Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Albania – International relations – European Union countries »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Albania – International relations – European Union countries"
1
Jović, Dejan. « Accession to the European Union and Perception of External Actors in the Western Balkans ». Croatian International Relations Review 24, no 83 (1 octobre 2018) : 6–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2018-0012.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This paper focuses on perceptions of the European Union (EU) and external actors (such as the United States, Russia, and Turkey) in six countries of the Western Balkans (WB) and Croatia in a comparative perspective. We present data generated by public opinion polls and surveys in all countries of that region in order to illustrate growing trends of EU indifferentism in all predominately Slavic countries of the region. In addition, there is an open rejection of pro-EU policies by significant segments of public opinion in Serbia and in the Republic of Srpska, Bosnia-Herzegovina. On the contrary, there is much enthusiasm and support for the West in general and the EU in particular in predominately non-Slavic countries, Kosovo and Albania. We argue that the WB as a region defined by alleged desire of all countries to join the the EU is more of an elite concept than that shared by the general population, which remains divided over the issue of EU membership. In explaining reasons for such a gap we emphasise a role of interpretation of the recent past, especially when it comes to a role the West played in the region during the 1990s.
2
Turkeshi, Enkelejda. « Criminalizing Waste Management Activities in Albania in the Light of the European Union Legislation ». European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 22, no 1 (2014) : 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718174-22012040.
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Illegal waste management activities violate specific rules that aim at preventing or reducing the negative effects they may have on the environment and human health. For the purpose of providing a more effective protection of the environment, in many countries and since 2008 even at the European Union (EU) level, besides the relevant administrative offences, it is also provided for a specific criminal offence against environment concerning serious infringements of the waste management legislation. This paper examines the current legal framework in Albania concerning waste-related criminal offences, against the minimum standard set forth by the EU in the Directive 2008/99/EC on the protection of environment through criminal law. While the adoption of the new framework law on Integrated Waste Management in 2011 as part of Albania’s efforts in aligning its legislation to that of the EU, has been a positive step towards more stringent rules concerning waste management, thus helping in tackling the serious and constantly evolving problems that the country has been facing in this field for years, the paper suggests that certain amendments to the Criminal Code are also necessary, as the minimum standard of the EU requires that criminal law applies at least in the case of particularly serious infringements of the new waste management legislation. These amendments would increase the protection of the environment and further the alignment of the Albanian legislation with that of the EU, while the country is seeking to fulfill obligations for EU membership.
3
Knezović, Sandro, et Valbona Zeneli. « Europeanization in a Difficult Environment ». Southeastern Europe 42, no 2 (26 juin 2018) : 199–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-0401026.
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This article examines the impact of the process of Europeanization on the consolidation of political systems and on the pace of European Union (EU) accession in very difficult transitional environments like those of Croatia and Albania. Croatia, a post-socialist and a post-conflict state, and Albania, heavily burdened with the consequences of its recent isolationist history (which is unprecedented among other post-socialist states), were intentionally selected for this research as atypical cases. Acknowledging the lack of consensus about the Europeanization phenomena in the academic community, the authors decided to rely on indicators that focus not only on institution-building and policy-making processes in the technical sense, but also in the processes of construction and diffusion of formal and informal rules, procedures, styles and shared beliefs, norms and identities that are being transmitted from the European to the national level. Based on qualitative research comparing the two countries – that is, Albania and Croatia – and using a number of indicators, the authors conclude that while Europeanization is an important part of European politics in general and the EU accession process in particular, it does not result in having a uniform impact on different candidate countries. On the contrary, the pace of integration depends on the specific domestic political context, on the role of the institutions, and on the processes of adaptation to the European political environment.
4
Mizik, Tamás. « Land policy and farm structure : Challenges and opportunities for agriculture in the Western Balkan ». Society and Economy 38, no 2 (juin 2016) : 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/204.2016.38.2.2.
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Although Western Balkan countries are quite different, they can all be characterised by their one shared goal, to achieve the quickest possible accession to the European Union. Even though agriculture plays an important key role within all Western Balkan states, it’s share is the highest in Albania and only Serbia has a trade surplus. Land is a key production factor but all the analysed countries can be characterised by fragmented land structure and low average farm sizes. Mostly based on land ownership issues, a land reform index can be calculated. The major contribution of this paper to the literature is the reevaluated land reform index for the Western Balkans.
5
Qorraj, Gazmend, et Gezim Jusufi. « The EU Stabilisation and Association Agreement for the Western Balkans : Between Challenges and Opportunities ». Croatian International Relations Review 24, no 81 (1 mai 2018) : 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2018-0003.
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Abstract The role of the European Union (EU) trade liberalisation with the four Western Balkan countres — namely Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia — is overestimated, as major benefits could be expected mainly from institutional reforms rather than trade creation and economic perspective due to low economic development and a lack of comparative advantages in these countries1. The core issue to be addressed in this article is whether these firms can exploit the opportunities arising from the EU integration process. The aim of this article is to confirm the hypothesis that the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and trade agreements in the Western Balkans are not sufficient pre-conditions for successful performance and increase of exports by local firms; the main focus should be on the internal performance of firms. The paper analyses and compares the data collected by surveys conducted with local firms in Kosovo in order to measure the impact of the SAA. Finally, the article suggests that in the short and medium run the SAA could support and improve the quality of products, technical standards, and firm competitiveness as a pre-condition for better access to the EU market in the long run.
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Romanenko, Sergei. « STUDYING THE HISTORY OF THE BALKANS / SOUTH-EASTERN EUROPE : RESEARCH TASKS AND PROBLEM FORMULATION ». Urgent Problems of Europe, no 2 (2021) : 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.01.
