolent Association) and in Cape Town (e.g. The Federation of Polish Jews in the Cape). An integrating role in that activity was played by Polish consular posts.

American Jews often treat their religion and ethnicity as coterminous. In the Soviet Union religion and ethnicity are formally more distinct, through in most people's minds the two are closely related. American society generally considers Jews both an ethnic and religious group. There is a strong correlation between religion and ethnicity among other groups—for example between Irish and Polish ethnicity, on the one hand, and Catholicism, on the other. But since Catholicism is a universal religion—to say “Irish” or “Polish” is usually is to say “Catholic”—the converse is not true, since to say “Catholic” may also imply French, Spanish, Italian, Brazilian or many other ethnicities.

In his office on 1 Union Square West in New York City, Samuel Buchler, president of the Federation of Hungarian Jews in America, sat at his desk and looked at the trees turning red, yellow, and brown in the park below the window. It was September 1924, and Buchler had just read the news from Hungary. After years of anti-Jewish violence—the white terror, passively condoned by the postwar regime—the Hungarian government had decided to honor Felix M. Warburg, president of the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (JDC, or Joint), with a Red Cross Decoration. The honor came directly from Admiral Miklós Horthy, regent of Hungary, who wanted to acknowledge the role the JDC had played in “mitigating misery in Hungary.” It was clear that the JDC had aided millions of Jewish war victims across the devastated landscapes of East Central Europe, including Hungary. But Buchler was skeptical. Since its founding in 1916, the Federation of Hungarian Jews had tried to ameliorate the fate of Hungarian Jews across the ocean, who in quick succession had felt the tremors of war, terror, revolution, social exclusion, and institutional antisemitism. It was ironic that the government Buchler held responsible for much of the anti-Jewish violence and agitation was now hoping to be on good terms with the most famous Jew in the realm of international humanitarianism. For Buchler and the Federation of Hungarian Jews, this was cause for concern.

The mass immigration of Eastern European Jews between 1880 and 1924—some two and a half million came to the United States—caused a thorough change in the nature of New York Jewry. Following wealthier German uptown Jews, it was now marked by poor Polish or Russian Jews living on the Lower East Side of Manhattan. The Jewish quarters functioned as the hinges between Eastern Europe and the US for many immigrants. Crime was a shade of it. Jews only constituted a small minority of American society; their Americanized criminal structures, however, became one of the most influential factors of modernization of crime from the fringes to the center of American society. Through the development of the Jewish underworld, the exclusion of and the cooperation with criminals of a different ethnic background, as well as the professionalization and the struggle for respectability, the phenomenon of Jewish blue-collar crime itself experienced an Americanization. Additionally, this process of Americanization was key not only to the rise but also to the downfall of Jewish American blue-collar crime in New York.

Gaucia occupied an important place in the history of the Jewish Diaspora. Galician Jews made up a majority of Habsburg subjects of Mosaic faith and formed a cultural bridge between Westjuden and Ostjuden. Numerous outstanding Jewish political figures and scholars, such as Isaac Deutscher, Karl Radek, and Martin Buber, were born or raised in Galicia, where Zionist and Jewish socialist movements flourished at that time. The unique atmosphere of a Galician shtetl was recorded in Hassidic tales, in the books of Emil Franzos, Manes Sperber, Bruno Schulz, Andrzej Kuśniewicz, and others. Scholarly works on Jewish Galicia are, however, mostly outdated and relatively short. Consequently, scholars who use information on Galicia only as supplementary data often make numerous errors, and even for an educated American or West European Galicia remains a land of mystery. Marsha Rozenblit is absolutely right when she concludes a review essay, “The Jews of the Dual Monarchy,” with the following observation: “Indeed, it would be nice to know more about the traditional Jewish population of Moravia, Galicia and Hungary.” The present article is a contribution to filling that gap with regard to Galicia.

This article focuses on Yitzhak Katzenelson – a pedagogue, playwright and poet from Łódź – and his work on the epic poem The Song of the Murdered Jewish People written in Vittel and published in Paris in 1945. The Vittel internment camp for foreigners served as the first destination for Polish Jews with travel documents from Latin American countries, obtained primarily in the Warsaw ghetto in the so-called ‘Hotel Polski Affair’. Their final destination was Auschwitz, where they perished on arrival in May 1944.

This paper deals with federalist plans of Central and Eastern Europe during World War II. The Polish government in exile and its Czechoslovak counterpart actively participated in the implementation of such plans. A Central- and Eastern European federation was to be an eventual alternative to Stalin’s plans of Europe’s Sovietization and to Hitler’s ‘New Europe’. For some time these federalist plans were supported by Great Britain and the United States. Besides, in British and American circles there were also other models for creating a European regional union. On 11 November 1940 Poland and Czechoslovakia managed to sign a declaration on the formation of a federation. However, soon disagreements concerning attitudes towards the Soviet Union as well as over Lithuania’s place in the federation arose.

Wheelchair basketball may be the world’s oldest and most popular team sport for persons with a physical disability. At present, there are at least eight major international tournaments as well as zonal qualifying tournaments for the Paralympic Games and the Men’s and Women’s Gold Cup under the auspices of the International Wheelchair Basketball Federation. There were two purposes of this study. The first was to evaluate the participation motives of Polish wheelchair basketball players and the second was to compare the participation motives of Polish and American wheelchair basketball players. Data for this study were obtained from two sources: men and women who participated on Polish wheelchair basketball teams and data reported in studies by Brasile and Hedrick.1 In general, the results indicate that the incentives for participation in wheelchair basketball across these samples of players are more similar than dissimilar. The groups have similar mean scores and standard deviations for the task-oriented incentives. Future research may address whether American or European wheelchair basketball players have more similar participation motives than players from Africa, Asia, Australia, or South America or that the participants in noncompetitive sports or extreme sports have similar motives.

The opening scene of Joel and Ethan Coen's A Serious Man has baffled many. What does an unsettling tale of an encounter with what may or may not be a dybbuk, set in the mid-nineteenth century in a Polish shtetl, and played out entirely in Yiddish, have to do with the story of a Jewish professor of physics and his family in suburban Minnesota in the summer of 1967, related in English? Is the scene to be viewed as a warm-up of sorts before the main attraction, akin, if you will, to the short-subject films—newsreels, animated cartoons, and live-action comedies and documentaries—that movie houses of old used to play before the main feature? If so, what is the significance of presenting an odd Yiddish scene to an American audience notorious for turning a cold shoulder to non-English-speaking cinema? Or is the scene to be viewed as a prologue to the movie? If so, in what sense could it be said to impart to the audience either the “state of suspense of the plot produced by the previous history” or, alternatively, the argument of the drama?

Analyzing the creative heritage by Omeljan Pritsak on the history of Poland, the authors concludes that the historian began to explore the issues of medieval and early New Poland as early as in the pre-war period, the earliest period of his formation as a scholar, and continued into his American and Ukrainian periods. Based on the number of archival documents and printed works, the authors of the article claims that while in his pre-war period the scholar was engaged in debunking the mythical legends existing in Polish historiography about Hetman Ivan Mazepa and wrote several reviews on the works by Polish historians, in his American period, the scholar wrote a range of papers of historiosophic character. Pritsak concludes that these were the Lithuanians who caused the changes in the leadership elite and the interruption in the historical tradition of Ukraine, and that with the transition of Ukrainian lands from Lithuania to Poland, for the first time since the Kyiv period, Ukrainian territory began to produce its own, conscious political rights and privileges. It was during the Polish times, according to Pritsak, that a new political phenomenon, namely the homeland of Rus, began to emerge. Demythologizing the myths about the destructive nature of the Mongols and the Ukrainian character of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Pritsak characterizes the Ukrainian "registry" Cossacks as a new type of Ukrainian elite. In his lectures written in the American period, the scholar constructs a historiosophical synthesis of syllabic ties in the context of exploring the role played by Poland in Eastern Europe and examines the peculiarities of the economic and socio- political situation of the Ukrainian lands under the Polish domination. In this respect, he estimates the special significance that such phenomena as reformation, counter-reformation, mercantilism, the Magdeburg law, and the creation of Polish literary poetry by Mikołaj Rej and Jan Kochanowski had for the Polish literary language. In his Ukrainian period, Pritsak supplemented Harvard lectures with new material and visions of the Commonwealth in the context of its relations with Ukraine. It substantiates four major groups of problems that caused the fall of the Commonwealth as a state and emphasizes the special role of counter-reformation and the Jesuits, as well as the manorial economy with special functions of magnates and Jews, which, in his opinion, eventually caused the uprising led by Bohdan Khmelnytsky. Thus, Pritsak examined the history of Poland and the Polish people during three periods of his life: pre-war, American and Ukrainian. The subjects he touched upon in the articles differed, since the scholar set various goals in different periods. It is important to emphasize that almost all research papers on the history of Poland were not conducted by the historian outside the Ukrainian context. Pritsak’s historiosophic vision of the key problems of the history of the old Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and of modern Poland is an important contribution to the study of the essential aspects of the common subjects of the Polish and Ukrainian history in Eastern Europe. Keywords research heritage, main trends of research activity, Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the myths of Polish historiography, historiosophical synthesis, syllabic ties, mutual relations.

