Bibliographies thématiques / Agenda neoliberal

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Agenda neoliberal »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 27 juillet 2024
Mis à jour le 29 juillet 2024

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Agenda neoliberal"

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Dekker, Erwin. « Is There an Agenda of Neoliberal Emancipation ? » Journal of Contextual Economics – Schmollers Jahrbuch 139, no 2-4 (1 avril 2019) : 213–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/schm.139.2-4.213.

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This paper argues that one of the weaknesses of the neoliberals of the 1940s was their failure to develop a positive program of individual emancipation. It is demonstrated that in conversation with the critics of neoliberalism (Foucault, Cooper, and others) such an agenda can be developed. To do so we should disentangle the neoliberal agenda from the conservative social agenda with which it has long been associated. It is argued that in particular the Chicago School approach to the individual and social conditions such as the modern workplace, online communities and city life provides inspiration for an agenda of neoliberal emancipation.
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Mitchell, Jon P., et Noel Dyck. « Introduction : anthropology and the neoliberal agenda ». Etnografica, no 18 (2) (1 juin 2014) : 233–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etnografica.3637.

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Pacari, Nina. « Ecuador Taking On the Neoliberal Agenda ». NACLA Report on the Americas 29, no 5 (mars 1996) : 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.1996.11722889.

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Morán Faúndes, José Manuel. « Ensambles entre el activismo neoconservador y el neoliberalismo : mirada desde el sur ». Estudios Sociológicos de El Colegio de México 40, no 119 (9 mai 2022) : 423–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/es.2022v40n119.2190.

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En este artículo se exploran las razones que esgrime públi­camente el neoconservadurismo para promover su agenda moral articulada con agendas neoliberales. Se analizaron las propuestas de partidos políticos “pro-vida”/“pro-familia” en Chile, Brasil, Argentina y Perú, y contenidos producidos por divulgadoras/es de ideas neoconservadoras en Sudamérica. Se proponen tres categorías que sintetizan los prin­cipales modos en que se realiza la articulación neoconservadora-neoliberal: un “ensamble funcional” que entiende que la tradición es funcional al orden del mercado y la libertad; un “ensamble subsidiario” que entiende que la retirada del Estado implicaría un fortalecimiento de instituciones subsidiarias, como la familia patriarcal, y un “ensamble defensivo” que asume que toda intervención estatal, incluidos los derechos sexuales y reproductivos, responde a una agenda neo-marxista.
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Sousa, Marcelo Manoel, et Saraí Patricia Schmidt. « AGENDA 2030-ONU COMO ATO DE LINGUAGEM NEOLIBERAL : EDUCAÇÃO DE QUALIDADE E DESIGUALDADES SOCIAIS ». Linguagens, Educação e Sociedade 27, no 54 (2 juin 2023) : 326–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26694/rles.v27i54.4165.

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O objetivo do estudo foi apresentar aspectos indiciários de que a Agenda 2030-ONU principalmente em seu Objetivo 4, que trata da Educação de Qualidade, está envolvida em valores e princípios neoliberais. É uma pesquisa qualitativa, de natureza básica, que fez uso da análise de discurso sobre o corpus, destacando-se a análise do conceito de qualidade como um dos objetivos da Agenda 2030-ONU. No artigo se trabalhou a partir das contribuições de Bauman (2015), com suas colocações sobre as desigualdades sociais e Bourdieu (1998, 2001), e os efeitos negativos relacionados à ofensiva neoliberal. Cita-se ainda, entre outros autores, Silva (2015, 2020) e Charlot (2013) no que se refere a uma melhor compreensão dos do neoliberalismo na educação pública, que tem em comum a discussão do conceito de qualidade na educação, enquanto o primeiro refere a qualidade total como neoliberal, o segundo altermundialista apresenta o conceito de qualidade não necessariamente neoliberalista. Baseando-se na fundamentação e posterior discussão, concluiu-se que o conceito de Educação de Qualidade contido na Agenda 2030-ONU é de natureza neoliberal, pretendendo formar empreendedores individuais ao enfatizar a matemática, engenharia e o conhecimento aplicado, incitando a concorrência e mais desigualdade entre as pessoas.
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Mnisi, Nomsa, et Thokozani Mathebula. « The World Bank’s neoliberal agenda and inclusive education in post-apartheid South African schools ». Perspectives in Education 42, no 2 (12 juillet 2024) : 308–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.38140/pie.v42i2.7454.

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Globally, the World Bank’s neoliberal agenda has reframed inclusive education through its investment projects and inclusive policies, thus begetting unevenness and social inequalities. Accordingly, in South Africa, the World Bank’s neoliberal investment projects and inclusive policies exacerbate the exclusion of learners in schools. The critical theory framework is adopted as a lens to explore the extent to which the World Bank’s neoliberal education agenda meets the end goals of democracy and social justice in post-apartheid South Africa. A critical analysis of the World Bank’s inclusive education policies points to a neoliberal agenda that fosters liberalisation instead of human rights; a policy that propagates privatisation instead of universal education; learners’ emancipation barricaded by investment projects that favour deregulation instead of regulation; and illusive social change due to neoliberal public policies in post-apartheid South African schools. Ultimately, the authors argue that the World Bank’s incoherent, inconsistent and ambiguous neoliberal education agenda does not speak to its intended recipients, namely the poor, unprivileged and excluded learners in post-apartheid South African schools. A recommendation thus put forward is that the World Bank should redirect its investment projects and revise its inclusive policies in the quest to spearhead universal and free public education.
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Voirol, Olivier. « Solidarity as Social Reconstruction ». Comparative Sociology 19, no 6 (17 décembre 2020) : 708–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341531.

