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1
Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. « RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914 ». Knowledge International Journal 28, no 7 (10 décembre 2018) : 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072447m.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. « RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914 ». Knowledge International Journal 28, no 7 (10 décembre 2018) : 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082447m.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
3
Stamova, Marijana. « The Albanian illusions during the Second World War ». Vojno-istorijski glasnik, spec br (2022) : 236–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vig2200236s.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The status quo of the Balkans, reached by the Versailles system of peace treaties, was destroyed in the course of the Second World War. From all Balkan states Albania was the first to experience the New Order of Hitler and Mussolini and with their help accomplished its national program, precisely the unification of the Albanian people and the establishment of an Albanian identity in the Balkans. In these years "Greater Albania" was a wartime creature, which did not get international recognition. The end of the war also put to rest the idea of a national unification of the Albanian people. The Albanian state again had its boundaries established after the end of World War I; a large part of the Albanian population was left out of these borders.
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Stamova, Mariyana. « Albanci na Balkanu tokom Drugog svetskog rata ». Historijski pogledi 5, no 8 (15 novembre 2022) : 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.152.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After the end of the First World War, some countries in the Balkans remained dissatisfied with the status quo achieved with the Versailles system of peace treaties. The Albanian movement for territorial and ethnic Albania failed to fully realize - Kosovo and Metohija remained in the Royal Yugoslavia, established in 1918, which emerged from the First World War as a victorious state. The large Albanian population is a serious problem for the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. One of the culprits, according to some researchers, is Belgrade's own political circles in the interwar period. Nationally, culturally, economically and politically, the Albanians in this period are in the worst position of any other national minority in the royal Yugoslavia. Here are a few examples to support the above. In the period between the two world wars, the Albanian minority in Yugoslavia did not have a single school in their mother tongue, nor did it have a single cultural, educational or economic association. Dissatisfaction among Albanians from Kosovo and Metohija is growing with the policy of colonizing the Serb population from other parts of the country. This policy of repression against the Albanian population in Kosovo and Metohija provoked his numerous emigration to Albania. Much of the progressive emigration, in the person of Hassan Prishtina, Bedri Peyani, Ibrahim Gjakova and others, is extremely hostile to the Yugoslav state. This was cleverly used by the Albanian and Italian governments to break up Yugoslavia years later. In this regard, it is very important for Italian intelligence to engage Kosovo emigration in order to achieve full Italian control over Albania and weaken Yugoslavia's position in the south. With the impending new military confrontation on the international field, which would undoubtedly affect this region of Europe as well, Albanians see a real opportunity to achieve their national goals. Undoubtedly, the Albanian territory is also included in the geostrategic plans of the major countries for conducting military operations in the Balkans and implementing their further plans. In this regard, Italy's goal of making Albania a bridgehead in the Balkans for control of the Straits and the Middle East is to support the aspirations of Albanian nationalists after their long struggle to create a state that unites all Albanians. The status quo of the Balkans, reached by the Versailles system of peace treaties, was destroyed in the course of the Second World War. From all the Balkan states Albania was the first to experience the new order of Hitler and Mussolini and with their help accomplished its national program, precisely с the unification of the Albanian people and establishment of an Albanian identity in the Balkans. With the capitulation of Yugoslavia on April 7, 1941, a new territorial situation was created for the Axis forces and their satellite allies. The partition of Yugoslavia is one of the conditions for the realization of the „New Order“ in Southeast Europe. Convinced that the time was coming when, with the help of Italy and Germany, Kosovo and Metohija, western Macedonia, the eastern regions of Montenegro, etc. would enter Albania's borders, the Kosovo Committee with leading figures of Albanian nationalism, such as Bedri Pejani, Rexhep Mitrovica, Ibrahim Gjakova and Rexhep Krasniqi, have elevated political concepts for ethnic and territorial Albania familiar from the interwar period. In these years „Greater Albania” was a wartime creature, which did not get international recognition. The end of the war also put to rest the idea of a national unification of the Albanian people. The Albanian state again had its boundaries established after the end of the World War I; a large part of the Albanian population was left outside of these borders.
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Asaturov, Sergey, et Andrei Martynov. « THE RESURGENCE OF NATIONALISM : THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA ». EUREKA : Social and Humanities, no 5 (11 octobre 2020) : 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001440.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.
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Dushi, Arbnora. « Approaches of the Albanian Folkloristic in Kosovo : Background, Researches, Publications ». Traditiones 48, no 3 (27 février 2020) : 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3986/traditio2019480304.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of the article on disciplinary trends in Albanian folkloristic in Kosovo is to offer an overview of folkloristic orientations and impacts related to the social and political status of Albanians in the former Yugoslavia, respectively in Kosovo. The living conditions of Albanians in some Balkan countries have affected the approaches, orientations and schools through which Albanian folklore studies have evolved. In this context, Albanian folklore studies in Kosovo differed from those in Albania during the period under communism when Yugoslavia and Albania had tense or broken diplomatic relations. In this paper, the historical background of the discipline and circumstances of Albanians living in Kosovo are presented. Both had a discernible impact on the research and publications carried out by the Folklore Department at the Institute of Albanology in Prishtina, as the only institution for the scientific research of Albanian folklore. Its research methodology, paradigms, publications as well as the status of folklore studies today provide an overview of folkloristic in Kosovo.
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Batakovic, Dusan. « Serbia, the Serbo-Albanian conflict and the First Balkan War ». Balcanica, no 45 (2014) : 317–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1445317b.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After the restoration of Serbia in 1830, the areas of medieval Serbia left out of her borders were dubbed Old Serbia - Kosovo, Metohija, Rascia (the former sanjak of Novi Pazar and the neighbouring areas). Old Serbia (from 1877 onwards the vilayet of Kosovo) was dominated by local Albanian pashas, whereas the Christian Orthodox Serbs and their villages were attacked and pillaged by Muslim Albanian brigands. The religious antagonism between Muslims and Christians expanded into national conflict after the 1878 Albanian League had claimed the entire ?Old Serbia for Greater Albania?. The position of Christian Orthodox Serbs, who accounted for a half of the population at the end of the nineteenth century, was dramatically aggravated due to Muslim Albanians' tribal anarchy, Austria-Hungary's pro-Albanian agitation and, after 1908, frequent Albanian rebellions. All efforts of Serbia to reach a peaceful agreement with Muslim Albanian leaders in Old Serbia before the First Balkan War had ended in failure. The First Balkan War was the most popular war in Serbia?s history as it was seen as avenging the 1389 Battle of Kosovo which had sealed the Ottoman penetration into the Serbian lands. In October 1912, Serbia liberated most of Old Serbia, while Montenegro took possesion of half of the Rascia area and the whole of Metohija. While the decimated and discriminated Serb population greeted the Serbian and Montenegrin troops as liberators, most Albanians, who had sided with the Ottomans, saw the establishment of Serbian rule as occupation.