The research on women’s history presented in this publication supplements the gap existing in polish historiography. The gap includes not only knowledge about the activities of women's organizations associated in the Women’s International Democratic Federation (including the polish Social-Civic League of Women). The same applies to the assessment of the role of women in political, social and cultural changes taking place in Poland (and in the world) in the first years after the end of World War II. The main purpose of this publication is to show the historical conditions of the activities of the Social-Civic League of Women, as well as similar organizations in other European, African and North American countries. The basic source used in the research process is the monthly «Praca Kobiet» (and additionally the periodical «Nasza Praca»). The work uses a methodology typical for studies based on press sources. Their list includes the following methods: analytical-empirical, deductive-nomological, deductive-hypothetical and classical method of content analysis. The effect of the undertaken research is to establish that the information articles on the activities of organizations associated in the Women’s International Democratic Federation published on the pages of the «Praca Kobiet» monthly were in fact agitation and propaganda. The polish feminist press manipulated facts and thus influenced the formation of pro-communist and anti-Western views of women. The topic is not exhausted and needs to be continued. Further research will require a wider use of press sources not only from Poland, but also from other countries.

Like the Russian Federation, the United States is a multilingual, multicultural society. A nation of immigrants and indigenous peoples, it has produced a rich body of literature in dozens of languages in addition to English that scholars have only in recent decades begun to pay attention to. Of particular note are texts in Spanish, Yiddish, Chinese, French, Hebrew, German, Arabic, Norwegian, Welsh, Greek, Turkish, Italian, Korean, Polish, Portuguese, Russian, Vietnamese and numerous American Indian languages. In this paper we observe the most significant texts of multilingual American literature. The corpus of literary works shows us, that despite Americans pervasive and enduring xenolinguaphobia - aversion to other languages - the United States, like other large countries, is a heterogeneous amalgam. Ignoring the variety of works written in languages other than English impoverishes the national culture and handicaps serious readers.

Abstract This study examines the German-sponsored Ukrainian Legion of Self-Defense (Ukrains’kyi Legion Samooborony, ULS), both its rank and file and its Ukrainian and German officers. Drawing upon sources in German, Ukrainian, American, and Israeli archives, the authors analyze the Legion’s command structure, its relationship to the Third Reich, and its relationship to the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists branch led by Andriy Atansovich Mel’nyk. The presentation of the political and military careers of lower-, mid-, and upper-level Legionnaires reveals their participation in killings of Jews, Poles, and other Ukrainians. The authors also identify the motivations of many of the actors. A close analysis of one case of German and Ukrainian “cooperation” in the Holocaust and other mass murders, this article relates to the debate over whether Holocaust perpetrators were “Ordinary Men.”

The Jewish Labor Committee (JLC), founded in New York in 1934, was the vanguard of American labor's anti-Nazi and antifascist activism. The JLC grew out of the Jewish labor movement in the US. In 1940–1941, it achieved the rescue of hundreds of European labor and social-democratic party leaders trapped in France by the invading German army or in Lithuania by the Soviet army. Among these persons were some of the foremost leaders of the Labour and Socialist International and of the International Federation of Trade Unions. Many others were Polish Bundists, the JLC's founders' original political family, doubly exposed to Nazi brutality by their Jewish identity and social-democratic positions. This event is the focal point from which American labor's international solidarity for the labor victims of Nazism and fascism can be observed. In addition, the connection between the JLC and the Emergency Rescue Committee whose agent, Varian Fry, rescued artists and intellectuals, is also established in the paper.

Specific classes and subclasses of polyphenols have been studied for their potential effects on noncommunicable diseases, but studies on association between dietary polyphenol intake (DPI) and dietary total antioxidant capacity (DTAC) and MetS (metabolic syndrome) are scarce. Therefore, the aim of this study was to determine associations between DTAC and DPI and the prevalence of MetS and its components in the Polish adult population. Subjects (5690) were participants of the Polish National Multicentre Health Examination Survey (WOBASZ II study) performed in 2013-2014. MetS was defined according to the International Diabetes Federation (IDF) and the American Heart Association/National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute (AHA/NHLBI) criteria. Daily food consumption was assessed by 24-hour dietary recall. DTAC and DPI were evaluated using the data of food consumption and antioxidant potential of foods, measured by FRAP (ferric reducing antioxidant potential) method, and total polyphenol content in foods, measured by Folin-Ciocalteu assay. Logistic regression models were used to assess the relationship between DTAC and DPI and MetS and its components. Crude, age-adjusted, and multivariable-adjusted models were performed. This study demonstrated that in Polish women, high DPI and high DTAC were significantly associated with a reduced odds ratio for the prevalence of MetS components, such as elevated blood pressure and diabetes. In contrast, in men, high DPI and high DTAC did not have the potential to alleviate MetS components.

The article is devoted to the consideration of the concept of "hybrid war", which is widespread in recent years, and currently has different interpretations. The characteristics of the phenomenon of hybrid warfare, which are operated by research, expert and leading military centers of the Russian Federation, which influence the decision-making or directly participate in them, are highlighted. It also presents conclusions that follow from the observation of Russian activities in Еastern Ukraine and points to the potential risks arising from such activities in the future. The article presents the most popular definitions of the phenomenon of hybrid war, appearing in Polish and American literature. It also takes into account the studies of Ukrainian authors dealing with this subject: in this case, directly related to the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine that has been ongoing since 2014. In this context, the definitions of the concept of hybrid war described in the text in terms of the official military institutions of the Russian Federation: the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation and the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, are also of particular importance. This approach, present in Russian definitions and approach, had a practical dimension in connection with the Russian armed aggression in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine, from 2014 until now. It describes the full set of actions and measures that the Russian Federation uses as part of hybrid operations and which (what can be assumed with high probability) will continue to be used in the future in relation to Ukraine and other countries that are or will be objects of Russian aggressive policy and actions. This problem is significant not only for Ukraine, but also for other countries in the region of Central and Eastern Europe, especially the so-called "NATO's eastern flank".

In the geopolitical area of Eastern and Central Europe 20th century was a period of unwilling and un- planned migration of huge numbers of individuals, groups of people, societies or even whole nations, and the displace- ment of borders and states. Two destructive wars, two totalitarian systems fighting against each other forced millions of human beings to change the place of living. Especially the experience of the World War II settled the fate of many people in the region and caused several waves of political emigration. The author uses the term ‘old literature’ in broad sense, including also 19th century literary output, as for the big number of young researchers this period of history seems to be a very old one. Among the Polish refugees fleeing the country in various times and circumstances there were also politicians, soldiers, artist, writers, people of culture and scholars. The article presents and reminds of some Polish researchers of literature who had to change their country of living by political reasons, but did not abandon their research. The first group of emigrants formed those who left Poland short before or during the world war II. Some of them worked as professors at west European universities, an decided not to returned into the country occupied by Germans or emigrated with Polish Government, others get in Western Europe leaving Soviet Union with the Polish army formed by general Anders. They continued scholar work abroad and took part in formation of several new generations of researchers in Slavonic litera- ture. Another wave of emigration took place after the war, in late 40. and included mainly Polish citizens of Jewish origin who in spite of surviving the holocaust and returning home decided to leave Poland for fear of communism. A numerous emigration of Polish Jews was also provoked by communist government of Poland in march 1968. The author presents briefly the silhouettes of such scholars as Stanisław Kot, Wacław Lednicki, Józef Trypućko, Wiktor Weintraub, Jadwiga Maurer, Rachmiel Brandwajn and Jan Kott. The situation of 20th century Polish emigrants seems very similar to that of 19th and also represents the common experience of many Eastern and Central European countries and societies. Losing the homeland scholars of these countries also lost the close contact with their cultural roots, but on the other hand they gained a wider glance, distanced outlook of national literature and art and common platform of dialog and confrontation. Many times the foreign Universities, where they found the possibility to provide their research and meet the representative émigrés of other nations, became for them such places as Collège de France for Adam Mickiewicz and constitute the space where they all could meet together without mutual distrust and give lectures about Slavonic literature and culture for German, British of American students, inspiring them to pursue studies in Slavonic philology.