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The new issue of the journal «Current Problems of Europe» opens with the problem-oriented article, dedicated to the analysis of the state of the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe region and its development in 2000-2020. The author gives a systemic description of the processes taking place in the intra-national and international intra-regional political, social and economic development of the countries of the region, and the problems generated by them. The changes are associated with a difficult transition phase, experienced by the states of the region, for the most part belonging to the post-socialist world (Bulgaria, Romania, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Kosovo and Albania). The exceptions are Greece, Turkey and Cyprus, however, these three states are also going through a difficult period in their history, associated with new problems both in interstate relations within this triangle, and in relations with NATO and the EU, as well as with Russia. The article discusses the specifics of translating the terms «people» and «national» into Russian, as well as the toponym Kosovo (Serb.) / Kosova (Alb.), and ethnonyms «Bošnjak» and «bosanac». The first part of the issue contains articles devoted to general problems of regional studies: the relationship between the terms Eastern Europe, Central Europe, South-Eastern Europe, Balkans, Western Balkans; comparative and political science subjects; the role of the European Union and China in the development of the region; the relationship of national Serbian, post-Yugoslavian and European culture and intellectual heritage as well. The second part of the issue examines the relations of the Balkan states with the states of Central and Eastern Europe (Czech Republic, Romania, Belarus), as well as the specifics of their development in the post-socialist period. Thus, there is the possibility of a multilateral - historical, political and cultural, as well as comparative analysis of the development of this complex region, which is of great importance for international relations worldwide.
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Simon, Djerdj. « Economic transition in Yugoslavia : A view from outside ». Medjunarodni problemi 55, no 1 (2003) : 104–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0301104s.
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Yugoslavia, once an advanced country in market reforms, was one of the least transformed countries in Eastern Europe in the nineties. Such a situation was caused by the civil war, policy of the Milosevic?s regime and international sanctions. The resistance of the ruling conservative forces made it impossible to establish an adequate reform policy. Thus, the transition stopped short halfway. The situation has radically changed only since the autumn of 2000, after Milosevic?s downfall, when after the gradual lifting of international isolation, economic and political reforms were given a new stimulus, and the country could start the process of European integration. This article is an attempt to give an overview of the transition of the Yugoslav economy in the last ten years or so. The growth rate of Yugoslavia?s GDP is compared not only with that of its neighbouring countries, i.e. other former socialist countries of South-Eastern Europe (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Romania) but also with that of other transition economies in Central and Eastern Europe, including the Commonwealth of Independent States. A particular attention is given to the role of research and development (R&D) in Yugoslavia in the nineties as compared to Croatia, Slovenia, and the United States. The structural changes in the Yugoslav economy during the past decade are analysed together with property relations as well as the issues concerning small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). At the sectoral level, it is the performance of manufacturing and agriculture that is separately explored. In relation to this, wage formation and relative wage levels in Yugoslavia?s manufacturing are viewed regarding the country?s international competitiveness and wider characteristics of globalising world economy. In analysing the role of external sources in the Yugoslav economy, the problems of foreign trade, external indebtedness, and attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) are emphasized together with the economic assistance rendered to the FRY by the European Union. Regarding the important indicator of openness, i.e. the share of exports and imports in GDP, a comparison is made between Yugoslavia, on one hand, and Croatia, Slovenia, the European Union, and the United States, on the other. The economic policy of Milosevic?s regime is contrasted with that of the new democratic government that came to power after the events in October 2000. Stabilisation, liberalisation, privatisation, and institutional reform are considered giving particular attention to the experience of the member republics of the Yugoslav federation: Serbia and Montenegro. The author comes to the following conclusions: in transition countries stabilisation, liberalisation, and privatisation cannot be successful without carrying out a comprehensive, deep reform of the system of political institutions that along with creation of conditions for establishment of democracy and its strengthening also enables building of a modern and efficient market economy. This complicated and often contradictory process could come across serious obstacles if the old state and party nomenclature in power retains the command economy without planning, and under demagogical, nationalistic, and populist slogans gets involved in wars even taking the risks of being put under international isolation. However, such an outdated economic system characterised by autarchy can only temporarily exist and hinder the unravelling of market reforms in the epoch of globalisation.
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Osmani, Myslym, Rezear Kolaj, Petar Borisov et Ekaterina Arabska. « Why agricultural policies fail and two cases of policy failures in Albania ». Agricultural and Resource Economics : International Scientific E-Journal 8, no 2 (20 juin 2022) : 86–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.51599/are.2022.08.02.05.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Purpose. The purpose of this study is to identify the causes of economic policy failure in general and agricultural policy failures in Albania in particular. At the same time, the very concept of policy failure is a matter of our interest. To achieve our goal, we have conducted a basic literature review. The most important aspect of interest in the study is the investigation of two cases where agricultural policy in Albania has failed.
Methodology / approach. To conduct the study we use several methods: a review of general literature in relation to government policy failure; review of specific literature regarding farm size and cooperation; review of national policy or strategic documents regarding agricultural and rural development in general and farm size and cooperation in particular; review of national statistical evidence about farm size and cooperation in Albania, and data from international sources such as The Global Economy.
Results. The study is based on the widely recognized evidence that the concept of failure is multidimensional and not uniquely defined. The study contributes to identifying and summarizing some of the main causes of policy failures. Government policies generally fail when intervention leads to inefficient allocation of resources and an overall decline in people’s well-being when they do not increase production, productivity, or revenue, or when society does not achieve the policy objectives set. Policy failures are generally related to the weakness of institutions. Institutions are weak when they fail to perform effectively the three basic functions that are commitment, coordination, and cooperation. In the case of agricultural policies in Albania, the study analyzes the extremely low level of collective action and the small size of farms, which has remained almost the same and fragmented throughout the 30–year period of economic and social transition. Strong institutions responsible for drafting and implementing legislation and developing policies, characterized by the professionalism and high performance of their staff, are the only guarantee for achieving the policy objectives for sustainable agricultural development and accelerating the process of Albania’s integration into the European Union.