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Kume, Enida. « A Historical Overview on Fulfillment of the Right to Basic Education Among Albanians from Middle Ages to Beginning of The Last Decade of the XX Century ». Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 11, no 1 S1 (23 avril 2024) : 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv11n1s106.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Albanians are among the peoples of the Balkans who for centuries have faced the denial of the right to be educated in their native language. The attitude and action of the Ottoman occupier for the prohibition of education in the Albanian language in all Albanian regions during all occupational period was added the effect of the prohibitive action of the religious institutions and neighboring countries that aimed at the territorial annexation of Albania. The realization of the right to education in the Albanian language among Albanian people has been one of the main objectives of the Albanian National Movement for freedom and independence. The declaration of independence also marks the beginning of education in the Albanian language for Albanians as a public right. The decisions of the Vlora government were the first important efforts to realize this right. Economic and social development, the level of culture and traditions, the heritage related to long period under occupation, the geopolitical factors and developments in the first half of the century XX do not promote the process for the development of the basic education system in Albania. At the end of the second world war, Albania was the country with the highest level of illiteracy in the Balkan region. The development of the education system has been one of the main priorities of the Government in the period after the second world war. The right to education was defined as a constitutional right and basic education as a legal obligation for every Albanian citizen. During the period of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the main characteristic of the education system in Albania was its high level of ideologization. Received: 25 December 2023 / Accepted: 25 February 2024 / Published: 23 April 2024
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Bedini, Belina. « Italian Foreign Policy between Albania and the Balkans (1910-1939) ». Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 11, no 1 (23 mars 2024) : 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv11n116.
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This paper analyses the dynamics of Italian diplomacy in Albania from the beginning of the 20th century until 1939, when the Fascists occupied Albania. The primary purpose of this paper is to show how the interests of Italy, combined with the political and economic conditions of the country and, more broadly, of the Balkan peninsula, have changed constantly. Considering the Italian and Albanian diplomatic documents and broader literature, this paper will show the dynamics that shaped the development of Italy's foreign policy concerning Albania and the Balkans in the first three decades of the century. Therefore, in the beginning, it will explain why Albania was relevant to Italian interests. In the context of the Balkan wars, Italy shared its interest with the Austria-Hungarian Empire because it aimed also to control the Adriatic Sea. Afterwards, Yugoslavia was one of Italy's rivals on the Peninsula. Being aware that Albania, like other countries in the Mediterranean, enjoys high interest from the great powers, Italy often tried to receive the UK's and France's approval on some of its moves. Hence, international events like the Balkan wars and WWI and Italian and Albanian political leaders did have a relevant role in shaping foreign policy toward the Balkans and Albania.
Received: 19 February 2024 / Accepted: 15 March 2024 / Published: 23 March 2024
10
Conti, Fabio, MARJAN NIKETIĆ, SNEŽANA VUKOJIČIĆ, SONJA SILJAK-YAKOVLEV, ZOLTÁN BARINA et DMITAR LAKUŠIĆ. « A new species of Reichardia (Asteraceae, Cichorieae) from Albania and re-evaluation of R. macrophylla ». Phytotaxa 236, no 2 (27 novembre 2015) : 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/phytotaxa.236.2.2.
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Reichardia albanica, a new species from Mount Çika (Albanian: Mali i Çikës) in southern Albania, is described and illustrated. Its relationship with the closest taxa is also discussed and a key for the identification of species in Balkan Peninsula and Turkey is provided. In addition R. macrophylla, a neglected and synonymized Balkan endemic species, has been re-evaluated. The name Picridium macrophyllum has been lectotypified.
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Sallata, Ilir. « "BALKAN HEADQUARTER" IN THE OPTIC OF ALBANIAN COMMUNISTS IN THE 1939-1944 YEARS ». Knowledge International Journal 34, no 5 (4 octobre 2019) : 1499–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij34051499s.
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This paper aims to present the features of the Balkan cooperation of the left political forces during the years of World War II, respectively the project of the Balkan Headquarters, in the view of the Albanian communists. The idea of Balkan co-operation spread to all communist movements in the Balkan countries, the most active was the Yugoslav Communist Party, which aimed to create a "Balkan Headquarter" under the conditions of war and a "Balkan Federation" after its end. At the end of 1942, the Yugoslav Communist leadership established contacts with the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Greece and Albania to coordinate actions in the fight against Nazi fascist forces. Taking in consideration that the Albanian communists had the orientation compass in those years the Yugoslavs, under their influence, tried to achieve the objectives of this project as far as possible. Thus within the anti-fascist alliance but also under the Yugoslav directives, especially during the German occupation, the links and cooperation between the Albanian national liberation movement and the liberation movements of Yugoslavia and Greece intensified, especially in the border areas. With the EAM and the National Liberation Army of Greece (ELAS), an important area of cooperation was the Konispol region and generally Cameria. Pursuant to the agreement reached between the General Council of the Albanian National Liberation Army and the Greek National Liberation Front, they were sent to these representative areas on both sides to propagate the common war goals in the population and to mobilize them in the mutual partisan formations. But it should be noted that the Albanian National Liberation Army combative co-operation with ELAS was limited. Within the framework of cooperation with the Yugoslav National Liberation Army, several joint operations have been undertaken, especially in border areas. The fact that Kosovo Albanians are engaged in the national liberation movement, which has contributed to the increase of cooperation in these areas, should be considered. Cooperation between the two liberation movements has been more visible in Macedonia's area.This paper aims to present the features of the Balkan cooperation of the left political forces during the years of World War II, respectively the project of the Balkan Headquarters, in the view of the Albanian communists. The idea of Balkan co-operation spread to all communist movements in the Balkan countries, the most active was the Yugoslav Communist Party, which aimed to create a "Balkan Headquarter" under the conditions of war and a "Balkan Federation" after its end. At the end of 1942, the Yugoslav Communist leadership established contacts with the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Greece and Albania to coordinate actions in the fight against Nazi fascist forces. Taking in consideration that the Albanian communists had the orientation compass in those years the Yugoslavs, under their influence, tried to achieve the objectives of this project as far as possible. Thus within the anti-fascist alliance but also under the Yugoslav directives, especially during the German occupation, the links and cooperation between the Albanian national liberation movement and the liberation movements of Yugoslavia and Greece intensified, especially in the border areas. With the EAM and the National Liberation Army of Greece (ELAS), an important area of cooperation was the Konispol region and generally Cameria. Pursuant to the agreement reached between the General Council of the Albanian National Liberation Army and the Greek National Liberation Front, they were sent to these representative areas on both sides to propagate the common war goals in the population and to mobilize them in the mutual partisan formations. But it should be noted that the Albanian National Liberation Army combative co-operation with ELAS was limited. Within the framework of cooperation with the Yugoslav National Liberation Army, several joint operations have been undertaken, especially in border areas. The fact that Kosovo Albanians are engaged in the national liberation movement, which has contributed to the increase of cooperation in these areas, should be considered. Cooperation between the two liberation movements has been more visible in Macedonia's area.As would be seen from the subsequent actions of the Yugoslav leadership, during the Nazi-occupation period it prepared the ground for the post-war devastation of Albania within the Yugoslav Federal Republics, despite their failure to achieve this objective. During the research work of this case study, the qualitative method was generally applied by conducting a research: collecting, descriptive and explanatory, based mostly on historical facts and literature analysis.
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Breu, Walter. « Italo-Albanian : Balkan Inheritance and Romance Influence ». Journal of Language Contact 14, no 1 (30 septembre 2021) : 147–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-14010006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This chapter deals with contact-induced change in Italo-Albanian and its effects on the Balkan inheritance of this minority language. The introduction is dedicated to the general characteristics of Albanian and its varieties from a historical, dialectological and geographic perspective, followed by a section on the historical and present situation of the Italo-Albanians. While Section 3 discusses the role of Balkanisms in Standard Albanian, Section 4 gives a general overview of the fate of these Sprachbund criteria in Italo-Albanian. In Section 5, contact-induced changes in the verb systems in single Italo-Albanian dialects are investigated, with special regard to the changes in the future tense, in the analytical perfect and verbal aspect, followed by a discussion of the innovative causative construction and other periphrases. Finally, changes in the domains of mood and voice in the Italo-Albanian dialects are described, most of them of recent date and, in part, not accepted by conservative speakers. All contact-induced developments in the minority language, as well as those parts of its grammar that have resisted foreign influence, are contrasted with their Standard-Albanian counterparts. As will be shown, many traditional Balkan features have been weakened or lost, whereas others have even expanded, but always in the direction of Romance models, to which Italo-Albanian functionally has adapted or which it has calqued.