“This was not America.” Michael Charles Steinlauf in conversation with Elżbieta Janicka (Warsaw – New York – Warsaw, 2014–2015)Born in Paris in 1947, Michael Charles Steinlauf talks about his childhood in New York City, in the south of Brooklyn (Brighton Beach), in a milieu of Polish Jewish Holocaust survivors. His later experiences were largely associated with American counterculture, the New Left, an anti-war and antiracist student movement of the 1960s (Students for a Democratic Society, SDS) as well as the anticapitalist underground of the 1970s (“Sunfighter”, “No Separate Peace”). In the 1980s, having undertaken Judaic Studies at Brandeis University, Steinlauf arrived in Poland, where he became part of the democratic opposition circles centred around the Jewish Flying University (Żydowski Uniwersytet Latający, ŻUL). In the independent Third Republic of Poland, he contributed to the creation of the Museum of the History of Polish Jews in Warsaw.Michael C. Steinlauf’s research interests focus on the work of Mark Arnshteyn (Andrzej Marek) and of Yitskhok Leybush Peretz, Yiddish theatre as well as Polish narratives of the Holocaust. The latter were the subject of his monograph Bondage to the dead: Poland and the memory of the Holocaust (1997, Polish edition 2001 as Pamięć nieprzyswojona. Polska pamięć Zagłady). An important topic of the conversation is the dispute concerning the categories used to describe the Holocaust, including the conceptualisation of Polish majority experience of the Holocaust as a collective trauma. Controversies also arise in connection with the contemporary phenomena popularly conceptualised as the “revival of Jewish culture in Poland” and “Polish–Jewish dialogue.” Another subject of the conversation is Michał Sztajnlauf (1940–1942), Michael C. Steinlauf’s stepbrother. The fate of the brothers was introduced into the canon of Polish culture by Hanna Krall’s short story Dybuk (1995, English edition 2005 as The Dybbuk) and its eponymous stage adaptation by Krzysztof Warlikowski (2003). Looking beyond artistic convention, the interlocutors try to learn more about Michał himself. This is the first time the readers have an opportunity to see his photographs from the Warsaw Ghetto.The conversation is illustrated with numerous archival materials from periods before and after World War Two as well as from German-occupied Poland. „To nie była Ameryka”. Z Michaelem Charlesem Steinlaufem rozmawia Elżbieta Janicka (Warszawa – Nowy Jork – Warszawa, 2014–2015)Urodzony w 1947 roku w Paryżu, Michael Charles Steinlauf opowiada o dzieciństwie spędzonym w Nowym Jorku, na południowym Brooklynie (Brighton Beach), w środowisku ocalałych z Zagłady polskich Żydów. Istotna część jego późniejszych doświadczeń związana była z amerykańską kontrkulturą, Nową Lewicą, studenckim ruchem antywojennym i antyrasistowskim lat sześćdziesiątych (Students for a Democratic Society, SDS) oraz podziemiem antykapitalistycznym lat siedemdziesiątych („Sunfighter”, „No Separate Peace”). W latach osiemdziesiątych, w związku z podjęciem studiów judaistycznych na Brandeis University, Steinlauf przyjechał do Polski, gdzie stał się częścią środowiska opozycji demokratycznej, skupionego wokół Żydowskiego Uniwersytetu Latającego (ŻUL). W III RP miał swój udział w tworzeniu Muzeum Historii Żydów Polskich w Warszawie.Zainteresowania badawcze Michaela C. Steinlaufa ogniskują się wokół twórczości Marka Arnsztejna (Andrzeja Marka), Jicchoka Lejbusza Pereca, teatru jidysz oraz polskich narracji o Zagładzie, którym poświęcił monografię Pamięć nieprzyswojona. Polska pamięć Zagłady (2001, pierwodruk angielski 1997 jako Bondage to the dead: Poland and the memory of the Holocaust). Ważną część rozmowy stanowi spór dotyczący kategorii opisu Zagłady, w tym koncepcji polskiego doświadczenia Zagłady jako traumy zbiorowej. Kontrowersja nie omija zjawisk współczesnych, konceptualizowanych potocznie jako „odrodzenie kultury żydowskiej w Polsce” oraz „dialog polsko-żydowski”.Bohaterem rozmowy jest także Michał Sztajnlauf (1940–1942), przyrodni brat Michaela C. Steinlaufa. Historia braci weszła do kanonu kultury polskiej za sprawą opowiadania Hanny Krall Dybuk (1995) oraz teatralnej inscenizacji Krzysztofa Warlikowskiego pod tym samym tytułem (2003). Abstrahując od konwencji przekazu artystycznego, rozmówcy próbują dowiedzieć się czegoś więcej o samym Michale. Czytelniczki i czytelnicy po raz pierwszy mają możność zobaczyć jego fotografie pochodzące z getta warszawskiego.Rozmowa jest bogato ilustrowana niepublikowanymi dotąd archiwaliami sprzed drugiej wojny światowej i z okresu powojennego, a także z czasów okupacji hitlerowskiej w Polsce.

Introduction. Bariatric surgery is the most effective method of weight reduction among patients suffering from morbid obesity. Reduction of body weight before surgery is an important element. The aim of the study was to present the current knowledge on preoperative weight reduction and diet for this purpose. Material and methods. To achieve the aims of the paper, articles available in the PubMed / MEDLINE database published in 2005-2020 were used, as well as the guidelines of societies such as Metabolic and Bariatric Surgery Chapter of the Association of Polish Surgeons, American Association of Clinical Endocrinologists, The Obesity Society and American Society for Metabolic & Bariatric Surgery, International Federation for Surgery of Obesity and Metabolic Disorders-European Chapter and European Association for the Study of Obesity. Results. Studies show that even a modest reduction in weight in the early preoperative period facilitates surgery and reduces the number of complications. The available data do not support the effect of preoperative weight loss on increased postoperative weight loss. The use of balanced, energy-restricted diet in the preoperative period prepares the patient for changes in the way of nutrition, which improves the nutritional status of patient. Low calorie (LCD) or very low calorie (VLCD) diet can be an effective method of weight loss before surgery, however, this approach does not allow to modify eating habits. The use of a very low calorie ketogenic diet (VLCKD) remains under discussion. Conclusions. There is a need for large randomized trials to assess short and long term benefits of preoperative weight loss and methods of weight loss among patients qualified for bariatric surgery, also the standardization of nutritional management in the preoperative period.

In 1934, construction began on training centers for the upper echelons of future NS leadership: the Vogelsang in the Eifel, Krössinsee (Polish Złocieniec-Budowo) in western Pomerania, and Sonthofen in Allgäu. Through the enormous efforts of the German Labor Front (DAF) the training centres, called Ordensburgen (literally: ‘castles of the orders’), were completed in 1936. In the meantime, much literature has been published on all of the NS Ordenburgen, yet an investigation of the genesis and analysis of their form is still lacking, which this essay partially attempts to address. The intention was undoubtedly to build Ordensburgen on the southern, western and eastern fringes of the Reich distanced less than 60 kilometres from the border. Rosenberg, who had made a statement to this effect in a speech in 1934, coined the name ‘Ordensburg’ in connection with the Teutonic Order – the proud champion of ‘Germanness’. The name evoked other echoes from history: young men who were trained for warfare and administration and who lived a life closed of from outside influences. The name also recalled the medieval orders of knights who exercised their power as a military authority along the frontiers of Christianity from Spain to Palestine. If we go beyond a formal interpretation of the Ordensburgen, what can be seen in all the three structures is the important symbolic function of towers (two rectangular brick towers were erected in Kroessinsee in 1939). In all of them so-called Tingplätze were built, a kind of open-air theatre for political rallies. Moreover, the architect Clemens Klotz embraced the modern age. In adhering to contemporary thought, he blended the cosiness of the Heimatstil with the monumentality and pathos of Neoclassicism. Other forms are also found, such as oval risalites derived from ‘Neues Bauen’ or the protruding window reveal, or the use of unworked stone blocks, something that was particularly characteristic of NS architecture. Yet despite the name ’Ordensburg’, formal references to medieval architecture are sparse. The most apparent examples are seen in the Sonthofen architecture of Herman Giesler in the proportions of the main tower or the vaulted ceilings of the tavern (the so-called Fuchsbau). After 1945, the Ordensburgen became the military barracks of the victors: Vogelsang was British until 1950, then Belgian; Sonthofen was American until 1956 and then turned over to the German Bundeswehr; Krössinsee was used by the Soviet army from 1947 or 1948, and afterward became the Polish Budowo. Vogelsang was opened to the public in 2006. Today, we face ongoing questions about the preservation and new uses of the Ordensburg structures and facilities. The designation of the former NS training centres as memorial sites, in which the juncture between Ordensburgen and the NS crimes finds physical expression, will presumably be the sole way to ensure their continued existence. Between 1939 and 1940, approximately 260 Ordensjunkers (the name derived from ‘Junker’: a nobleman from the landed class) were sent from Krössinsee on military assignment to the area of Poznań (‘Warthegau’), from where up to a half a million Poles and Jews were expelled to the Government General. Further documentation shows the involvement of the Ordensjunkers in the Holocaust during 1941 in the occupied Soviet territories. In making the buildings of the Ordensburgen accessible to the public, while at the same time laying bare the reality behind the mystique, it seems necessary to proceed on a different path than that which has been taken up to now. ‘Domesticating’ the testimonies of a terror regime has been expressed in ways such as the oversized colourful pillows for visitor seating at the Wewelsburg Castle or the garish plastic forms in Vogelsang. Tus, in addition to taking stock of the buildings and making a case for their preservation, the serious question that must be asked is how to deal with this kind of legacy. (translated by Sharon Nemeth)