Originality / scientific novelty. The literature points out that: (1) government effectiveness, (2) rule of law and (3) weak control of corruption are the root causes of all policy failures, including agricultural policy failures. We analyze the data on these indicators for Albania and some other countries in the Western Balkans region and try to draw conclusions about their impact on the two policy failures we are interested in, which are the serious lack of collective action in the agricultural sector and the small size of farms in Albania. No previous research has been focused on agricultural policy failures, at least in Albania.
Practical value / implications. The study may be useful for the discussion and evaluation of the impact of policies, and performance of related institutions in Albania. It emphasizes not only the need of reforming these bodies but also suggestions for future research on policies and their effectiveness in Albania and beyond.
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Osmani, Myslym, Rezear Kolaj, Petar Borisov et Ekaterina Arabska. « Why agricultural policies fail and two cases of policy failures in Albania ». Agricultural and Resource Economics : International Scientific E-Journal 8, no 2 (20 juin 2022) : 86–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.51599/10.51599/are.2022.08.02.05.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Purpose. The purpose of this study is to identify the causes of economic policy failure in general and agricultural policy failures in Albania in particular. At the same time, the very concept of policy failure is a matter of our interest. To achieve our goal, we have conducted a basic literature review. The most important aspect of interest in the study is the investigation of two cases where agricultural policy in Albania has failed.
Methodology / approach. To conduct the study we use several methods: a review of general literature in relation to government policy failure; review of specific literature regarding farm size and cooperation; review of national policy or strategic documents regarding agricultural and rural development in general and farm size and cooperation in particular; review of national statistical evidence about farm size and cooperation in Albania, and data from international sources such as The Global Economy.
Results. The study is based on the widely recognized evidence that the concept of failure is multidimensional and not uniquely defined. The study contributes to identifying and summarizing some of the main causes of policy failures. Government policies generally fail when intervention leads to inefficient allocation of resources and an overall decline in people’s well-being when they do not increase production, productivity, or revenue, or when society does not achieve the policy objectives set. Policy failures are generally related to the weakness of institutions. Institutions are weak when they fail to perform effectively the three basic functions that are commitment, coordination, and cooperation. In the case of agricultural policies in Albania, the study analyzes the extremely low level of collective action and the small size of farms, which has remained almost the same and fragmented throughout the 30–year period of economic and social transition. Strong institutions responsible for drafting and implementing legislation and developing policies, characterized by the professionalism and high performance of their staff, are the only guarantee for achieving the policy objectives for sustainable agricultural development and accelerating the process of Albania’s integration into the European Union.
Originality / scientific novelty. The literature points out that: (1) government effectiveness, (2) rule of law and (3) weak control of corruption are the root causes of all policy failures, including agricultural policy failures. We analyze the data on these indicators for Albania and some other countries in the Western Balkans region and try to draw conclusions about their impact on the two policy failures we are interested in, which are the serious lack of collective action in the agricultural sector and the small size of farms in Albania. No previous research has been focused on agricultural policy failures, at least in Albania.
Practical value / implications. The study may be useful for the discussion and evaluation of the impact of policies, and performance of related institutions in Albania. It emphasizes not only the need of reforming these bodies but also suggestions for future research on policies and their effectiveness in Albania and beyond.
10
Nisnevich, Y. « Fighting Corruption : the Slovenian Phenomenon ». World Economy and International Relations 60, no 3 (2016) : 36–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-3-36-48.
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Today, corruption remains a challenge for most post-socialist states. Unfortunately, this social pandemic was by and large inherited by these countries from the Soviet regime. A lot of representatives of that regime, who actually were the instigators of corrupt practices while governing a state, managed to keep their posts in power even after the regime change. In this way the representatives of the old regime facilitated further spread of corrupt practices in new governments. The research, conducted in cooperation with Professor Peter Rozic (USA), indicates an interesting phenomenon: lustration (in other words, the purge of government officials once affiliated with the Communist system) is indeed an effective mechanism to do away with corrupt legacy of a previous government. In the majority of post-socialist states (except for Albania and Bulgaria), where lustration was carried out in one form or another, we can observe a cleanup of the Soviet times instigators' corrupt practices in public authorities. Interestingly enough, nowadays, the corruption situation in these countries is considerably better than in those were lustration was not conducted. However, it is worth noting that lustration per se is not the panacea for corruption, but it does help to create a fertile ground and serves as a springboard for further anti-corruption measures and reforms. Yet what we see in Slovenia is, in fact, an obvious deviation from this pattern. Lustration was not carried out here. Nonetheless, the country is among the best anti-corruption performers and can be compared with Estonia, where lustration took place. Today, Estonia is ranked by Transparency International’s CPI as a top performer among all other post-Soviet and post-socialist states. We, therefore, decided to look deeper into Slovenian anti-corruption efforts made by the new democratic government after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and to understand the reasons underlying its success in this field. Our research findings indicate that the first factor, which sets this situation apart, was filtering out the government authorities that could bring corrupt relationships or practices of the old Soviet regime, and replacing them with representatives of the nationally-oriented elites. This kind of purge, supposedly complemented by the factor of a small territorial and demographic size, created the advantageous conditions for corruption to be contained right from the start before it would become widespread. The second factor was following the GRECO recommendations to take institutional and legal anti-corruption measures during the process of accession to the European Union. Another defining characteristic of Slovenia is a relatively high quality of the political and good governance principles implementation inherent to the polyarchic democracy, which allows for corruption to be dealt with and kept at low levels through constant civil checks and balances over decisions and actions of authorities.