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Micu, Andrei Alexandru. « The Albanian Nationalism : between the National Revival and the Security Prospects in the Adriatic Region ». Euro-Atlantic Studies, no 2 (2019) : 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/eas.2019.2.5.
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The study will address the phenomenology and the processes that marked the Albanian independence movement, concomitantly illustrating it as an integrated stage into the Balkan trend of nation-state edification during the decline of the Ottoman Empire, hence enforcing the debate over the mechanism that had been used in administrating the territorial possessions of the quasi-defunct caliphate. On this occasion, the research will highlight the external involvement in supporting the Albanian independence movement, mentioning in this way the Italian Kingdom, the actor that assumed the role of protecting independent Albania as a result of Rome`s primordial interests in assuming a predominant role in the Adriatic security architecture.Simultaneously will be pursued Tirana`s nationalist projects and the points of tension from the relations with Greece and Yugoslavia as a result of overlapping the territorial expansionist ethnic agendas of these three states. Therefore, it will illustrate how the Albanian state`s interactions with proximity are influenced by the regional climate of state-building on ethnic backgrounds, with a major impact on the security perspectives over the divergent energies of militant nationalism. In this way, the paper will analyze both the Albania – Greece – Italy triangle, with Rome inoculating the moderation in the Athens – Tirana relationship and mentioning the main the Italian foreign policy objective of assuming the role of a Mediterranean power.Last but not least, the Albanian National Revival Movement is presented from the perspective of social history and ideology, legitimizing Albania's independence, highlighting the domestic lines of rupture and the societal manifestations that could be framed in post-Ottomanism. Differentiating from the Balkan space by Albanian Kemalism eradicated by Ismail Kemal, the Albanian nationalism marked also by a modernization dichotomy: on the one hand by the desire of building a state based on the West-European model, by the agrarian reform and by overcoming the religious differences, and on the other hand the outstanding nationalist conservative revolution of returning to Albania's national values under Skanderbeg`s flag of the two-headed black eagle.
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Kunic, Zvjezdan, et Blerina Mahmutaj. « New communication trends in Serbian and Albanian Media in the Era of the Covid-19 pandemic as an effective means of shaping the Image of Russia in the Balkans 2020-2021. » Litera, no 5 (mai 2022) : 144–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8698.2022.5.37751.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The goal of this study is to identify new trends in the Serbian and Albanian media during the era of the Covid-19 pandemic, which contributed to the formation of Russia's image in the Balkans. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that for the first time on the material of the popular Serbian and Albanian media in the era of the Covid-19 pandemic, the image of Russia in the Balkans is being studied. As a result, the authors give a generalized description of how the image of the state is formed. This article traces the main realities of relations between Russia and the Balkans. Particular attention is paid to the influence of the West on the formation of communication trends in the media of the Balkan region. The authors seek to trace the process of formation of new trends that emerged in the media of Albania and Serbia in 2020-2021. Also, attention is paid to what new trends have appeared in the Serbian and Albanian media in relation to Russia against the background of the pandemic.
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Bego, Fabio. « Beyond the Albanian–Slav Divide : Political Cooperation and National Identities in the Balkans at the Turn of the Twentieth Century ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 34, no 1 (27 juin 2019) : 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419852162.
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This article investigates how some prominent and less known Albanian activists perceived their Southern Slav neighbors at the turn of the twentieth century. The research explores the way in which the spread of nationalism conditioned the positioning of Albanians and Slavs in the process of identity construction and how such identities mirrored their reciprocal political claims. Recent scholarship has often emphasized that the affirmation of national ideas led to the fragmentation of Balkan communities by turning Albanian-speaking populations and their Slavic-speaking neighbors into “others.” My analysis expands this assertion by elaborating a theoretical approach that allows us to explore the impact of nationalism on the post-1878 Balkan context from a more dynamic point of view. National discourses did not only lay the foundation for a differentiation between the Balkan communities, but were also tools for promoting joint political activism. National activists often felt it necessary to cooperate in order to deal with the challenges posed by the surrounding environment, which was common to both Albanians and Slavs. Various contingent circumstances led Albanian activists to project long-term forms of coexistence with their neighbors, and to imagine forms of political, cultural, and social synthesis with the Slavs.
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AHMETAJ, Lavdosh. « THE STEPS OF THE ALBANIAN GOVERNMENT IN FOREIGN POLICY 1920 ». Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 5, no 2 (20 juillet 2018) : 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv5n201.
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The paper introduces these key ideas: First, Albania admitted to the League of Nations remained under international protection in terms of its rights to independence and territorial integrity. Second, Any intervention against Albania would be brought to the League of Nations, which would have to check that no one of the Balkan potentials acted to break Albania. Thirdly, Albania’s accession to the League of Nations was a consequence of itself, while in international affiliation the acceptance of a country into the League of Nations brought with it its recognition as a state. Fourth, this act marked a recognition of the state and of the Albanian government and paved the way for the fair resolution of the Albanian issue at the Ambassador’s Paris Conference in 1921. It was precisely on 9 November 1921 that this Conference made its final decision for Albania: recognition the independence of Albania and the borders of 1913, with some changes in the northeast in favor of Serbia.
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Gemi, Eda. « Albanian Migration in Greece : Understanding Irregularity in a Time of Crisis ». European Journal of Migration and Law 19, no 1 (8 février 2017) : 12–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12342113.
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The third decade of Albanian migration to Greece signalled a historical change in the human geography of Greece’s largest migrant group. The impact of the economic recession and the visa-free regime for Albanians entering the European Union shaped a new fluid reality for Albanian irregular migration. This paper explores the impact of the socio-economic transformation processes on the migrants’ legal status vis-à-vis irregular status and integration dynamics. The emerging mobility strategies are conceptualized as a migrants’ agency that overcome socio-economic barriers or policy restrictions and navigate them. This paper goes beyond the legality-irregularity dichotomy, suggesting it is the multidimensional ‘in-between’ space of semi-irregular status where apparently ‘irregular’ Albanians interact with various forms of agency. Our aim is to explore how the irregular/legal nexus developed within the Balkan in the specific context of Greece. The empirical analysis draws on in-depth interviews with 94 Albanians and 13 stakeholders in Greece and Albania.
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Shadan, Dr Khaled Salman. « Sami Frashri and his role in the Albanian national renaissance ». ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 227, no 2 (9 décembre 2018) : 257–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v227i2.718.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the midst of the rise of nationalist movements in Europe during the second half of the nineteenth century, the Balkan countries, which had been under Ottoman administration for centuries, were not isolated from this constant movement. One of the most important Balkan countries that experienced a rise in national mobility was Albania, although it was a multi- But it was able to unite its forces and voice in all areas and forums, all thanks to the presence of a group of national Albanians who demanded national and national rights all regardless of religion and nationalism, led by Sami Farashri, who contributed with his colleagues in the statement and the consolidation of milk rights for the To achieve full independence. For these and other reasons, Sami Frashri was the focus of this study, which came under the title (Sami Frashri and his role in the Albanian national renaissance).
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Hoxha, Artan R. « From Missionaries of Socialism to Spies of Imperialism : The Shifting Position of Soviet Women in Communist Albania ». Histories 1, no 4 (27 octobre 2021) : 256–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories1040021.