It is no secret that most health professionals, after postgraduation, aim to secure an academic position in a teaching institute due to various personal and/or professional preferences. Personal interest in teaching, inspirational figure/ role model-driven career selection, fixed working hours, financial rewarding, societal respect, and relatively easier career path are some of the prominent motives for health professionals to join academia (Huda & Yousuf, 2006). Indeed, it is a personal choice of a health professional should he/she opt for an academic career path. However, a serious question to ask oneself is: Am I prepared and ready for this challenging role? As Adam Urbanski once said, “Anybody who believes that all you have to do to be a good teacher is to love to teach also has to believe that all you have to do to become a good surgeon is to love to cut.” (1946 - American Federation of Teachers) Unfortunately, most (if not all) postgraduate programs in Pakistan are designed in such a way that they focus more on the core specialty and tend not to provide dedicated training on how to conduct evidence-based teaching practices. Evidence-based teaching refers to a process in which teachers use findings of empirical and concrete research evidence to inform their teaching practices (Thomas & Bussières, 2021). This process of applying research to practice is not haphazard but systematic, and it typically follows five essential steps: ask, acquire, appraise, apply, assess. Ask refers to asking a question related to a teaching problem; acquire refers to searching and retrieving the literature evidence; appraise refers to critically appraising the quality of the acquired evidence; apply refers to extracting valid and reliable findings from the literature and applying to own teaching setting; and assess refers to assessing whether or not the application of evidence to one’s teaching helped solve the problem (Thomas et al., 2011). As most novice teachers in our education system lack an understanding of educational theory or pedagogical practices, they learn on the job and use the hit and trial method to improve their teaching practices (Iqbal et al., 2020). Consequently, these health professionals cum teachers often use those teaching strategies that are not supported by evidence to positively influence student learning. Some of the known ill-informed teaching strategies include didactic lectures, teacher-dominated small group learning, borrowed teaching strategies from foreign education systems, and misuse of learning styles in instruction. These teaching malpractices result in wastage of limited educational resources, student demotivation, failure to achieve curricular goals, and a poor reflection on the personal and institutional portfolio. More importantly, it affects the overall healthcare system as these teachers are responsible for producing safe and high-quality healthcare providers for tomorrow. As of Ernest Leroy, “A poor surgeon hurts 1 person at a time, but a poor teacher hurts 130 (students) and consequently hundreds of patients”. What are the Potential Solutions? Here one wonders that what could be the possible solutions to this gruesome problem. Below, I describe some solutions that can be broadly classified into three domains. Responsibilities of Teachers: First of all, the health professionals assuming teaching roles should consume their time, efforts, and available resources to acquire pedagogical competence through formal and structured training so that they can practice evidence-based teaching. Moreover, due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, many international Universities are now offering virtual professional development courses. The teachers could use these opportunities to develop their knowledge and skills in educational theory and practice. Second, they should regularly consult literature evidence to learn and incorporate teaching strategies in instruction that are known to support knowledge retention and schema formation. Some of these strategies are: assessing prior knowledge and linking new information to it, summarizing information at the end of educational event, providing cognitive or hands-on rehearsal opportunities, providing constructive feedback on learning, nurturing learners’ metacognition et cetera. Third, they should align instructional methods to the desired curricular outcomes. For instance, if a final year medical student is expected to skillfully examine, diagnose and manage a patient with diabetes then the teaching approaches should be focused more on developing their cognitive and psychomotor skills through clinical or simulation-based teaching instead of imparting cognitive knowledge through didactic lectures. Finally, they should motivate students to be independent and self-directed learners and advocate the use of evidence-based learning strategies that can help in their learning, such as, peer-assisted learning, near-peer tutoring, collaborative learning, cognitive rehearsals, et cetera. Responsibilities of Institutions: Next to teachers, the onus to ensure evidence-based teaching is insinuated onto the institutions. The health professional institutes should provide sufficient continuous professional development opportunities to their teaching staff. In fact, it should be mandatory for the faculty to attend these professional development activities to polish their teaching skillset. Moreover, the planners of faculty evelopment activities should not entirely rely upon the participants’ feedback or self-reported change. They should incorporate certain evaluation methods to observe whether or not these activities helped 10HPEJ 2020 VOL 3, ISSUE. 2 bring the desired improvement in teaching practices. Some of the best methods to observe the change include peer evaluation, student feedback, graded assignments et cetera. More recently, entrustable professional activities (EPAs) have been advocated as a reliable tool to observe, evaluate and certify teaching proficiency (Iqbal & Al-Eraky, 2019). Responsibilities of Institutions: Finally, the national regularity bodies, such as, Pakistan Medical Commission (PMC) and the Higher Education Commission (HEC) should devise minimum standards for health professionals, in addition to their core specialty, who wish to choose an academic career. A postgraduate qualification in the respective specialty is certainly not sufficient to warrant the teaching proficiency of the aspirants. A basic qualification in education should be a prerequisite to secure a teaching position in health professional colleges. Additionally, it is also the responsibility of these regulatory bodies to standardize the professional development programs across Pakistan to maintain quality. Lastly, the regulatory bodies should also come up with a plan to regulate the certification of the faculty by legitimizing a continuous professional development framework. Sethi and Wajid (2020) have suggested a re-evaluation of professional growth through documentation of continuous professional development activities instead of renewing the registration by mere payment of the prescribed fee. Their recommendation is strongly supported by growing evidence which suggests that a decline in competence over time is very much possible if the skillset is not regularly practiced and polished through continuous professional development (Steinert et al., 2016). This editorial is an appeal to the teachers, educators, administrators, and policymakers to support evidence-based teaching practices in academia to ensure meaningful and effective education. It is about time that individuals, institutions, and regulatory bodies start paying attention to evidence-based teaching so that a resource strained education and healthcare system of Pakistan could be streamlined.

Abstract Ninety years ago, the Federation of Polish Jews in America hosted their national convention and world congress in the New York City area. In this article, we will discuss some of what transpired at these events. Set at a tumultuous crossroads in world history, the Federation rallied Jewish groups throughout the United States and the world in humanitarian support for a war-torn Polish nation. The national convention and world congress were also set to have their own respective satellite sessions at the New York World’s Fair of 1939 and 1940. These satellite sessions are noteworthy in that they mark a Jewish presence at the Fair which extended beyond the Jewish Palestine Pavilion. They also mark a uniquely Polish presence, extending beyond Poland’s own Pavilion at the Fair.

Abstract The radicalization of Germany’s antisemitic policies that eventually led to the murder of six million Jews, went on in parallel to the radicalization of its POW policies. And yet, while Soviet Jewish POWs were murdered, and French, Polish, and Yugoslavian Jewish POWs were mostly segregated from their non-Jewish comrades, American and British Jewish POWs were rarely segregated in POW camps. This article suggests that a combination of different reasons during different stages of the war—such as the German fear of reprisals, protests of POWs against the segregations, and self-preservation of the German POW chain of command—helped make American and British Jewish POWs the most protected Jews in Nazi Europe.

Early activity of Polish communists in the United States. The case of Daniel Elbaum In the article the author discusses the American period in the activity of Daniel Elbaum, worker organiser and communist, participant in the 1905 revolution, activist of the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania. After escaping from exile, in 1913 Elbaum went to the United States, where he became an activist in Polish socialist and then communist circles, campaigner for the separation of the Polish Section from the Socialist Party of America and its subsequent accession as a so-called language federation to the Communist Party USA, established in 1919. Elbaum was one of the founders of the Polish radical left in the USA. His activities in the context of the events taking place in America (explosion of political radicalism and repression against left-wing activists) first consisted in winning support for Polish communist circles, taking control of the Polish faction of the Socialist Party, then editing its periodical, Głos Robotniczy (Workers’ Voice), and participating, as a delegate from Michigan, in the founding convention of the Communist Party USA in Chicago in September 1919. Arrested in 1920 and threatened with deportation, Elbaum escaped from prison in March 1920, managing to get to Europe, where he continued his work as a communist activist. His career in the USA also illustrates the divisions among American socialists, growing role of immigrants among them and their gradual radicalisation, which eventually led to a split and the founding of the Communist Party USA.

AbstractAfter the 1968 emigration, very few Jews remained in Poland, and even more miniscule was the number of “Jewish Jews.” Since then the number has grown somewhat, and much of it is due to the process of de-assimilation; i.e., some people with Jewish ancestors raised in completely Polonized families began to recover, reclaim, and readapt their Jewish background. An analysis of this phenomenon is offered with a series of putative reasons for its occurrence. The individuals constituting the “products” of de-assimilation are the majority of Polish Jews today and form much of the current leadership. While individuals everywhere can strengthen their ties to the Jewish people and can experience teshuvah or another kind of “Judaization,” the process of de-assimilation does not seem to be reducible to those moves. It begins with no Jewish identity, and is highly dependent on the attitudes and cultural trends in the majority society. It does not remove the de-assimilationists from the majority culture. The phenomenon is general and deserves to be studied as a sociological mechanism working in other cases of assimilation to a majority culture. In the Jewish case, it is especially dramatic. Probably the first example can be found in the evolution of the Marrano communities settled in Holland. The presence of de-assimilation seems to differentiate some European, first of all East European, communities from the globally dominant American and Israeli ones. Probably this rather new concept is needed to describe a significant part of the world of the Jews of twenty-first century Europe.

The article investigates what research tells us about the dynamics of educational practice in both formal and informal education about the Holocaust. It poses questions such as whether it is possible to identify good practices on a political and/or educational level, whether there are links between education about the Holocaust and human rights education, and how education about the Holocaust relates to attitudes toward Jews. Examples of both international studies (such as those by the Fundamental Rights Agency of the EU and the American Jewish Committee) and some national surveys on education about the Holocaust are discussed, followed by an analysis of empirical studies from Poland based on focus group interviews and individual interviews with educators. The choice of case study was based on the historical fact that occupied Poland was the site of the murder of almost 5 million Jews, including 3 million Polish Jews.In many cases a strong association with a Polish sense of victimhood based on the memory of the terror and the murder of almost 2 million ethnic Poles during WWII creates conflicting approaches and generates obstacles to providing education about Jewish victims. Nevertheless, following the fall of communism, the number of educational initiatives designed to teach and learn about the Shoah is steadily increasing. The article presents tips for successful programmes of education about the Holocaust which can be generalised for any type of quality education, but are primarily significant for education about tolerance and education aimed at reducing prejudice, counteracting negative stereotypes and preventing discrimination.

Theologies as dangerous human constructs: Burton Mack's evaluation of early Christian myths. After an introductory explication of the social approach to myths/theologies and a consideration of the ethical urgency for such a humanistic strategy, this article offers a systematic survey of Burton Mack's incisive criticism of early Christian mythology and its influence on Western (specifically American) civilization. His cynical reading, which claims to take its cue from deconstruction, is assessed under three headings (which are inevitably interrelated): (1) The evangelical meaning of Jesus' death: the victimization of Jews; (2) The apocalyptic myth as social nightmare: the collusion of innocence and power, and (3) From diverse origins to reduced end product and back: the decanonization of the Christian Bible as ethical necessity. As a programmatic sug-gestion of how Mack's contribution can be taken further, the essay concludes by juxtaposing Mack's myth criticism with that of a selection of scholars (Crossan, Voltaire) and Polish poets (Zagajewski, Szymborska), whose points of view may serve not only to corroborate, but especially, to critically refine Mack's perspective.