Thèses sur le sujet "Albania – International relations – European Union countries"
1
ELBASANI, Arolda. « The impact of EU conditionality upon democratisation : comparing electoral competition and civil service reforms in post-communist Albania ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10435.
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Defence date: 30 November 2007Examining Board: Prof. Philippe Schmitter (EUI); Prof. Làszlò Bruszt (EUI); Dr. Antoaneta Dimitrova (Leiden University); Prof. Shinasi Rama (New York University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This dissertation explores how and to what extent EU conditionality can foster democratisation in a highly problematic case such as post-communist Albania. In order to examining the phenomena of democratisation in operational detail, the thesis delves into the sub-systemic level of democratisation focusing on two partial regimes - electoral regime and civil service system. The analysis follows on the rational choice premise that the domestic actors’ strategies of compliance depend on the structure of external incentives i.e. rewards and threats, that appeal to their interest. Our account on the impact of EU conditionality upon democratisation assumes that the likelihood of compliance depends on 1) the size of the rewards attached to conditionality; 2) the size of adoption costs; 3) the clarity of prescriptions and 4) credibility of reinforcement. The first part consists of developing a conceptual framework for assessing and explaining the impact of EU enlargement conditionality over democratisation processes. The second part explores the case of Albanian democratisation and the specific challenge it poses to the working of EU conditionality. The third part analyses the association between EU conditionality and reform seeking to identify whether the fortification of the EU conditionality coincides with a pattern-breaking change in each of the partial regimes of our choice. The thesis concludes that the EU was more successful to foster reforms in the area of electoral competition than public administration and civil service system. The EU seemed to push forward reforms by articulating clear prescriptions regarding the electoral competition; and advancing contractual relations with the country in function of electoral performance.
2
Gjoci, Nina Nazmije. « Remaking Albania : Public Memory of Communist Past ». Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1525868882263365.
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Begg, Jeanine. « Conceptualising the nature of relations between the European Union and Japan : using the frameworks of identity and rational choice analytic narratives as a means to interpret this dynamic relationship, 1990-2005 : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in European Studies in the University of Canterbury / ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1957.
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This thesis explores the bilateral relationship between the European Union (EU) and
Japan as interregional partners and as united global actors. The principal aim is to
navigate the nature of relations between these two diverse entities asserting that ideology,
culture and identity formation contribute significantly to the joint policies undertaken by
these two groups. The theoretical assumptions of this thesis are discussed in parallel to
observable phenomena relative to the nature of relations between the EU and Japan,
1990-2005. This research analyses EU and Japan interactions from the Joint Declaration
1991 and including the Action Plan 2001 and aims to use the theoretical concepts of
Identity. The frameworks of the Four Point Plan and the Analytic Narrative are
appropriate to gain insight to the nature of these relations. Both the Four Point Plan and
the Analytic Narrative are broad in scope but defined in nature, thus they are most
suitable for the purpose of this analysis. This multidisciplinary approach enables the
deconstruction of the influence held by 'identity' in domestic and international policy,
outlining that policy influences such as preference and 'stories'! affect the relationship
between the EU and Japan. This modem research angle serves to emphasise the
uniqueness of the EU and Japan as international actors. The United States and rise of
China act as intervening variables, and their secondary role highlights the changing
global environment over this period.
4
Deleau, Delphine. « The European court of justice 'open skies' judgments of 5 November 2002 : a Euopean contribution to the multilateral framework for International Aviation relations ». Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=80914.
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The 'Open Skies' policy launched by the United States in 1992 gave birth to new bilateral agreements between them and most Member States of the European Union, as the latter were adopting a single aviation market. Nevertheless, the nationality clause the agreements included conflicted with the Community principle of freedom of establishment.On November 5, 2002, the European Court of Justice therefore ruled there was indeed violation. However, the true question raised by the agreements focused less on such violation, which was anterior to those agreements, than on their fragmentation and the inequality they created in the Europe/United States aviation relations.
Indeed, the issue to be stressed in the judgments is linked to the building of the external competence of the Union with regards to aviation. While the Court refused to grant total competence to the Community, it made that of the Member States impracticable, leading to a global mandate for the Commission.
Although the orientations of the agreements to be concluded are foreseeable, the role the European Union will play in a potential multilateral negotiation remains to be defined.
5
Zheng, Shan Shan. « European Union's humanitarian intervention : an English school perspective ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555554.
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Ette, John Umo. « The Impact of Economic Integration within the European Union as a Factor in Conflict Transformation and Peace-Building ». PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1893.
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This study examines economic integration within the European Union (EU) as a factor in conflict transformation and peace-building. European responses to causes of frequent conflicts and wars after the end of WWII focused on the search for peace, economic cooperation and prosperity. This thesis will focus on three elements: economic interdependence, the expansion of the free market, and economic integration. In-depth examination of these factors reveals that economic interdependence or the exchange of goods and services across inter-state and international boundaries only, is not sufficient to bring peace among states. Economic inter-dependence may reduce the impact of war, but cannot maintain sustainable peace. Unfair competition fanned by economic nationalism was a strong obstacle to free trade in Europe in the early 19th century. In the 21st century, the expansion of free trade, with increased understanding has enhanced reduction in interstate conflicts. However, free trade, in and of itself does not constitute a strong factor for a sustainable peace. Free trade may encourage democracy, but the expansion of free trade coupled with interdependence, does not bring sustainable peace. The EU has successfully established sustainable peace through economic integration-the creation of the single market that established freedom of movement, people, goods, services; and a single currency that facilitates easy transactions. The single market also abolished tariffs and custom duties. By and large, economic integration within the EU has been successful in creating a sustainable peace because economic interdependence, and the expansion of the free market have been combined with political integration by building democratic institutions at the intergovernmental and transnational levels.