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After the establishment of the communist regime in Albania, many Albanian students, mainly males, went to study in the Mecca of Revolution—the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR). Many of them fell in love there and married Soviet girls who returned with them to the tiny Balkan country to build socialism with their Albanian husbands. These women were considered as missionaries who were helping Albania to build a communist future. In 1960, however, their position changed when the Albanian leadership refused de-Stalinization and denounced the Soviet Union as an imperialist power. After Enver Hoxha’s split with Khrushchev, many Soviet women left Albania, but others decided to remain with their husbands in that country. Albanian authorities, considering Soviet women spies of the KGB (The Soviet Committee of State Security), persecuted many of them.
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AVDYLİ, Merxhan, et Veli KRYEZİU. « Folk Songs about Canakkale in Albanian History and Literature ». Rast Müzikoloji Dergisi 10, no 2 (30 juin 2022) : 289–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.12975/rastmd.20221028.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Albanian culture coexisted for a period of over 500 years with Ottoman culture, at the turn of the new century, along with the Balkan troubles that led to the continued embrace of the transition from an old culture to the ideology of the Young Turk movement, and the continuation of joint Albanian-Turkish actions, in order to protect the Albanian Vilayets from the Serbo-Montenegrin occupiers. Early nineteenth-century Turkey emerged from bloody wars on all sides of its borders and from a weak government led by Abdul Hamid II faced a new war in 1915 now in defense of the Dardanelles in the bloodiest battle "The Battle of Canakkale". The First World War found Albanians divided and occupied in some of its territories, however, from 1912 Albania had declared Independence, but Kosovo, Skopje and Bitola, Ulcinj and Bar had remained outside the borders, while Chameria - the South of Albania had been invaded by Greece. During the First World War a large number of Albanians remained in the Turkish military service, many others joined the Turkish army, mainly Albanians who had migrated to Turkey from the violence of the Serbo-Montenegrin invaders, as well as some more from Kosovo, Skopje, Tetovo, Presevo, Shkodra, Ulcinj, etc who volunteered to help the Turkish army. According to history, oral literature and written documents, many Albanians died heroically, it is said that about 25,000 martyrs had died in this battle. In their honor, the Albanian people composed songs, it is worth mentioning the "song dedicated to the Battle of Canakkale" by the most prominent folklorists of the Albanian nation. Our research was done through a semi-structured interview with: 5 teachers of Albanian literature (at the same time master’s students at the University "Kadri Zeka" in Gjilan, Kosovo); 5 history teachers (at the same time master’s students at the University of Prishtina “Hasan Prishtina”, Prishtina, Kosovo); 2 independent researchers from the Institute of History "Ali Hadri" Prishtina, Kosovo.
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Nevaci, Manuela. « Concordances romanes et convergences balcano-romanes dans les dialects roumains sud-danubiens. Aspects phonétiques, morphologiques et syntaxiques ». Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 65, no 4 (30 octobre 2020) : 317–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2020.4.19.
Texte intégralRésumé :
"Romance Concordances and Balcano-Romance Convergences in the South-Danubian Romanian Dialects. Phonetic, Morphological, and Syntactic Aspects. This paper proposes to emphasise the linguistic similarities of South-Danubian Romanian dialects (Aromanian, Megleno-Romanian, Istro-Romanian) spoken in Albania, Croatia, R. of North Macedonia, Greece and Romania from the perspective of Romance and Balkan elements. We will take into consideration lexical aspects, from the point of view of linguistic contact with Balkan languages, as well as Romance elements that define these historical dialects of common Romanian. Our exposition is based on the broader theme of the relationship between genealogic (Romance features inherited from Latin, speaking of concordances in the Romance languages) and areal (convergences between the Aromanian and Megleno-Romanian dialects of the Romanian language and the languages spoken in the Balkan area). Through the presence of the Aromanian, Megleno-Romanian and Istro-Romanian dialects of Romanian in the Balkans, creating a bridge between Romània and Balkan, a convergence was attained on the one hand with the Romance languages, and, on the other, with Greek, Albanian North Macedonian as Balkan languages. Keywords: South Danubian Romanian dialects, Aromanian dialect, Megleno-Romanian dialect, Istro-Romanian dialect, morphological and syntax dialectal system."
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Martin, Simon. « The Gendarme Mission in Albania, 1925–38 : A Move on the English Chess Board ? » Contemporary European History 7, no 2 (juillet 1998) : 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004847.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Emerging from the Balkan wars and the London Conference of Ambassadors of 1913, the nation state of Albania frustrated the expansionist ambitions of Serbia and Greece which had planned to partition the area. Early indications suggested Albania would be, potentially, one of the most destabilising regions of the Balkans. This was primarily due to its geographical position vis à vis the Adriatic coast, and to the manner in which the Great Powers deemed Albanian independence an issue of international concern. For Britain, the proximity of the important military base of Malta and the existence of oil in Albania were further reasons why Italian domination had to be checked, and it is of little surprise that Albania quickly became the focus of attention for jealous and covetous eyes.
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Hajdari, Ardita, et Nuri Bexheti. « Albanian Press on the Efforts of Cooperation be-tween Kosovo Albanians and the Bulgarians of Macedonia (1912-1914) ». Balkanistic Forum 33, no 1 (10 janvier 2024) : 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v33i1.6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article explores a particular source of Albanian newspapers for the cooperative efforts between Kosovo Albanians and Bulgarians in Macedonia. The Albanian press in the diaspora, particularly in Bulgaria, was of great importance for Albanian ideol-ogists after the closure of Albanian-language clubs, schools, and newspapers in Koso-vo. In Albanian newspapers, we can observe a different perspective on the efforts to cooperate between Albanian and Bulgarian insurgents until 1913. The Conference of Ambassadors in London and the waves of Albanian and Bulgarian refugees caused by the Balkan wars reaffirmed these tentative of collaboration for the common interest of both parties. These also resulted with joint Albanian and Bulgarian kachak forces in exile on the September Ohrid-Dibra uprising. Despite the failure of the uprising, Alba-nian newspapers remained supportive of the idea of common resistance.
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Bregu, Edit, et Irvin Faniko. « The War of Shkodra in the Framework of the Balkan Wars, 1912-1913 ». Journal of Educational and Social Research 11, no 1 (17 janvier 2021) : 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/jesr-2021-0013.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Before starting the First Balkan War, the Great Powers were not prepared for a quick victory of the young Balkan allies against an old empire, as it was until 1912 the Great Ottoman Empire. At the Ambassadors Conference in London, Austro-Hungary argued that the involvement of Shkodra City was essential to the economy of the new Albanian state. Meanwhile Russia did not open the way for solving the Shkodra problem, Russian diplomats thought how to satisfy Serbia's ambitions in Northeast Albania, respectively in Kosovo Beyond those considerations of a political character, on 8 October 1912, was the youngest member of the Balkan Alliance, the Shkodra northern neighbor, Montenegro, that rushed to launch military actions, thus opening the first campaign of the First Balkan War. The Montenegrin military assault, as its main strategic objective in this war, was precisely the occupation and annexation of the historic city of Shkodra, a city with a big economic and cultural importance for the Albanian people and territory.
Received: 7 September 2020 / Accepted: 13 December 2020 / Published: 17 January 2021
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Guilaine, Jean, et Frano Prendi. « Dating the Copper Age in Albania ». Antiquity 65, no 248 (septembre 1991) : 574–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00080200.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Albania, set between the Adriatic, the Balkan and the Greek worlds, is placed at a south European cross-roads A first radiocarbon date from its Copper Age is the opportunity to review how the Albanian sequence relates to those its neighbours.