Isaac Bashev is Singer cherished the short story because, in his opinion, it provided a considerably greater opportunity for perfection than the novel did. His stories, however, rarely exhibit the meticu-lous craftsmanship of a conscious craftsman; instead, they flow effortlessly, often mindlessly, without any sense of manipulation. Indeed, Singer’s work derives from a rich oral storytelling tradition that has been thriving for generations throughout Eastern Europe. As the de facto historian of the Jewish experience in the twentieth century, Singer opts to ignore the Holocaust and the six million European Jews who were killed by Adolf Hitler’s Third Reich. Since he doesn’t think a simple storyteller could ever convey a tale this awful and unintelligible, he instead evokes it by describing the civilization it wiped out in detail and the scattered melancholy it left behind. Singer’s protagonists, like the Jewish people as a whole, face unfathomable atrocities and fight with their identity in a changing world. They must decide whether to give up or endure. The person in their family, neighborhood, and world is eventually the person in their universe, frequently by themselves with the supernatural forces that rule it. Singer uses a variety of Jewish mysticism and demonology to embellish and draw from to personify these forces and their impact on the human condition. In this research paper, I tried to anlyze the element of this Jewish mysticism in some of his popular works. Isaac Bashevis Singer was a Polish-born American Jewish author who first authored and published in Yiddish before translating himself into English with the assistance of editors and collaborators.

Q: How many people does it take to change a light bulb for a Jewish mother? A: None, Dahlink, I'll sit in the dark. Q: How many Jewish mothers does it take to change a light bulb? A: Don't worry about your mother. You go have a good time. I'll just sit here in the dark again. Alone. The Jewish American Mother light bulb jokes cited above are illustrations of a special categorical form that is performative. They are quite different from their traditional, non-performative counterparts. Moreover, they are, as Della Chiaro puts it, "doubly clever (or funny) because, as well as the punch[es], [they seem] to make fun of [themselves] too" (73). Performative versions from the Jewish American Mother light bulb joke cycle reveal an inherently metacommunicative tone. Among the non-performative variants, replies like "None. They'll sit in the dark and bemoan their fate" are more common. In the performative versions, a role shifting occurs, and the joke teller changes from his or her role as an answer provider who uses a third person voice to "become" the person about whom s/he is telling the joke: the Jewish mother. Folklorist Barre Toelken uses the terms "dynamism" and "conservatism" to describe verbal and material folkloristic content that ranges across a spectrum of styles from flexible to formulaic. Applying Toelken's schema to address light bulb jokes, it seems clear that this joke genre's form is typically more conservative and formulaic than dynamic and flexible (39-43). Although a joke teller has the capacity to use intonation and subtle intervening style to her advantage, the joke's form cannot be changed too extensively or the form's point will be lost. However, like proverbs that are parodied, light bulb jokes can be altered to create another category of variants that, while being recognized as illustrative of the form, manage to make up a new form within the form. This is the case with performative light bulb jokes. A performative light bulb joke's narrator/joke teller and audience may experience an enhanced potential to perceive nuanced critiques during the joke event. This heightened perceptibility is less likely to be available during non-performative joke encounters due to the absence of role shifting. Role shifting as a storytelling event technique or element is well known for its effectiveness. Performative jokes demonstrate what Bauman refers to as "the creation of social structure in performance" (43) that can, as he says, promote transformation as social control for multiple reasons. Given the potential for sharpened perception, the narrator and audience may feel keenly affected by this joke. At the moment when the joke teller becomes the Jewish mother answer giver, the audience and the joke teller hear several 'voices' manifest instead of the expected answer motif present in non-performative versions. The metanarrative1 is especially poignant because not one but two other 'characters' beside the narrator exist within this joke: the Jewish mother, and the one toward whom ironic affection and other complex feelings are projected - a child role or "Dahlink." When Mother 'answers' the narrator, the narrator occupies the Dahlink and Mother roles simultaneously. In this way, the joke teller can 'become' his or her own Jewish mother. The answer "Don't worry about your mother" succinctly demonstrates this concept. Moreover, the joke listeners (a joke's audience) can think of themselves as being addressed by the mother as "her" Dahlinks. The audience may also envision itself as being 'outside' of the joke, watching it as an event. Alternately, audience members may feel kinship with the characters who are being indexed. In re-telling the joke, audience members turned narrators can experience all the joke's roles. If the narrator is both the mother and the child, it can be said that there is only one, multi-voiced character all along, a trickster-like changeling. Georges and Jones suggest that mastery over difficult or problematic situations is accomplished (or at least attempted) through joke telling. They cite Jung's and others' treatments of trickster cycles to emphasize their point (239). The hybridized, trickster self is summoned during the joke event, when it embraces its myriad voices and, perhaps, the audience. Many choices exist within this joke-telling event moment, depending upon who is listening, who is telling, and what local knowledge exists among all parties involved. The themes of insider versus outsider in terms of who tells, listens to, and 'gets' the joke can turn the ethnic slant of the joke into overt anti-Semitism. It is arguable that 'even Jews' telling the joke can be seen as self-disparaging, anti-Semitic, anti-Jewish mother, and misogynistic. In the full length version of this essay, I critique both the reductive argument that Jewish jokes are mostly self-flagellating and the Freudian aggression hypothesis in humor theory in order to explore some of the nuanced feelings I believe the narrator as Mother and Dahlink, and different joke audience members are expected to internalize. I will now examine who Mother and Dahlink 'are' - who they represent. This discussion potentially provides some insights into the messages the joke is geared to promote, how it is intended to be received, and within what audiences it is likely to be told, heard, and understood. Among many Jewish Americans of Eastern European descent, the Yinglish (or 'Yiddish-ified' English) term "Dahlink" ("Darling"), while not definitionally diminutive, is usually reserved as an endearment for a person younger than the person using the term. Although a person who is referred to as Dahlink may not be younger than the person using the term, one who is called Dahlink is often treated like an offspring. During the joke event, Dahlink has a child's role in relation to Mother's expertise and parental authority. In psychotherapeutic terms, the joke's Dahlink is infantilized. Mother communicates ironically, the paradoxes she feels layering and finding life in her speech, and in what she says by not saying it. Potential interpretations of examples adopted from the joke cycle variants include: "Don't worry" could mean "Of course you should worry, don't you love me?"; "Don't do it" conveys "Do it"; "I'll sit in the dark" translates as "I don't want that at all, and I'm scared"; "I want to suffer, here in the dark (unaware)" means "I don't want that at all, and I can't stand not knowing what's going on. Okay, okay - sometimes, I admit, I like not having to know everything." By way of inversion, there is a distinct opportunity for Mother to question and express annoyance with her stereotypical job of being overprotective, intrusive, caretaking and responsible for Dahlink. More than merely articulating aggression, here in the joke's location she has the license to request the help that she is not supposed to ask for or need. Thus, the performative joke suggests a profound critique regarding her positionality as a woman and a mother. With local knowledge and perspective, those who tell, listen to, and experience this joke have the chance to hear this critique. The performative joke event functions through irony in conjunction with a Bakhtinian sense of double-voiced discourse (Bahktin), interpreted by Barbara Babcock as "a phenomenon characteristic of the 'Others' among us; both a strategy for dealing with oppression and a form of survival" ("Personal"). The inversion messages in the joke highlight many motherly anxieties. Not only is she worried that her child can live without her, she may realize with concern that maybe she cannot live without her child. Who changes her light bulbs when her kids move away? Is she alone, divorced, widowed? Why can't some other person change the light bulb? Why can't she change the light bulb for herself? The joke's irony provides a space for anxiety to be safely uttered, and for these and other questions to be asked of the teller, Dahlink, Mother, and the audience. I conjecture that the complex subject of mothers' relationships with their children is helpfully and creatively negotiated through performative joke telling. Notes This essay is dedicated to the memory of my friend, Faye Glazer, a Polish-born, Jewish American whose patience with my Yiddish (and with me) will always be appreciated and never be forgotten. 1. My usage of "metanarrative" in this essay is borrowed from Barbara Babcock, with gratitude. See her piece "The Story in the Story". Works Cited Babcock, Barbara. Personal Correspondence. December 8, 1997. Babcock, Barbara. "The Story in the Story: Metanarration in Folk Narrative." Verbal Art as Performance, Richard Bauman, ed. Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press, 1977. 61-79. Bakhtin, Michail. "Discourse in the Novel." The Dialogic Imagination. Trans. Michael Holquist. Austin: U of Texas P, 1981. 259-422. Bauman, Richard. "The Emergent Quality of Performance." Verbal Art as Performance. ed. Richard Bauman. Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press, 1977. 37-45. Chiaro, Delia. The Language of Jokes: Analysing Verbal Play. London and New York: Routledge, 1992. Georges, Robert A. and Michael Owen Jones. Folkloristics: An Introduction. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1995. Toelken, Barre. The Dynamics of Folklore. Logan, Utah: Utah State University Press, 1996. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Wiener, Diane R. "Performativity and Metacommentary in Jewish American Mother Light Bulb Jokes" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0311/5-weiner-jewish-lightbulb.php>. APA Style Wiener, D. (2003, Nov 10). Performativity and Metacommentary in Jewish American Mother Light Bulb Jokes. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6, <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0311/5-weiner-jewish-lightbulb.php>