7
RAVALLI, Rebecca. « Externalities of production in GVCs : an EU consumer perspective ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/73849.
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Defence date: 21 December 2021Examining Board: Professor Hans – W. Micklitz, European University Institute (Supervisor), Professor Martijn W. Hesselink, European University Institute, Professor Anna Beckers, Maastricht University, Professor Fernanda Nicola, Washington College of Law.
This doctoral dissertation examines the EU consumer perspective on externalities of production in global value chains (GVCs). Whether as part of the discourse on development or global economic governance, externalities of production are a long-standing issue that has been problematised not only by lawyers but also by economists, anthropologists, sociologists and social scientists at large. In the legal field, the analysis has struggled to contextualise consumer law and policy together with the peculiarities of GVCs as a distinct model of business organisation characterised by contractualisation of processes of production. The thesis argues that contractualisation of production establishes a relationship between consumers and processes of production, also in relation to externalities. Such a relation is not mirrored either by the voluntary self-regulation through which enterprises regulate externalities nor by EU consumer law. The present dissertation addresses this matter and argues that EU consumer law limits the involvement of consumers in the process of self-regulation that leading enterprises of GVCs undertake to prevent and/or remedy externalities of production and that results into a unilateral exercise of epistemic authority. The exercise of epistemic authority is favoured by a ‘communication paradigm’ framing EU consumer law, according to which consumer claims’ on sustainability and externalities of production depend on the content of the communication consumers receive prior or via the contract. This paradigm prevents consumers involvement, in all phases of the contractual relationship, in the definition of a legal episteme of sustainability in line with the core constitutional principles and values as enshrined in the EU Treaties and constitutional charters of member states. The final part of the thesis suggests that the limits deriving by the communication paradigm can be overcome by the CJEU that, by relying on the principle of effectiveness can integrate the communication paradigm with a consumer perspective on externalities of production in the post-contractual phase.
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Sule, Attila. « The European Union in peace operations : limits of policy-making and military implementation ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1061.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThe 1992 European Union (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP, Maastricht Treaty) marked a turning point in the trans-Atlantic relationship. The Balkan conflicts and broader political changes in the 1990s compelled the EU to assume more responsibility in peace operations. The EU's 60,000 strong Rapid Reaction Force (RRF) is planned to be operational in 2003. Will the EU be able to conduct Petersberg-type peace operations? This thesis analyzes policy and military shortfalls of the Balkan peacekeeping effort. Questions about the legitimacy of armed humanitarian interventions, about difficulties in common policy formulation and translation to sound military objectives are the core problems of civil-military relations in European peace operations. The case studies focus on the EU failure to resolve the Bosnian crises between 1992-95, and on the gaps between NATO policies and military objectives in the operations of 'Implementation Force' in Bosnia and 'Allied Force' in Kosovo. The thesis considers developments in EU CFSP institutions and EU-NATO relationship as well as the EU's response to terrorist attacks on September 11 2001. The thesis argues that the difficulty in EU CFSP formulation limits the effective use of RRF in military operations.
Major, Hungarian Army
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Blew, Dennis Jan. « The Europeanization of Political Parties : A Study of Political Parties in Poland 2009-2014 ». PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2567.
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On May 1st 2004, Poland entered the European Union (EU), introducing new variables into the domestic politics of the Polish Republic. Since gaining its independence from Soviet control in 1989, Poland’s political landscape can be described as a dynamic and ever changing force towards democratic maturation. With the accession of Poland to the EU, questions of European integration and Europeanization have arisen, most specifically with how these two processes effect and shape the behaviors of domestic political actors.
With Poland entering its second decade of EU membership, this study attempts to explain how, and if, further European integration has had any effect on the Europeanization of political parties in Poland. Building upon the work of various scholars, most notably Aleks Szczerbiak, this study examines the years 2009-2014, and examines Poland’s political parties through Robert Ladrech’s framework of Europeanization.
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Martill, Benjamin. « Cold War at the centre : liberalism and the politics of Euratlantic strategy, 1945-1990 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:59dc5f4a-5a58-4b0e-8690-9f99595e5200.
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Patterns of domestic political contestation in international affairs often see the centre aligned against both the left and the right of the ideological spectrum. This is observable in a range of issues, from democracy promotion, intervention, international law, European integration, free trade, globalization and the creation of international regimes. Why centre-periphery ideological competition occurs is an interesting puzzle, given the challenge it offers to the idea that partisanship is an inherently left-right phenomenon. Yet the role of the political centre in foreign policy has not been subjected to systematic analysis. This thesis studies the nature and effects of the foreign policy position of the political centre. It argues that the centre is distinguished from left and right by its embrace of distinct elements of liberal ideology. The liberal view of international politics differs in thee important respects from its socialist and conservative competitors: It is particular, rather than pluralist, when it comes to questions of sovereignty and international legitimacy; it views interdependence, rather than independence, as a natural and desirable condition of the international; and it views deterrence, rather than diplomacy, as the best means of achieving security. To test the validity of this thesis I discuss the role of ideology in explaining variation in relations between four Euratlantic states (Britain, France, West Germany and Canada) and the United States during the Cold War. This is a hard case given the intensity of global threat at the time. The thesis tests the claim that the strength of Euratlantic-American relations is a function of the relative influence of the political centre at the time. To do this it outlines a mixed-methods research design that combines in-depth case studies with a quantitative analysis of Euratlantic-US relations. The results from both elements confirm the validity of the theoretical proposition.