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Kokobobo, Ani, et Robert Elsie. « Balkan Beauty, Balkan Blood : Modern Albanian Short Stories ». Slavic and East European Journal 51, no 3 (1 octobre 2007) : 631. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20459544.
Texte intégral
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Novik, Alexander, et Marina Domosiletskaya. « Spanish Broom (Spartium junceum L.) in the Traditional Culture of the Contact Zones of the Adriatic and Ionian Coasts in the Balkans ». Stratum plus. Archaeology and Cultural Anthropology, no 5 (29 octobre 2021) : 411–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.55086/sp215411421.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper deals with the special status of broom in the Balkans and its practice in different contact areas of the peninsula. It is a symbolic plant on the Adriatic coast of Croatia (Zadar), with a sacred status for the local Albanians (Arbënesh). It plays an extremely great role as a ritual plant during the celebration of Holy Virgin from Loreto. That’s what separates Arbnesh from their neighbor Croatians, who take it only for pragmatic use — weaving and manufacturing rough textile. On the Ionic coast (in Labёria, Albania) broom is used for weaving and spinning of coarse fabric. But ideal local conditions helped the Albanians to produce specific thin broom fabric. And finally, in the Albanian-Greek contact zone of Himara which is situated in the best enabling climate environment, there is lack of serious attention to broom — its role is quite insignificant. The authors analyze the mechanisms of the introduction of the plant, which is important for the traditions, into the cultural codes of the Balkan peoples, consider all local Balkan phytonyms, which makes it possible to interpret anthropological facts through linguistic material. The research is based on long-term field observations conducted in 2008—2019, as well as on the analysis of ethnological, folklore and historical materials. The historical approach makes it possible to reveal the fundamental laws of the genesis of cultural memory and the evolution of ethnic identity.
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Nientied, Peter, et Elona Karafili. « Towards a Pragmatic Perspective on Business Innovation in Western Balkan Countries : The Case of Albania ». International Journal of Business and Management 11, no 3 (26 février 2016) : 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijbm.v11n3p193.
Texte intégralRésumé :
<p>Recent reports and articles on innovation and innovation management in the Western Balkan countries conclude that innovation is quite limited. It is suggested that the development of a national innovation system is needed to increase innovation capacity and innovation outcomes. However, this is a conventional perspective which has so far not worked. In this article we explore Albania as a Western Balkan case. The aim of the article is to learn from a better contextualization of innovation, by taking into account the specific conditions of the Western Balkan countries and Albania in particular. Results of empirical research confirm that the innovation capacity of Albanian firms is rather minimal indeed. They also provide insights that lead to an alternative perspective of fostering business innovation in Albania; not a focus on building a national innovation system but on a pragmatic ‘everyday innovation’ approach. This perspective should be relevant for other Western Balkan countries too.</p>
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Nikolajević, Milan, et Dragoljub Sekulović. « The Albanian National Army at the beginning of the 21st century ». Bezbednost, Beograd 65, no 2 (2023) : 132–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bezbednost2302132n.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Albanian National Army is a terrorist organization that operates on the territory of several Balkan states in the areas it considers to be the so-called geospace of "Greater Albania". It was created very soon after the end of the war in Kosovo and Metohija and has since then promoted the new Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) under a different name. The idea of the so-called Greater or Natural Albania dates from the middle of the 19th century. Namely, in 1878, a group of Albanians and Albanian champions, assisted by the Turks, formed their first organization, the League of Prizren, in the town of Prizren, Kosovo and Metohija, where they proclaimed the ideas of the so-called Greater Albania, as well as the fight against Orthodox Christians in the Balkans. That struggle continues today. It started with the so-called Kosovo Committee, and it continued until the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century with the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA or UÇK). The idea of the so-called "Greater Albania" never died. It culminated in the wars of 1998 to 1999, as well as in new armed conflicts in 2000 and 2001 in the area of southern Central Serbia and part of today's North Macedonia. The inheritors and executors of this idea are the new terrorist organizations created by the reorganization of the KLA, namely "OVPMB", "ANA", "ONA" and "OVČ", as well as the armed formations of the so-called "Kosovo". These organizations will not be significantly different from their mother, the KLA, except that they will face new challenges. The great Western powers will also show their interests and will immediately provide their moral and economic support to the terrorists in the fight against the Serbian and Macedonian authorities.
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Gardani, Francesco, Michele Loporcaro et Alberto Giudici. « In and Around the Balkans : Romance Languages and the Making of Layered Languages ». Journal of Language Contact 14, no 1 (30 septembre 2021) : 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-14010001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The languages of the Balkans are a rich source of data on contact-induced language change. The result of a centuries long process of lexical and structural convergence has been referred to as a ‘sprachbund’. While widely applied, this notion has, however, increasingly been questioned with respect to its usefulness. Addressing the linguistic makeup of the Balkan languages, the notion of sprachbund is critically assessed. It is shown that a) the Balkan languages and the Balkan linguistic exclaves (Albanian and Greek spoken on the Italian peninsula) share similar contact-induced phenomena, and b) the principal processes underlying the development of the Balkan languages are borrowing and reanalysis, two fundamental and general mechanisms of language change.
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Pllana Breznica, Albulena, Fisnike Pllana et Zana Pllana. « Overview of the Usage of Some Turkicisms from Albanian Language Students at the University of Prizren “Ukshin Hoti” in Prizren ». European Journal of Language and Literature 5, no 2 (31 mai 2019) : 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejls-2019.v5i2-200.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Albanian language, as well as the other Balkan languages, have received a large number of Turkish language elements, first of them being the acceptance of Turkish words. These words, respectively the Turkicisms, have penetrated in almost all spheres in the fields of social life. In Albanian, there are many words in these social spheres: religious spheres, administrative spheres, military spheres, crafts, construction, home environment, names etc. The historical and linguistic conditions of the borrowing of Turkicisms are known. Albanians and Turks (Ottomans) got into contact in the wars and battles between them, as well as during the reign of the Turkish Empire in the Balkan Peninsula, and in the Albanian territories as well. Turkicisms began to enter the Albanian language from the time the Turks deployed military officers and clerks in several Albanian cities. The ruling period of the foreign invaders and the typology of the communicating languages had a huge influence on linguistic borrowings. The Albanian language is typologically quite remote from Turkish and has therefore assumed relatively few Turkicisms compared to the long period of Turkish rule in the Albanian area. For this purpose, this research and analysis method has been used: A survey was carried out with 60 students of the Department of Albanian Language and Literature at the University of Prizren "Ukshin Hoti" in Prizren, with first year students of the second semester and with second year students of the second semester. In the analysis of the tests, graphical presentations of the use of some Turkish words (Turkicisms) have been created, which are used by students in conversations with each other, in the family and in society, in the city and around Prizren.
32
Ismaili, Nevrije. « Albanian Songs of The Battle of Fushë Kosovë (1389) ». International Journal of Religion 5, no 10 (4 juin 2024) : 693–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.61707/5rqs1284.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The corresponding song received this name because the fighting between the forces of the Balkan coalition and the invading Ottoman army took place in this space, near today's Pristina, the capital of the Republic of Kosovo. The Albanian variants of this theme convey in an original and special way the general picture of the Kosovo War. In this sense, we would say that the songs about the Kosovo War, 1389, among the Albanians, although in different variants, with significant differences, come as a specific creativity of the Albanians, distinct from the other variants of the peoples who sang them this major event in the history of the Balkans. The true purpose of the creators and the circulating media of the songs about the Kosovo War has been the reflection of a concrete historical event, with real characters, historically documented, in addition to created figures, which is a completely legitimate phenomenon for folkloric artistic creations in generally.