The war in Ukraine has serious consequences for the entire Ukrainian society and the world in general. The Ukrainian people have once again suffered a tragic event at the hands of the Russian Federation in the 21st century, resulting in a bloody genocide and undermining the concept of freedom for all humanity. Ukraine survived the Holodomor genocides of the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s, the occupation wars of the Soviet Union in the early 1920s and late 1930s, and deportations of Ukrainians in the 20th and 21st centuries [1]. Every family remembers the significant losses of loved ones through generations and their suffering across the world. The concept of genocide as a crime emerged in international law after the Second World War. Lawyer Raphael Lemkin, a Polish and American legal practitioner of Jewish origin, first introduced the term genocide as a legal concept. In the early 1920s, R. Lemkin studied philology and then law at the Jan Kazimierz University of Lviv. He defended his doctoral thesis at Heidelberg University in Germany, served as an assistant prosecutor in Berezhany in Ternopil Region, and lectured in Warsaw. In the early 1930s, he represented Poland at international legal conferences, and as early as 1933, he suggested that those who deliberately harmed a large group of people out of hatred and destroyed their cultural treasures, engaged in “vandalism,” killed, and raped should be considered as manifestations of genocide. People who performed actions or gave orders to do them should be tried and punished [2]. On December 9, 1948, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The definition of genocide is used in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court [3]. The following acts committed with the intention of complete or partial destruction of the national, ethnic, racial or religious group are considered genocide: 1) murder; 2) causing severe physical or mental injuries; 3) deliberate creation of living conditions that are designed for complete or partial destruction; 4) actions intended to prevent the birth of children; 5) forcible transfer of children of this group to another group [4]. Thousands of Ukrainian civilians, wounded, soldiers, and prisoners of war have been victims of violent murders in this war. Russian prisoners of war have given testimony: “We had an order to immediately shoot anyone over 15 years of age without a word. 20 to 24 individuals were executed, including teenagers aged 10–15 and 17... we cleared the building. It was unimportant who was there... In Soledar and Bakhmut, 150 Wagner Group mercenaries killed everyone – women, men, retired, and children, including young ones aged five... If they disobeyed orders, they were killed” [5]. They not only murdered civilian Ukrainians but were also ordered to finish off injured Ukrainian soldiers and shoot and behead prisoners[5]. In Geneva, Chair of the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry, Erik Møse, stated that while no evidence had yet been found, the question «of the genocide in Ukraine presented by independent experts regarding the actions of the Russian aggressor (killings, inflicting severe bodily or mental injuries) needed further investigation». This is how the UN works, not for the people, but for the Russian Federation!!! [6] The International Criminal Court in the Hague, which has the authority to prosecute individuals responsible for genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, has only recognized the fifth item as a manifestation of genocide in Ukraine – the forcible transfer of children from one group to another. The International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, for deporting Ukrainian children to Russia, as well as for the RF Commissioner for Children’s Rights, Maria Lvova-Belova, who is suspected of committing a war crime. The courageous and consistent chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Karim Khan, believes that no one should feel free to commit crimes [7]. We review the third and fourth items of the UN Convention in this article, which demonstrate signs of genocide in Ukraine and are associated with medicine, education, and science. Specifically, the intentional creation of living conditions intended for complete or partial destruction, actions intended to prevent the birth of children. Since late February 2022 and up to the present day, the WHO has verified 1,773 attacks on the healthcare system in Ukraine, resulting in the deaths of at least 136 medical workers and injuries to 288 [8]. 1,564 medical facilities were damaged, and an additional 208 were completely destroyed. During this period, the Russian army also destroyed 260 ambulances, damaged 161, and captured another 125. The enemy attacks medical infrastructure, such as hospitals, outpatient healthcare facilities, maternity hospitals, polyclinics, etc., on a daily basis [9]. In 2024, the attacks intensified. The healthcare infrastructure has suffered significant damage, particularly in areas near the front line. Up to 14% of facilities were completely destroyed, and up to 48% experienced partial damage. During this period, 40% of all attacks on the healthcare system are targeted at the primary level of medical care, hindering Ukrainians’ access to essential medical services. Emergency medical care centers accounted for 15% of the attacks. The number of double strikes has increased, posing an even greater danger to emergency workers and civilians. Emergency service workers and medical transport personnel are three times more likely to be injured by such strikes compared to other medical professionals. The most significant damage was suffered by medical facilities in Kharkiv, Donetsk, Mykolaiv, Kyiv, Chernihiv, Dnipropetrovsk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia Oblasts. The cost of medications has increased for the state during the war, particularly when inpatient treatment for patients is required. Patients purchase many medications themselves. Delivery of medicines to frontline regions is challenging. Providing access to medications is a significant issue in the healthcare sector, especially in areas that are subjected to constant shelling. As of April 2023, 75% of individuals had faced challenges because of the rising cost of medications, and 44% had difficulties obtaining them[10]. From February 24, 2022 to September 2023, complicated patients with oncological, autoimmune, and cardiovascular conditions who were receiving medication through clinical trials were affected. According to data from the State Expert Center of Ukraine, at the onset of the full-scale war, international sponsors of clinical trials suspended patient recruitment for 217 clinical trials. 234 clinical trials were prematurely terminated. Participants in the clinical trials were given four options: continuing treatment at the trial site (if possible), withdrawing from the trial early, transferring to other sites within Ukraine, or transferring to locations outside of Ukraine. Displaced patients scattered across over 25 countries around the world. The top therapeutic fields of transferred researched individuals were oncology, neurology, gastroenterology, rheumatology, and cardiology [10]. Damaging the energy infrastructure in Ukraine directly impacts the functioning of healthcare facilities. This applies to both the supply of electricity and water. Following the strikes on energy infrastructure last month, the winter season of 2024–2025 is likely to be extremely challenging. We also need to consider the availability of quality water and adequate sanitation, which are essential conditions for ensuring public health. 22% of households in the frontline regions delay seeking medical assistance. This is mainly due to financial constraints. Specifically, 24% of households are unable to afford medication, while 51% cannot cover the cost of medical services or vaccinations. Furthermore, there is an increasing lack of medical staff and a significant level of burnout. They feel a double burden. Medical professionals are part of affected communities in need of support and psychological assistance [11,12]. Therefore, the deliberate killing of patients and medical staff, the destruction of hospitals, polyclinics, outpatient medical facilities, and maternity hospitals, the destruction of the energy supply of medical facilities, the double bombing of ambulances, the inability to obtain necessary medications for patients, especially the seriously ill, the lack of possibility of getting medical assistance for Ukrainian citizens on their own territory are all consequences of the treacherous war waged by the Russian Federation against a neighboring country with the aim of seizing Ukrainian lands. Isn’t it a manifestation of genocide? Citizens of Ukraine have been deprived of the right to normal medical care for a third consecutive year! As medical professionals, we would like to ask the UN Investigative Committee if this could be considered a form of genocide. Children and young people have faced terrible trials as a result of the brutal war, depriving them of a normal life and education. 1,790 children have been recognized as victims during the deceitful war in Ukraine. 535 children have died, and over 1,255 have sustained injuries of varying degrees of severity, according to official information from juvenile prosecutors [13]. Many children and students had their schools, colleges, institutes, and universities destroyed or captured. 410 educational institutions were completely destroyed, and over 3,500 were damaged [14]. Due to frequent air raid alerts and bombings in Ukraine, education takes place in shelters or remotely. Children and youth lack the chance to obtain a quality education, making it challenging for them to enroll in higher educational institutions. More than a million children are unable to communicate with their teachers and friends because they are pursuing distance learning. Children living in the frontline territories of Ukraine have been forced to spend about 5,000 hours in underground shelters and the subway over the past two years [14]. The future of Ukraine greatly depends on the higher education of its youth. More than ten universities and research institutes were destroyed, with up to 40 experiencing destruction. Many students and faculty had to relocate to safe areas in Western Ukraine or evacuate abroad [15]. Ukrainian science has been suffering losses due to Russian aggression since 2014, following the occupation of Crimea and parts of Donetsk and Luhansk Regions. This resulted in Ukrainian scientific and educational institutions losing their premises, equipment, and some employees. They were forced to restructure their work during the evacuation. Since February 24, 2022, Ukraine has suffered unparalleled losses to its scientific community, with casualties including renowned professors, associate professors, senior researchers, assistants, graduate students, and undergraduates. By April 2024, over 140 Ukrainian scientists had perished in the full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war. We have lost highly talented individuals – the cream of the Ukrainian society [16]. Research and professional development opportunities for scientists in Ukraine are limited or completely absent due to the war. Continuous shelling, life-threatening situations, ruined labs, lecture halls, and research institutes, financial shortages, absence of basic amenities (power cuts, internet and mobile communication disruptions, etc.), displacement, forced emigration, and Russian occupation are just some of the challenges faced by students, teachers, and scientists. According to the National Research Fund, only 57 out of 169 teams are prepared to resume their scientific research and development under martial law conditions. Only 62 teams can continue their work under specific circumstances, and 50 teams will be unable to continue their research at all [17]. Therefore, the deliberate destruction of educational and scientific institutions provides grounds to label the actions of the Russian Federation as “scientific genocide” against Ukrainian citizens. This is all part of the genocide of the Ukrainian people, aimed at eradicating Ukraine’s intellectual capacity. Ukrainians have been denied access to proper education and science due to the war initiated by the Russian Federation. In conclusion, we call upon the civilized world that upholds democratic principles, the UN, and the International Criminal Court in The Hague! You are observing another genocide and its elements: urbicide, eliticide, linguicide, ecocide, and culturicide of the ancient Ukrainian people living in the heart of Europe. Ukraine has suffered all five legal indicators of genocide as adopted by the Rome Statute during this war. We do not want other European and world countries to experience this horror! We beg you: make strategically correct decisions for the future of humanity, because it may be too late for everyone!

Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties. —John Milton (1608-1674) Introduction The publication of 12 cartoons depicting images of Prophet Mohammed [Peace Be Upon Him] first in Denmark’s Jyllands-Posten on 30 September 2005, and later reprinted in European media and two New Zealand newspapers, sparked protests around the Muslim world. The Australian newspapers – with the exception of The Courier-Mail, which published one cartoon – refrained from reprinting the cartoons, acknowledging that depictions of the Prophet are regarded as “blasphemous by Muslims”. How is this apparent act of restraint to be assessed? Edward Said, in his book Covering Islam has acknowledged that there have been many Muslim provocations and troubling incidents by Islamic countries such as Iran, Libya, Sudan, and others in the 1980s. However, he contends that the use of the label “Islam” by non-Muslim commentators, either to explain or indiscriminately condemn “Islam”, ends up becoming a form of attack, which in turn provokes more hostility (xv-xvi). This article examines how two Australian newspapers – The Australian and The West Australian – handled the debate on the Prophet Muhammad cartoons and considers whether in the name of “free speech” it ended in “a form of attack” on Australian Muslims. It also considers the media’s treatment of Muslim Australians’ “free speech” on previous occasions. This article is drawn from the oral testimonies of Muslims of diverse ethnic background. Since 1998, as part of PhD and post-doctoral research on Muslims in Australia, the author conducted 130 face-to-face, in-depth, taped interviews of Muslims, aged 18-90, both male and female. While speaking about their settlement experience, several interviewees made unsolicited remarks about Western/Australian media, all of them making the point that Muslims were being demonised. Australian Muslims Many of Australia’s 281,578 Muslims — 1.5 per cent of the total population (Australian Bureau of Statistics) — believe that as a result of media bias, they are vilified in society as “terrorists”, and discriminated in the workplace (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission; Dreher 13; Kabir 266-277). The ABS figures support their claim of discrimination in the workplace; in 1996 the unemployment rate for Muslim Australians was 25 per cent, compared to 9 per cent for the national total. In 2001, it was reduced to 18.5 per cent, compared to 6.8 per cent for the national total, but the ratio of underprivileged positions in the labour market remained almost three times higher than for the wider community. Instead of reflecting on Muslims’ labour market issues or highlighting the social issues confronting Muslims since 9/11, some Australian media, in the name of “free speech”, reinforce negative perceptions of Muslims through images, cartoons and headlines. In 2004, one Muslim informant offered their perceptions of Australian media: I think the Australian media are quite prejudiced, and they only do show one side of the story, which is quite pro-Bush, pro-Howard, pro-war. Probably the least prejudiced media would be ABC or SBS, but the most pro-Jewish, pro-America, would be Channel Seven, Channel Nine, Channel Ten. They only ever show things from one side of the story. This article considers the validity of the Muslim interviewee’s perception that Australian media representation is one-sided. On 26 October 2005, under the headline: “Draw a Cartoon about Mohammed and You Must Die”, The Australian warned its readers: ISLAM is no laughing matter. Danish newspaper, Jyllands-Posten, is being protected by security guards and several cartoonists have gone into hiding after the newspaper published a series of 12 cartoons about the prophet Mohammed. According to Islam, it is blasphemous to make images of the prophet. Muslim fundamentalists have threatened to bomb the paper’s offices and kill the cartoonists (17). Militant Muslims The most provocative cartoons appearing in the Danish media are probably those showing a Muhammad-like figure wearing a turban shaped as a bomb with a burning fuse coming out of it, or a queue of smoking suicide bombers on a cloud with an Islamic cleric saying, “Stop stop we have run out of virgins”. Another showed a blindfolded Muslim man with two veiled Muslim women standing behind him. These messages appeared to be concerned with Islam’s repression of women (Jyllands-Posten), and possibly with the American channel CBS airing an interview in August 2001 of a Palestinian Hamas activist, Muhammad Abu Wardeh, who recruited terrorists for suicide bombings in Israel. Abu Wardeh was quoted as saying: “I described to him [the suicide bomber] how God would compensate the martyr for sacrificing his life for his land. If you become a martyr, God will give you 70 virgins, 70 wives and everlasting happiness” (The Guardian). Perhaps to serve their goals, the militants have re-interpreted the verses of the Holy Quran (Sura 44:51-54; 55:56) where it is said that Muslims who perform good deeds will be blessed by the huris or “pure being” (Ali 1290-1291; 1404). However, since 9/11, it is also clear that the Muslim militant groups such as the Al-Qaeda have become the “new enemy” of the West. They have used religion to justify the terrorist acts and suicide bombings that have impacted on Western interests in New York, Washington, Bali, Madrid amongst other places. But it should be noted that there are Muslim critics, such as Pakistani-born writer, Irshad Manji, Bangladeshi-born writer Taslima Nasreen and Somalian-born Dutch parliamentarian Ayaan Hirsi Ali, who have been constant critics of Muslim men’s oppression of women and have urged reformation. However, their extremist fellow believers threatened them with a death sentence for their “free speech” (Chadwick). The non-Muslim Dutch film director, Theo van Gogh, also a critic of Islam and a supporter of Ayaan Hirsi Ali, advocated a reduction in immigration into Holland, especially by Muslims. Both van Gogh and Hirsi Ali – who co-scripted and co-produced the film Submission – received death threats from Muslim extremists because the film exhibited the verses of the Quran across the chest, stomach and thighs of an almost naked girl, and featured four women in see-through robes showing their breasts, with texts from the Quran daubed on their bodies, talking about the abuse they had suffered under Islam (Anon 25). Whereas there may be some justification for the claim made in the film, that some Muslim men interpret the Quran to oppress women (Doogue and Kirkwood 220), the writing of the Quranic verses on almost-naked women is surely offensive to all Muslims because the Quran teaches Muslim women to dress modestly (Sura 24: 30-31; Ali 873). On 4 November 2004, The West Australian reported that the Dutch director Theo van Gogh was murdered by a 26-year-old Dutch-Moroccan Muslim on 2 November 2004 (27). Hirsi Ali, the co-producer of the film was forced to go into hiding after van Gogh’s murder. In the face of a growing clamour from both the Dutch Muslims and the secular communities to silence her, Ayaan Hirsi Ali resigned from the Dutch Parliament in May 2006 and decided to re-settle in Washington (Jardine 2006). It should be noted that militant Muslims form a tiny but forceful minority of the 1.4 billion Muslims worldwide. The Muslim majority are moderate and peaceful (Doogue and Kirkwood 79-80). Some Muslim scholars argue that there is specific instruction in the Quran for people to apply their knowledge and arrive at whatever interpretation is of greatest benefit to the community. It may be that stricter practitioners would not agree with the moderate interpretation of the Quran and vice versa (Doogue and Kirkwood 232). Therefore, when the Western media makes a mockery of the Muslim religion or their Prophet in the name of “free speech”, or generalises all Muslims for the acts of a few through headlines or cartoons, it impacts on the Muslims residing in the West. Prophet Muhammad’s Cartoons With the above-mentioned publication of Prophet Muhammad’s cartoons in Denmark, Islamic critics charged that the cartoons were a deliberate provocation and insult to their religion, designed to incite hatred and polarise people of different faiths. In February 2006, regrettably, violent reactions took place in the Middle East, Europe and in Asia. Danish embassies were attacked and, in some instances, were set on fire. The demonstrators chanted, “With our blood and souls we defend you, O Prophet of God!”. Some replaced the Danish flag with a green one printed with the first pillar of Islam (Kalima): “There is no god but God and Mohammed is the messenger of God”. Some considered the cartoons “an unforgivable insult” that merited punishment by death (The Age). A debate on “free speech” soon emerged in newspapers throughout the world. On 7 February 2006 the editorial in The West Australian, “World Has Had Enough of Muslim Fanatics”, stated that the newspaper would not publish cartoons of Mohammad that have drawn protests from Muslims around the world. The newspaper acknowledged that depictions of the prophet are regarded as “blasphemous by Muslims” (18). However, the editorial was juxtaposed with another article “Can Liberty Survive a Clash of Cultures?”, with an image of bearded men wearing Muslim head coverings, holding Arabic placards and chanting slogans, implying the violent nature of Islam. And in the letters page of this newspaper, published on the same day, appeared the following headlines (20): Another Excuse for Muslims to Threaten Us Islam Attacked Cartoon Rage: Greatest Threat to World Peace We’re Living in Dangerous Times Why Treat Embassies with Contempt? Muslim Religion Is Not So Soft Civilised World Is Threatened The West Australian is a state-based newspaper that tends to side with the conservative Liberal party, and is designed to appeal to the “man in the street”. The West Australian did not republish the Prophet Muhammad cartoon, but for 8 days from 7 to 15 February 2006 the letters to the editor and opinion columns consistently criticised Islam and upheld “superior” Western secular values. During this period, the newspaper did publish a few letters that condemned the Danish cartoonist, including the author’s letter, which also condemned the Muslims’ attack on the embassies. But the overall message was that Western secular values were superior to Islamic values. In other words, the newspaper adopted a jingoistic posture and asserted the cultural superiority of mainstream Australians. The Danish cartoons also sparked a debate on “free speech” in Australia’s leading newspaper, The Australian, which is a national newspaper that also