Livres sur le sujet "Albania – International relations – European Union countries"
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Tough Love : The European Union's relations with the Western Balkans. The Hague : Cambridge Univ Press, 2007.
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International relations and the European Union. 2e éd. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2011.
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1948-, Hill Christopher, et Smith Michael 1947-, dir. International relations and the European Union. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2005.
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Martti, Koskenniemi, dir. International law aspects of the European Union. The Hague : Kluwer Law International, 1998.
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Ben, Tonra, et Christiansen Thomas, dir. Rethinking European Union foreign policy. Manchester : Manchester University Press, 2004.
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Fera, Giuseppe. Il ponte Italia-Albania tra l'Unione europea e i Balcani. Torino : G. Giappichelli, 2011.
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1961-, Mackenstein Hans, dir. The international relations of the European Union. Harlow, England : Pearson/Longman, 2005.
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1969-, Miles Lee, dir. The European Union and the Nordic countries. London : Routledge, 1996.
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Trading voices : The European Union in international commercial negotiation. Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press, 2005.
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The European Union and Central Asia. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, [England] : Routledge, 2010.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Albania – International relations – European Union countries"
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Santos, Victor. « European Structural and Investment Funds 2021–2027 : Prediction Analysis Based on Machine Learning Models ». Dans Springer Proceedings in Political Science and International Relations, 167–75. Cham : Springer Nature Switzerland, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-18161-0_11.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACTThis research presents several machine learning algorithms and prediction models to anticipate the European Structural and Investment Funds (ESIF) application in different European Union (EU) countries. These analyses start with data training from 2014 to 2020 ESIF, to test and predict the application of the future ESI Funds for 2021–2027. We deliver an analysis focused on the priorities of each fund, highlighting the differences between the programs in different time periods. In the framework of the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), we will specifically address the assessment of the following themes: support innovation of small and medium-sized businesses, to greener, low-carbon, and resilient projects with enhanced mobility. In what concerns the European Social Fund (ESF), we will evaluate projects that promote and increase the EU’s employment, social, education, and skills policies, including structural reforms in these areas. Regarding the cohesion funds (CF), we will be targeting the improvements between the two ESIFs, looking at projects in the field of environment and trans-European networks in the area of transport infrastructure (TEN-T). In summary, we will be looking at the future of ESIF through the glasses of artificial intelligence.
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Henriques, Carla, et Clara Viseu. « Are ERDF Devoted to Boosting ICT in SMEs Inefficient ? Insights Through Different DEA Models ». Dans Springer Proceedings in Political Science and International Relations, 29–42. Cham : Springer Nature Switzerland, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-18161-0_2.
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AbstractWe evaluated the execution of operational programs (OPs) targeted at increasing the adoption of information and communication technologies (ICT) in small and midsize enterprises (SMEs). As a result, we employed two different data envelopment analysis (DEA) models to evaluate 51 OPs from 16 countries, contemplating data provided to the European Union (EU). All in all, we observed that almost 20% of the OPs (10) achieved efficient procedural outcomes, with the slack-based method (SBM) and with the weighted Russel Directional Distance model (WRDDM), respectively. Two of the OPs most frequently viewed as benchmarks were in Spain (the country that uses “vouchers” simplifying processes), remaining robustly efficient for data perturbations of 5% and 10%. The ‘number of operations supported’ is the metric that necessitates more consideration according to both models. Overall, these findings show the robustness of results with both methods, highlighting a higher discriminatory power of the second method, particularly for inefficient OPs. Finally, the unsuccessful findings attained might be linked to bureaucratic procedures and SMEs’ incapacity to deal with the complicated processes involved in obtaining and implementing European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) proposals. As a result, it is critical to provide the extra help that reduces managerial requirements while also meeting the demands of SMEs.
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Horspool, Margot, Matthew Humphreys et Michael Wells-Greco. « 17. EU relations with third states and international organisations ». Dans European Union Law, 621–38. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198870586.003.0017.
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This chapter considers the EU’s relationship with third countries and international organisations. It discusses the legal basis and competence for the EU’s external action and offers examples of how the EU exercises this competence. This is followed by an overview of the types of agreements the EU enters into with third countries with a discussion on the treaty arrangements with Switzerland, the EEA (Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein) and the UK. It then considers the EU’s relationship with a selection of international organisations.
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Keukeleire, Stephan, et Tom De Bruyn. « 18. The European Union, the BRICS, and Other Emerging Powers ». Dans International Relations and the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737322.003.0018.
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This chapter examines how the European Union is challenged by the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) and other emerging powers, along with its implications for the world order. It first provides an overview of the nature of the BRICS phenomenon before discussing the EU's contractual and political relations, as well as ‘strategic partnership’, with the BRICS countries and other emerging powers. It then considers the EU–BRICS relationship on the basis of three key perspectives: the EU as a subsystem of international relations, the EU as a power in international relations, and the EU as part of the wider processes of international relations. In particular, it explores the EU's capacity to generate external collective action towards the BRICS countries and other emerging powers. It also analyses EU–BRICS relations within the context of shifts in multilateralism and in the global governance architecture.
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Smith, Michael E. « 8. Implementation ». Dans International Relations and the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737322.003.0008.
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This chapter examines the policy instruments used by the European Union to translate its common interests into collective action in the international arena. It first considers the problem of implementation in EU foreign policy before discussing the EU's own resources in external relations/third countries as well as the role of member states' resources in EU's external relations. It then explores the instruments of EU foreign policy, which can be grouped into diplomatic, economic, and military/civilian capabilities. It also analyses the credibility and capability gaps in the EU's policy implementation, noting that there exists a key divide between the ‘low politics’ of economic affairs and the ‘high politics’ of security/defence affairs. The chapter suggests that the EU's unique capacity for policy implementation in the area of international relations can be very erratic.