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Subotić, Mile. « Theophan Fan Noli : Albanian American hierarch, politician, and writer ». Sabornost, no 14 (2020) : 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/sabornost2014177s.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Metropolitan Theophan Fan Noli was a leader of the Church both in America and his native Albania. He was a pioneer in calling for a united Orthodox Church in America and in the use of English in services. Noli began his life of service in the Church in the United States organizing Albanian parishes. With the Balkan Wars and the independence of Albania, Fan Noli devoted more of his time to the cause of Albania. He was Prime Minister of Albania in 1924. After a change in political climate, Bishop Theophan was forced to leave Albania. He was able to return to the United States in 1932. Upon arriving he retired from politics and resumed his duties as bishop of the Albanian Orthodox Church in America. Bishop Noli considered his Albanian Church as a daughter of the Russian Orthodox Church in America and looked to it for the creation of a single Orthodox Church in America. He continued to lead his flock and to advocate Orthodox unity until his death in 1965.
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Stanković, Marko, et Zoran Krstić. « Perspectives of Serbian-Albanian relations in the light of the "Open Balkans" initiative ». Nacionalni interes 45, no 2 (2023) : 113–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nint45-44419.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper aims to show the possibilities and perspectives of improving Serbian-Albanian relations through the establishment of the "Open Balkans" project. Confrontation policies enabled the creation of inter-ethnic intolerance and provided support to political elites, leading these societies in the direction of conflicts and rejection of mutual cooperation. In the era when Serbia and Albania are trying to become part of the European Union, there are numerous obstacles and a lack of support from European countries on this path. Accordingly, these countries initiated regional political and economic integration. "Open Balkans" was designed as an initiative of the countries of the Western Balkans with the aim of advancing these countries on the European path. Part of the criticism of this project is reflected in the expectation of help from the countries of the European Union, which was absent in the original processes of European integration. This initiative represents a mini-precedent in the European history of integration and is the way to restore friendly Serbian-Albanian relations. "Open Balkans" should open a new economic space for cooperation between Serbian and Albanian economies, help overcome inter-ethnic prejudices and create preconditions for faster adoption of European values.
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Aleksandra, Chivarzina. « Yellow or green ? Distinguishing green and yellow colors in Albanian ». Voprosy Jazykoznanija, no 5 (2021) : 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/0373-658x.2021.5.59-65.
Texte intégralRésumé :
When studying the system of color terms in the Albanian language, one can notice that it significantly diff ers from the corresponding systems in the neighboring Balkan languages in a number of parameters. This article considers the basic color terms for ‘green’ and ‘yellow’ in the Albanian language, which clearly demonstrate how contacts of different nations in the Balkans could aff ect the color categories, in particular these two fragments of the Albanian system of color terms. During the Roman era, Latin borrowings entered the language and became the most common way of denoting these two colors. Turkish, being the language of the privileged population for many centuries, has also left deep traces in the lexical system of Albanian. The color terms of Proto-Albanian origin are marginal in the language compared to the borrowed ones. The present article discusses the diff erentiation of various expressions of diff erent origin for yellow and green in Albanian.
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Perrakis, Stelios. « The Hellenic Minority in Albania : Status and Current Developments ». Leiden Journal of International Law 9, no 1 (mars 1996) : 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215659600009x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ever since the creation of the Albanian state in 1913, the Greek-Albanian relations have often been tense and emotional. Mainly focused on the presence and the rights of the Hellenic minority in Albania – and especially in the region of Northern Epirus which was the object of Greek territorial claims for many decades – over the years, these bilateral relations have known many periods of tension with international repercussions. Indeed, from the time of the League of Nations until the catalytic changes in Europe in 1989 and the post-bipolar international order, the issue of the Hellenic minority has dominated and defined the bilateral relations, and has often caused the reaction of international institutions and emotional outbursts of Greek public opinion. Furthermore, it has affected the broader Balkan stage and the security and stability of the region, with the interrelation of minority questions in all Balkan countries.
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Ejupi, Arsim. « Functional transformation of Albanian and Serbian settlements in the Presheva Valley, Serbia ». Environmental & ; Socio-economic Studies 5, no 2 (27 juin 2017) : 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/environ-2017-0006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The aim of this research was to analyse the functional transformation of settlements in the Presheva Valley and the main factors that have affected on these changes. Among the many factors that determine the trend and the rhythm of functional transformation, we have chosen to analyse the relationship between the functional transformation and the ethnic structure of the region. Presheva Valley is situated in the central part of the Balkan Peninsula, with Morava Valley to the north and Vardar Valley to the south. It has an Albanian population who currently make up around 80 percent of the region’s population. It includes 67 settlements inhabited by an Albanian population and 71 settlements inhabited by a Serbian population. The Valley was, and remains, the most underdeveloped region in Serbia and the Balkans: the Albanian-inhabited areas are more than 7 times less developed than the average of Serbia. The first part of the article analyses the functional transformation of the settlements inhabited by Albanians, while the second part depicts a comparison of functional transformation between Albanian and Serbian settlements. The analysis is based on census data from 1971 and 2002. Comparison of statistical data of the population by activity within the 30 year period and mapping of statistical data of population by activity indicates a very slow functional transformation of the settlements in the Presheva Valley.
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BULIRSCH, PETR, et BORISLAV V. GUÉORGUIEV. « Taxonomic studies of the Balkan Reicheina (Coleoptera : Carabidae : Clivinini), with a review of the Albanian species ». Zootaxa 1679, no 1 (14 janvier 2008) : 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.1679.1.2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Albanian species of the subtribe Reicheina Jeannel, 1957 are studied. Dalmatoreicheia maderi sp. nov. (type locality: massif of Maja e Krujë, Eastern Albania) and Reicheadella smetanai sp. nov. (type locality: vicinity of Liqueni i Butrintit Lake, Southern Albania) are described, illustrated and compared to the related species, and a key to the Albanian Reicheina is provided. Reicheadella bischoffi (Meschnigg, 1933) is illustrated and re-described, and a lectotype and paralectotype are designated. We provide some remarks on the genital morphology of Reicheadella corcyrea (Reitter, 1884). On the basis of adult morphology and paleobiogeography, Reicheadella Reitter, 1913 and Chaetomargoreicheia Magrini & Bulirsch, 2005 stat. nov. are considered distinct lineages and raised to the generic level.
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YILDIZ YALÇINDAĞ, Elifnur. « SYNTAX IN SKOPJE TURKISH DIALECTS ». Turkology 111, no 3 (15 septembre 2022) : 93–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2022-3/2664-3162.05.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Skopje, the capital of North Macedonia, is located in a region where different ethnic groups live. In Skopje, Macedonians, Albanians, Gypsies, Vlachs, Turks and Turkish communities whose adults speak Slavic languages live. The languages spoken by these ethnic groups were influenced by Turkish, and Skopje Turkish Dialects were heavily influenced by Macedonian, Serbian and Albanian in terms of phonetics and morphology, as well as syntax. Especially after the Balkan Wars, the mentioned effect increased even more. Due to the migrations that occurred as a result of various difficulties, the Turks living in the region became a minority. Due to the minority of the Turkish-speaking people, their Turkish education and training rights were taken away from them. Turkish people, who are a minority in the region, completed their education after the 8th grade in schools that provide education in Macedonian, Albanian and Serbian. Thus, besides Turkish, they learned at least one or more languages like Macedonian, Serbian or Albanian. As a result, bilingualism or multilingualism has emerged. In this case, while bringing Skopje Turkish Dialects closer to Balkan languages, it moves them away from Anatolian Dialects with standard Turkish. Skopje Turkish Dialects were handled in terms of syntax and a detailed analysis was made through examples. In addition, syntax elements that Skopje Turkish Dialects are influenced by Macedonian, Albanian and Serbian, unlike standard Turkish, are mentioned.