tends to reflect the values of the ruling national government – also the conservative Liberal party. And it followed a similar pattern of debate as The West Australian. On 14 February 2006, The Australian (13) published a reader’s criticism of The Australian for not republishing the cartoons. The author questioned whether the Muslims deserved any tolerance because their Holy Book teaches intolerance. The Koran [Quran] (22:19) says: Garments of fire have been prepared for the unbelievers. Scalding water shall be poured upon their heads, melting their skins and that which is in their bellies. Perhaps this reader did not find the three cartoons published in The Australian a few days earlier to be ‘offensive’ to the Australian Muslims. In the first, on 6 February 2006, the cartoonist Bill Leak showed that his head was chopped off by some masked people (8), implying that Muslim militants, such as the Hamas, would commit such a brutal act. The Palestinian Hamas group often appear in masks before the media. In this context, it is important to note that Israel is an ally of Australia and the United States, whereas the Hamas is Israel’s enemy whose political ideology goes against Israel’s national interest. On 25 January 2006, the Hamas won a landslide victory in the Palestine elections but Israel refused to recognise this government because Hamas has not abandoned its militant ideology (Page 13). The cartoon, therefore, probably means that the cartoonist or perhaps The Australian has taken sides on behalf of Australia’s ally Israel. In the second cartoon, on 7 February 2006, Bill Leak sketched an Arab raising his sword over a school boy who was drawing in a classroom. The caption read, “One more line and I’ll chop your hand off!” (12). And in the third, on 10 February 2006, Bill Leak sketched Mr Mohammed’s shadow holding a sword with the caption: “The unacceptable face of fanaticism”. A reporter asked: “And so, Mr Mohammed, what do you have to say about the current crisis?” to which Mr Mohammed replied, “I refuse to be drawn on the subject” (16). The cartoonist also thought that the Danish cartoons should have been republished in the Australian newspapers (Insight). Cartoons are supposed to reflect the theme of the day. Therefore, Bill Leak’s cartoons were certainly topical. But his cartoons reveal that his or The Australian’s “freedom of expression” has been one-sided, all depicting Islam as representing violence. For example, after the Bali bombing on 21 November 2002, Leak sketched two fully veiled women, one carrying explosives under her veil and asking the other, “Does my bomb look big in this”? The cartoonist’s immediate response to criticism of the cartoon in a television programme was, “inevitably, when you look at a cartoon such as that one, the first thing you’ve got to do is remember that as a daily editorial cartoonist, you’re commenting first and foremost on the events of the day. They’re very ephemeral things”. He added, “It was…drawn about three years ago after a spate of suicide bombing attacks in Israel” (Insight). Earlier events also suggested that that The Australian resolutely supports Australia’s ally, Israel. On 13-14 November 2004 Bill Leak caricatured the recently deceased Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in The Weekend Australian (18). In the cartoon, God appeared to be displeased with him and would not allow him to enter paradise. Arafat was shown with explosives strapped to his body and threatening God by saying, “A cloud to myself or the whole place goes up….”. On the other hand, on 6 January 2006 the same cartoonist sympathetically portrayed ailing Israeli leader Ariel Sharon as a decent man wearing a black suit, with God willing to accept him (10); and the next day Sharon was portrayed as “a Man of Peace” (12). Politics and Religion Thus, the anecdotal evidence so far reveals that in the name of “freedom of expression”, or “free speech” The West Australian and The Australian newspapers have taken sides – either glorifying their “superior” Western culture or taking sides on behalf of its allies. On the other hand, these print media would not tolerate the “free speech” of a Muslim leader who spoke against their ally or another religious group. From the 1980s until recently, some print media, particularly The Australian, have been critical of the Egyptian-born Muslim spiritual leader Imam Taj el din al-Hilali for his “free speech”. In 1988 the Australian Federation of Islamic Councils bestowed the title of Mufti to Imam al- Hilali, and al-Hilali was elevated to a position of national religious leadership. Al-Hilali became a controversial figure after 1988 when he gave a speech to the Muslim students at Sydney University and accused Jews of trying to control the world through “sex, then sexual perversion, then the promotion of espionage, treason and economic hoarding” (Hewett 7). The Imam started being identified as a “Muslim chief” in the news headlines once he directly criticised American foreign policy during the 1990-91 Gulf crisis. The Imam interpreted US intervention in Kuwait as a “political dictatorship” that was exploiting the Gulf crisis because it was seen as a threat to its oil supply (Hewett 7). After the Bali bombings in 2002, the Howard government distributed information on terrorism through the “Alert and Alarmed” kit as part of its campaign of public awareness. The first casualty of the “Be alert, but not alarmed” campaign was the Imam al-Hilali. On 6 January 2003, police saw a tube of plastic protruding from a passenger door window and suspected that al-Hilali might have been carrying a gun when they pulled him over for traffic infringements. Sheikh al-Hilali was charged with resisting arrest and assaulting police (Morris 1, 4). On 8 January 2003 The Australian reminded its readers “Arrest Adds to Mufti’s Mystery” (9). The same issue of The Australian portrayed the Sheikh being stripped of his clothes by two policemen. The letter page also contained some unsympathetic opinions under the headline: “Mufti Deserved No Special Treatment” (10). In January 2004, al-Hilali was again brought under the spotlight. The Australian media alleged that al-Hilali praised the suicide bombers at a Mosque in Lebanon and said that the destruction of the World Trade Center was “God’s work against oppressors” (Guillatt 24). Without further investigation, The Australian again reported his alleged inflammatory comments. Under the headline, “Muslim Leader’s Jihad Call”, it condemned al-Hilali and accused him of strongly endorsing “terrorist groups Hezbollah and Hamas, during his visit to Lebanon”. Federal Labor Member of Parliament Michael Danby said, “Hilali’s presence in Australia is a mistake. He and his associates must give authorities an assurance he will not assist future homicide attacks” (Chulov 1, 5). Later investigations by Sydney’s Good Weekend Magazine and SBS Television found that al-Hilali’s speech had been mistranslated (Guillatt 24). However, the selected print media that had been very critical of the Sheikh did not highlight the mistranslation. On the other hand, the Archbishop of Sydney, Cardinal George Pell has been critical of Islam and is also opposed to Australia’s involvement in the Iraq war in 2003, but the print media appeared to ignore his “free speech” (Dateline). In November 2004, Dr Pell said that secular liberal democracy was empty and selfish, and Islam was emerging as an alternative world view that attracted the alienated (Zwartz 3). In May 2006, Dr Pell said that he tried to reconcile claims that Islam was a faith of peace with those that suggested the Quran legitimised the killings of non-Muslims but: In my own reading of the Koran [Quran], I began to note down invocations to violence. There are so many of them, however, that I abandoned this exercise after 50 or 60 or 70 pages (Morris). Muslim leaders regarded Dr Pell’s anti-Islam statement as “inflammatory” (Morris). However, both the newspapers, The Australian and The West Australian remained uncritical of Dr Pell’s “free speech” against Islam. Conclusion Edward Said believed that media images are informed by official definitions of Islam that serve the interests of government and business. The success of the images is not in their accuracy but in the power of the people who produce them, the triumph of which is hardly challenged. “Labels have survived many experiences and have been capable of adapting to new events, information and realities” (9). In this paper the author accepts that, in the Australian context, militant Muslims are the “enemy of the West”. However, they are also the enemy of most moderate Australian Muslims. When some selected media take sides on behalf of the hegemony, or Australia’s “allies”, and offend moderate Australian Muslims, the media’s claim of “free speech” or “freedom of expression” remains highly questionable. Muslim interviewees in this study have noted a systemic bias in some Australian media, but they are not alone in detecting this bias (see the “Abu Who?” segment of Media Watch on ABC TV, 31 July 2006). To address this concern, Australian Muslim leaders need to play an active role in monitoring the media. This might take the form of a watchdog body within the Australian Federation of Islamic Councils. If the media bias is found to be persistent, the AFIC might then recommend legislative intervention or application of existing anti-discrimination policies; alternatively, AFIC could seek sanctions from within the Australian journalistic community. One way or another this practice should be stopped. References Ali, Abdullah Yusuf. The Holy Quran: Text, Translation and Commentary. New Revised Ed. Maryland, USA: Amana Corporation, 1989. Anonymous. “Dutch Courage in Aftermath of Film-Maker’s Slaying.” The Weekend Australian 6-7 Nov. 2004. 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Submission. “Film Clip from Short Submission.” Submission. 11 June 2006. http://www.ifilm.com/ifilmdetail/2655656?htv=12> The Age. “Embassies Torched over Cartoons.” 5 Feb. 2006. http://www.theage.com.au>. The Guardian. “Virgins? What Virgins?” 12 Jan. 2002. 4 June 2006 http://www.guardian.co.uk/>. Zwartz, Barney. “Islam Could Be New Communism, Pell Tells US Audience.” Sydney Morning Herald 12 Nov. 2004. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Kabir, Nahid. "Depiction of Muslims in Selected Australian Media: Free Speech or Taking Sides." M/C Journal 9.4 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/1-kabir.php>. APA Style Kabir, N. (Sep. 2006) "Depiction of Muslims in Selected Australian Media: Free Speech or Taking Sides," M/C Journal, 9(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/1-kabir.php>.