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Young, John W., et John Kent. « 20. Europe and the Former Soviet Union ». Dans International Relations Since 1945, 475–502. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807612.003.0020.
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This chapter examines important developments in Europe and the former Soviet Union. The collapse of communism paved the way for the greatest changes in Europe since 1919, with the political disintegration of three Eurasian countries: the then USSR, with localized outbreaks of violence; Yugoslavia, with several years of bloody civil war; and Czechoslovakia, where the Czechs and Slovaks peacefully agreed to go their own way as of January 1993, in the so-called ‘velvet divorce’. Communism’s demise also brought reunification to a divided nation: Germany. The chapter first considers the German reunification, before discussing the break-up of the USSR and the Wars of Succession, Yugoslavia’s break-up and the Bosnian War, NATO and European security, and the emergence of the European Union, which replaced the European Community.
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Young, John W., et John Kent. « 20. Europe and the Former Soviet Union ». Dans International Relations Since 1945. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199693061.003.0026.
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This chapter examines important developments in Europe and the former Soviet Union. The collapse of communism paved the way for the greatest changes in Europe since 1919, with the political disintegration of three Eurasian countries: the then USSR with localized outbreaks of violence; Yugoslavia with several years of bloody civil war; and Czechoslovakia where the Czechs and Slovaks peacefully agreed to go their own way as of January 1993, in the so-called ‘velvet divorce’. Communism’s demise also brought reunification to a divided nation: Germany. The chapter first considers the German reunification before discussing the break-up of the USSR and the Wars of Succession, Yugoslavia’s break-up and the Bosnian War, NATO and European security, and the emergence of the European Union that replaced the European Community.
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Ott, Andrea. « Enlargement Policy ». Dans Specialized Administrative Law of the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198787433.003.0002.
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The EU enlargement policy was labelled in 2003—shortly before the ‘big bang’ enlargement of 2004—the most successful EU external relations policy. Due to that success, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) has, since 2003, copied certain characteristics of the policy and instruments. However, after the 2004 accession of twelve new Member States and the subsequent accession of Romania and Bulgaria in 2007 and finally of Croatia in 2013, a general enlargement fatigue can be diagnosed among the existing EU Member States. EU Member States have become wary of further accession in times of recurring crises of the European Union project and in light of the challenge of post-accession integration of new Member States, especially of Bulgaria and Romania, as an ongoing project. At the same time they are not willing to abandon such an effective tool for influencing and aligning third countries’ policies to EU law and for stimulating reforms in national administrative and legal orders of neighbouring countries in anticipation of accession. Montenegro, Serbia, and Turkey have started accession negotiations, Albania and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia secured a recognized candidate status, while Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo are being viewed as potential candidates. While the enlargement policy is still in
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Piskorska, Beata. « The European Union and the countries of Eastern Partnership – the type of cooperation and neighbours’ perception ». Dans Perceptions of the European Union’s Identity in International Relations, 89–115. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351005623-5.
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« The European Union and Asean Countries Trade Relations : “Building Blocks” or “Stumbling Blocks?” ». Dans Chinese (Taiwan) Yearbook of International Law and Affairs, Volume 37, 2019, 74–109. Brill | Nijhoff, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004443297_006.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Albania – International relations – European Union countries"
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Gökçek Karaca, Nuray, et Semra Saruç. « International Migration Trends in Turkey and European Union Candidate Transition Economies ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00871.
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In this study, international migration trends were evaluated in Turkey and European Union (EU) Candidate Transition Economies by means of data obtained from HDI Report developed by UNDP. The aim of this study is analyzing international migration trends in relation with other dimension of integration such as economics, social protection and social policy. In this study, the subject was carried out through comparative relation scanning model and literature model, the sample group was established EU candidate transition economies (Montenegro, The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Serbia, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina) with Turkey. The research data was collected by means of data from HDI Report developed by UNDP. The findings from this study revealed that the population of Montenegro and Serbia among EU candidate transition economies less emigrated and more immigrated than other countries. It can also be concluded that the emigration trend of Turkey presents similar tendency with Montenegro and Serbia whereas immigration rate of Turkey is lower than the other countries except for Bosnia Herzegovina.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. « EU Enlargement to the Balkans : Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.
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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
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Başeğmez, Nergiz, et Kerem Toker. « A Crossroad For Turkey : European Union Or Eurasian Economic Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01668.
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With a long and complicated history with Turkey's EU relations began in 1963 with Ankara Agreement. Turkey has been engaged the full membership since 2005 but nevertheless it could not have achieved results during the negotiations. Behind the slow pace of Turkey's membership, many political and cultural barriers can be shown. The events showed that reveals Turkey cannot be an EU member as soon as possible. This case may cause the Turkey have different pursuits in the political world arena. Turkey moved away from the EU, it can be motivated to participate in different political and economic union at the same time. Because, the world is constantly changing in terms of economic and political conditions and Turkey is hard to question the position in these new conditions. Founded in 2015 Eurasian Union has similar cultural and historical heritage alongside the geographical closely EAEU with Turkey. This common history may create opportunities for both sides. In this study, economic, social and political relations between Turkey and the EAEU countries are briefly discussed. Datas about this issue were gathered by Eurostat, europa.eu, wto.org and eurasiancommission.org etc. official data sources. The findings were compared with similar indicators between Turkey and the EU. So the EAEU is evaluated likely to be an alternative political and economic union to Turkey. Such a vision changes in Turkey will revise its economic and political stability of the region. This paper may contribute to further studies by providing a solid base.