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Trajanoski, Žarko, et Xhabir Ahmeti. « Спивак во Скопје : пост-колонијалниот дискурс на и за Балканот ». Identities : Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture 2, no 1 (1 janvier 2003) : 143–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.51151/identities.v2i1.94.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Author(s): Žarko Trajanoski | Жарко Трајаноски
Title (Macedonian): Спивак во Скопје: пост-колонијалниот дискурс на и за Балканот
Title (Albanian): Spivak-u në Shkup: diskursi postkolonial në Ballkan dhe rreth tij
Translated by (Macedonian to Albanian): Xhabir Ahmeti
Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Summer 2003)
Publisher: Research Center in Gender Studies - Skopje and Euro-Balkan Institute
Page Range: 143-153
Page Count: 10
Citation (Macedonian): Жарко Трајаноски, „Спивак во Скопје: пост-колонијалниот дискурс на и за Балканот“, Идентитети: списание за политика, род и култура, т. 2, бр. 1 (лето 2003): 143-153.
Citation (Albanian): „Žarko Trajanoski, Spivak-u në Shkup: diskursi postcolonial në Ballkan dhe rreth tij“, përkthim nga Maqedonishtja Xhabir Ahmeti, Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Summer 2003): 143-153.
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Sohrabi, Nader. « Reluctant Nationalists, Imperial Nation-State, and Neo-Ottomanism : Turks, Albanians, and the Antinomies of the End of Empire ». Social Science History 42, no 4 (2018) : 835–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.4.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Nationalism's role in the breakdown of the Ottoman Empire is re-examined. Traditionalists blamed the breakdown on the extreme nationalism of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) while today's orthodoxy attributes it to the external contingency of the Balkan Wars and World War I instead. This article looks at the onerous state-building and mild nation-building demands put forth by the CUP toward the Albanians. The Albanian resistance created unstable coalitions that broadened to include north and south, and tempered religion in favor of ethnicity, but fell short of demanding independence. The First Balkan War forced a vulnerable Albania to reluctantly declare independence for which it had made contingent plans. The Ottoman center refused to change course and its pursuit of an imperial nation-state prompted other populations to think and act more ethnically than ever before and draw up their own contingent plans. The concept of ethnicity without groups (Brubaker) and the causal connection between state-building and nationalism (Hechter) are critically assessed in the Ottoman context.
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Malaj, Erion. « Public Perception and Geopolitical Implications of China's Engagement in Albania ». Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 11, no 1 (23 mars 2024) : 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv11n128.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study delves into the multifaceted nature of China's engagement in Albania, with a focus on understanding the nuanced public perceptions surrounding this involvement. Situated within the broader context of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), it examines the impact of China's expanding influence in the Western Balkans, particularly through the lens of Albania's strategic geopolitical positioning and rich historical context. Furthermore, by exploring the grassroots-level reception, the research aims to uncover the economic, political, and socio-cultural dimensions of China's presence in Albania and assess the broader implications of such foreign engagements in smaller, strategically located nations. Employing a mixed-methods approach, the study synthesizes findings from seven comprehensive surveys from three distinct sources: the Western Balkan Security Barometer, the China-Eastern European Countries (CEEC) group surveys, and the Balkan Barometer. This time-sequenced comparative perspective reveals a complex landscape of public opinion that is characterized by a shift from initially positive perceptions towards a more cautious and critical engagement with China's role in Albania. Overall, the study highlights a growing skepticism and a strategic recalibration of Albania's international alignments, evidenced by a nuanced preference for European Union integration over a deeper alliance with China. In conclusions, the findings suggest that while there is recognition of the economic opportunities presented by China's engagement, there is also an acute awareness of the potential pitfalls and complexities of such international partnerships. In this context, the paper argues for the importance of fostering an informed public discourse to navigate the challenges posed by global diplomacy and foreign influence. As Albania stands at a crossroads in its foreign policy, the evolving public perceptions underscore the need for a balanced approach that harmonizes established Western partnerships with emerging opportunities in the East. This study contributes to a richer understanding of Sino-Albanian relations and offers insights into the critical role of awareness and information in shaping the trajectory of international relations in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative.
Received: 27 February 2024 / Accepted: 22 March 2024 / Published: 23 March 2024
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Lapa, Kristofor, et Ermal Xhelilaj. « New Challenges on the Maritime Boundaries Delimitation Dispute Between Greece and Albania in the Corfu Channel ». Pomorstvo 37, no 2 (21 décembre 2023) : 218–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31217/p.37.2.5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Albanian-Greek maritime border in the Straits of Corfu region and the Ionian Sea reflects a complicated geographical, historical, and political reality, which constitutes a special characteristic of the Balkan Peninsula coastal region as a whole. For many centuries, the navigational routes of the Strait of Otranto and the Corfu Channel were characterized as important strategic, military, and commercial seaways for the ancient peoples of the region. In this respect, even though the Albanian-Greek southern border region has been at the center of conflicts and disagreements between these countries for many years, the problem is not thought to be completely related to the specific delimitation of the maritime borderline. The interstate maritime boundary is official and internationally recognized and is shown on all official political maps as an international borderline. The Albanian-Greek borderline is a product that came as a result of the Balkan Wars and the First World War, in which there was a great involvement and influence of the Great Powers’ diplomacy. Nowadays, the possibility of Albania-Greece interstate conflicts over the southern border area and maritime borders exists. In this context, ethnographic complexity is considered problematic due to the existence of the Greek minority in Albania, as well as Albanian immigrants living in Greece. On the other hand, the natural resources that possess the maritime regions of the Corfu Channel and the Ionian Sea are another reason for the dispute over the maritime border. However, according to US security institutions, these cross-border disputes between these states may only remain at the political level and not degrade further.
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Alexander, David, Jonida Carungu et Stefania Vignini. « IFRS meets the realities of a post-communist Balkan State ». Journal of Accounting and Management Information Systems 21, no 2 (1 juin 2022) : 141–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/jamis.2022.02001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Research Question: How will the Substance-over-Form (SoF) ‘organism’ survive, mutate and develop in a new and unfamiliar ‘environment’? Motivation: Our study is motivated and inspired from a previous study published by Alexander et al. (2018) on “philosophy of language and accounting”. Alexander et al. (2018) used the “Substance-over-Form” principle as a case study investigation of the practicability, or non-practicability, of harmonising changes in accounting regulation across seven countries (and six languages). The objective of this paper is to investigate on a very different context: Albania (an EU candidate country, an ex-communist “Balkan state”, a different socially-constructed reality). Idea: This analysis shows the evolution of the SoF concept, by emphasizing the importance of the translation of official documents from English to Albanian and vice versa, comparing the content, the quality, and the level of translation in accounting. Data: We first analysed the main Albanian legislations on accounting from 1990 (opening year of the country to the free market economy) until 2021. Then, in order to assess the quality of translation from English to Albanian, we also critically examined the content and the level of translation of the 2018 IASB Conceptual Framework for Financial Reporting. Tools: The paper follows a deductive approach, as the results come from contextual data or clauses. A manual content analysis is implemented. Subsequently, a critical semantic analysis and an in-depth investigation on the level of translation of the accounting concepts, with an explicit focus on SoF treatment, is performed. Findings: The exposition, analysis and results are fully consistent with our theoretical framework, “social Darwinism”. We add the Albanian case to previous studies, providing a contrasting scenario in that Albania has a significantly different history over recent decades. We illustrate a different socially-constructed reality from the seven countries of Alexander et al. (2018), and extend the overall understanding and the overall picture. The Albanian “organism” (accounting GAAP system) is consistent with its socially-constructed reality/environment. SoF seems to be distorted in its passage from Directive/IFRS originating sources, and this may well be fully consistent with local needs, realities, and cultures. Contribution: This research contributes to academic debate in three ways. First, it adds evidence to the literature on harmonisation processes, analysing the evolution of financial reporting regulation for a specific country and the application of a fundamental concept, such as SoF, comparing it to other national regulations. Second, this work contributes to further research, being a pioneer for the application of the “social Darwinism” to the analysis of a GAAP system. Finally, the paper contributes to the development of research on translation issues in accounting, by technically analysing the level of translation of the IASB Conceptual Framework for Financial Reporting and back-translating from national Laws.
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Frajman, Božo, Luis Carlón, Petr Kosachev, Óscar Sánchez Pedraja, Gerald M. Schneeweiss et Peter Schönswetter. « Phylogenetic position and taxonomy of the enigmatic Orobanche krylowii (Orobanchaceae), a predominatly Asian species newly found in Albania (SE Europe) ». Phytotaxa 137, no 1 (11 octobre 2013) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/phytotaxa.137.1.1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
We report on the occurrence of Orobanche krylowii in the Alpet Shqiptare (Prokletije, Albanian Alps) mountain range in northern Albania (Balkan Peninsula). The species was previously known only from eastern-most Europe (Volga-Kama River in Russia), more than 2500 km away, and from adjacent Siberia and Central Asia. We used morphological evidence as well as nuclear ribosomal ITS sequences to show that the Albanian population indeed belongs to O. krylowii and that its closest relative is the European O. lycoctoni, but not O. elatior as assumed in the past. Both Orobanche krylowii and O. lycoctoni parasitize Ranunculaceae (Thalictrum spp. and Aconitum lycoctonum, respectively). We provide an identification key and a taxonomic treatment for O. krylowii, and suggest the IUCN category CE (critically endangered) for the highly disjunct Albanian population.
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Komatina, Predrag. « On the Albanian ethnonym in the middle ages ». Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no 58 (2021) : 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2158023k.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper discusses the issue of the Albanian ethnonym in the Middle Ages, starting from the fact that today they use the ethnonym Shqipetar for themselves and that other peoples know them as Albanians. It first points out the possibility that the former name was in use among the Albanians already in the 14th century, and then discusses the use of the ethnonym Albanians in the historical sources from the 11th to the 14th century. Since it originated from the geographical term Arbanum and was conditioned by it, the question arises ?f how the ancestors of the Albanians were called before they came to Arbanum. Finally, the paper suggests a possible connection between them and the Vlach groups in the south of the Balkan Peninsula.
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Vučković, Vladimir. « LONDONSKA KONFERENCIJA, STVARANjE ALBANSKE DRŽAVE 1912. GODINE I ODNOSI BALKANSKIH SAVEZNIKA ». Leskovački zbornik 63 (octobre 2023) : 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxiii.125v.
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The First Balkan War was by its significance and consequences a far more serious event than it was believed up until today. One of the reasons for this could be the start of the Great War which to the largest extent cast a shadow on everything that came before it. However, at conferences in London in 1912/13, decisions were made that would greatly impact the future of the Balkans and Europe as well. The liberation of the great area of European Turkey by Balkan allies came as a big surprise to European forces. The banishment of Turks from Europe further disturbed Europe, especially Austro-Hungary and Russia. The new boarders in the Balkans were supposed to reflect the power and influence of great powers in their geopolitical combinations. Austro-Hungary managed to defeat Russian influence by creating the Albanian state, which Serbia had to accept. Even such a success did not satisfy Vienna, so they embarked on diplomatic action to persuade Bulgarian representatives to attack former allies and thus break up the Balkan alliance, one of the more serious works of Russian diplomacy in the Balkans. Due to their megalomaniacal aspirations for dominance in the Balkans, Bulgaria attacked Serbia and Greece and thus caused the second Balkan War.
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Shumka, Spase, Suada Lalaj, Radek Šanda, Laura Shumka et Paul Meulenbroek. « Recent Data on the Distribution of Freshwater Ichthyofauna in Albania ». Croatian Journal of Fisheries 81, no 1 (1 mars 2023) : 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cjf-2023-0004.
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Abstract In this article, we provide an updated list of freshwater fishes in Albania for each sub-basin. The distribution data and taxa-lists presented are based on a literature review up to October 2022 and intensive fieldwork conducted in the last 15 years. Distributional records of 101 fish species (deriving from 25 families) in 11 different sub-basins are reported. There are new records that include native, alien and translocated fish species. The distinctiveness of Albanian freshwater fishes is highlighted while defining a specific ichthyological region for the whole Balkan region. The freshwater fish fauna of Albania represents a special value of the national heritage, especially due to its diversity and a high degree of endemicity. This is mainly due to the complex geological and climatic conditions, and the location between the Adriatic and Ionian Seas on the west and the continental areas of the Balkans on the other side, which have allowed different colonization from outside the area and long periods of speciation. Eleven hydrographic basin units are analyzed for species composition, evolutionary patterns, and ecological features. This review brings the number of Albanian freshwater fish taxa to 101, with 20 species added from the previous 1995 inventory and several species deleted due to taxonomic changes.
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Morozova, Maria S. « Language Contact in Social Context : Kinship Terms and Kinship Relations of the Mrkovići in Southern Montenegro ». Journal of Language Contact 12, no 2 (14 août 2019) : 305–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-01202003.
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The purpose of this article is to study the linguistic evidence of Slavic-Albanian language contact in the kinship terminology of the Mrkovići, a Muslim Slavic-speaking group in southern Montenegro, and to demonstrate how it refers to the social context and the kind of contact situation. The material for this study was collected during fieldwork conducted from 2012 to 2015 in the villages of the Mrkovići area. Kinship terminology of the Mrkovići dialect is compared with that of bcms, Albanian, and the other Balkan languages and dialects. Particular attention is given to the items borrowed from Albanian and Ottoman Turkish, and to the structural borrowing from Albanian. Information presented in the article will be of interest to linguists and anthropologists who investigate kinship terminologies in the world’s languages or do their research in the field of Balkan studies with particular attention to Slavic-Albanian contact and bilingualism.
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Csaplár-Degovics, Krisztián. « Die Internationale Kontrollkommission Albaniens und die albanischen Machtzentren (1913/1914). Beitrag zur Geschichte der Staatsbildung Albaniens / The Albanian International Commission of Control and the Albanian power centres (1913/1914) – Contribution to the history of the state-building process in Albania ». Südost-Forschungen 73, no 1 (8 août 2014) : 231–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2014-0111.
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Abstract The best guarantee of protecting the rights of Christian minorities on the European territory of the Ottoman Empire in the late 19th century was nothing else but the establishing of own nation-states, where the Christian population could lead his life without being ruled or controlled by the Ottoman Empire. This process found support and was assisted by the Great Powers. It means, that one form of the humanitarian intervention was the state-building instructed or assisted from abroad. One of the unexpected experiences of the Balkan Wars 1912/1913 was that the members of the Balkan League committed genocides and other kinds of mass violence against other Nationalities and the Muslim population of the peninsula. Among other things the Albanian state-building project of the Great Powers aimed to prevent further genocide and other acts of violence against the Albanian population and other refugees from Macedonia and to put an end to the anarchy of the country. The main international organisation to directly represent the great powers in the new Albania and to be responsible for the state-building process was the International Commission of Control.