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Tufaner, Mustafa Batuhan, Hasan Boztoprak et İlyas Sözen. « An Alternative to The European Customs Union for Turkey in The Framework of Economic Integration Theory : Eurasian Customs Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.01957.
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The liberalization policies begun after 1980 and globalization process bring with new economic associations and trade blocs among countries. The European Customs Union which established to improve economic relations and to make the political integration possible after World War II, reached large trade capacity today. On the other hand, the Post-Soviet countries that followed similar way like European ones established Eurasian Customs Union under the leadership of Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia. The advantage of European Customs Union for Turkey which became a member of it in 1995 is still discussed. From this viewpoint the study aims to answer a question that Eurasian Customs Union can be an alternative to European Customs Union for Turkey in point of trade capacity. The aim of the study is to discuss the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union and to compare it with the European Customs Union in which Turkey is involved. In this context, at first, the conceptual framework about the subject will be discussed and European Customs Union and Turkey relations will be examined. After, the current situation of the Eurasian region will be analyzed and the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union will be discussed. And, which customs union will be more advantageous in terms of Turkey will be examined by VAR analysis.
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Gao, Yu, Yuchen Liu et Wenhui Yu. « National Interest or Climate Change Issues : A Discussion with References to the International Relation Theories and European Union Countries ». Dans 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.180.
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Shalygina, Natalya, Natalya Zaitseva, Maksim Selyukov et Ol’ga Znajdenova. « Development of Trade and Economic Relations of Russia with the Countries of the European Union : Problems and Prospects ». Dans 8th International Conference on Contemporary Problems in the Development of Economic, Financial and Credit Systems (DEFCS 2020). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.201215.030.
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Koç, Neslihan. « Analyzing the Foreing Trade Relations of Turkey and Macedonia within the Framework of Free Trade Agreement ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00965.
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Turkey, because of its responsibilities derived from Custom Union with European Union, makes limited Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with those states which have already signed such agreements with EU. As yet Turkey has signed FTAs with 19 countries including Macedonia. It's expected from FTA's that raise awareness of partner countries about each other’s economic and commercial potentials. In this study a general overview will be made to emphasize the relationship between FTAs which Turkey has signed with other countries and increase in Turkey’s trade volume in the same period. Subsequently, with regarding the FTA and commercial relations with Macedonia, an assessment will be made by using the lists of countries imports and exports, based on Republic of Turkey Ministry of Economy statistics for the period of 2001-2012.
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Ganiev, Junus, et Damira Baigonushova. « Prospects for Exchange Rate Cooperation in the Eurasian Economic Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02266.
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Foreign exchange risk is one of the main factors affecting foreign trade and foreign investment activities. The exchange rate instability in the Eurasian Economic Union members and in Turkey, which is one of the Union’s major economic partners, constitutes one of the major economic problems. This situation inevitably affects the foreign economic relations of the countries. Therefore, the leaders of most countries such Turkey and Russia are encouraging to use national currencies in economic relations to reduce the dependence on the dollar, to provide stability in the foreign exchange market and to reduce the risk of exchange rate. One of the basic conditions for the success of these initiatives is the stability of exchange rates between national currencies. This study examines the fluctuations of exchange rates among national currencies of EAEU members and Turkey. The ERM implementation of the European Union and its applicability will be discussed as a solution.
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Tunçsiper, Bedriye, et Ömer Faruk Biçen. « The Effects of European Debt Crisis on Turkey’s Exports ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00827.
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The crisis that arose in Greece at the last quarter of 2009 affected the countries that have heavily government debt like Spain, Portugal, Italy and Ireland as soon as 2008 Global Financial Crisis originating from USA Mortgage Markets affect European Union (EU) countries under heavily debt burden. The effects of that crisis in the short run are demand shrinking and decrease in export. Turkey, which has important economic relations with EU countries in the last fifty years, is the primary country that can be negatively affected from demand shrinking in Europe. Turkey that indirectly experience 2008 global financial crisis because of the decrease in export volume in Europe also seem fatefully affected in this crisis. This article aims to determine the effects of the crisis to Turkey’s export ampirically in the EU countries that have the lion’s share in the Turkey’s export markets. As well, it is trying to explain whether this crisis affects over-all Europe or not.
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Ardıl, Cemal. « Turkey - Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization : Foreign Trade Relations during the 1996-2012 Period ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00661.
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This paper presents the regional economic relations between Turkey and Black See Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC). The Heads of State and Government of eleven countries: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine signed the Summit Declaration and the Bosphorus Statement giving birth to the Black Sea Economic Cooperation on 25 June 1992, in Istanbul. On 5 June 1998, the Heads of State or Government signed the BSEC Charter, came into force on 1 May 1999 BSEC has evolved into an international regional organization for economic cooperation. The organization has 12 members since Serbia joining the organization in 2004. It came into existence as a unique and promising model of multilateral political and economic initiative aimed at fostering interaction and harmony among the Member States, as well as to ensure peace, stability and prosperity encouraging friendly and good-neighbourly relations in the Black Sea region. Countries bordering the Black Sea, Balkan and Caucasus formed the BSEC countries cover an area of approximately 20 million square kilometer and represent more than 350 million people. The region with the foreign trade volume of U.S. $ 300 billion per year draws attention to the rich natural resources; and is the main European energy and transport corridor transfer. The Black Sea region is a contested neighbourhood and the subject of intense debates and conflicts in the globe. Also, this reflects the changing dynamics of the Black Sea region, its complex realities, the interests of outsiders and the region’s relations with the rest of the globe. Moreover, its strategic position, linking north to south and east to west, as well as its oil, gas, transport and trade routes are all important reasons for its increasing relevance. Turkey's foreign trade volume with BSEC member countries is steadily increasing as per the findings over the period of 1996-2012.