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Abstract The neoliberal agenda is based on the rejection of social objectivism and social reason, in favor of individual preferences and subjective values. Reforms carried out under this agenda destroy institutions and practices of solidarity. While the 2008 financial crisis has confronted neoliberalism with a legitimation crisis, an alternative agenda has yet to emerge. In the past decades, this “void” gave birth to the implementation of “regressive communities”. Instead of challenging the neoliberal agenda these communities function as mere authoritarian extensions. By rejecting social issues and defending cultural values they display contempt for social objectivity and reason. A path beyond the neoliberal “all market” approach as well as the subsequent triggerering of “regressive communities” is nowadays sought by social reconstruction through solidarity.
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A. McCrory, Niall. « Irish Urban Planning Under a Neoliberal Agenda ». Chimera 26, no 2012/2013 (11 septembre 2013) : 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/chimera.26.4.

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Much academic attention and debate has been given to the use of and imposition of a Special Purpose Development Authority (SPDA) to Irish urban planning in the 1980s and 1990s to redevelop the Custom House Docks (later enlarged to encompass Dublin docklands). This newly-created agency marked a radical shift in the philosophy guiding urban planning in Ireland towards more overtly facilitative entrepreneurial systems of engagement with the property-development sector. Vested with planning powers to ´fast-track´ planning and development, the Irish SPDA expropriated planning powers entirely from the local authority marginalising planners´ functions in certain locations. Few studies have, however, attempted to document turn-of-the-century shifts in Irish planning by examining more recent changes in the planning code. This paper will attempt to demonstrate how recent changes in the Planning and Development Acts since 2000 only serve to illustrate the inherent bias of Irish urban planning towards favouring private capital over the interests of the ´common good´ by providing an exploration Irish urban planning under a neoliberal agenda.
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Saryal, Rajnish. « Global Environmental Agenda : The Neoliberal Institutional Perspective ». Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 19, no 1 (juin 2015) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598415599882.

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von der Heydt-Coca, Magda. « Neoliberal Agenda in Bolivia and its Aftermath ». Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 8, no 2-3 (2009) : 347–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914909x423926.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Agenda neoliberal"

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Talavera, Reyes Claudia. « La agenda educativa pos-neoliberal. Alternativas de cambio en Bolivia y Paraguay ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/400715.

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Esta investigación se proyecta y delinea entre finales de 2011 y principios de 2012, en pleno momento de desarrollo y despliegue de los procesos de cambio político en América del Sur. En ese contexto, empieza a inquietarme el modo en que la educación se estaría transformando o se podría, -y quizá debería- transformar a partir de tales cambios. Desde aquel primer momento los interrogantes surgen en torno a la vinculación entre lo político y lo educativo. ¿Qué implica que gobiernen unos y no otros para lo político y lo público? ¿Qué implica que hayan llegado al gobierno, -no siempre al poder-, grupos sociales y políticos que siempre estuvieron excluidos de la toma de decisiones de política y políticas? ¿Cómo se traducen esos cambios en el sector educativo y más específicamente en la agenda educativa? ¿Qué agenda educativa alternativa es posible? ¿Quiénes y cómo la están construyendo? Siendo el neoliberalismo hegemónico, ¿hay un horizonte pos-neoliberal para la Educación? La hipótesis general establece que los cambios en la Agenda Educativa pos-neoliberal dependen de las características de los cambios en el gobierno del Estado. En relación a ella, las sub-hipótesis destacaban el cambio de actores en Bolivia con la irrupción de los movimientos sociales, la búsqueda de una ruptura epistemológica contra-hegemónica y la consideración de la educación como un elemento clave para consolidar una revolución cultural. En Paraguay, la preeminencia de actores de élite, la tendencia más evolutiva y continuista de la agenda educativa, y la permanencia de estructuras estatales tradicionales que no permiten un planteo de cambio profundo. Se realiza un estudio de casos, comparado entre opuestos, siendo Bolivia el caso paradigmático. Entrevistamos a más de veinticinco actores clave en cada país, miembros del gobierno, la sociedad civil y los organismos de cooperación y crédito. Esto se complementa con la revisión documental. El análisis se realiza mediante el process-tracing, apropiado para este tipo de estudios, en donde la reconstrucción narrativa está orientada al desarrollo de nuevas premisas e hipótesis. En las conclusiones se establecen principalmente las diferencias entre dos agendas pos-neoliberales, cuyo principal elemento en común es la crítica hacia lo neoliberal y el contexto de cambio político regional. Es determinante en cada una de ellas, la estructura histórico-política de la hegemonía en cada país, así como la envergadura de las resistencias previas. En Bolivia se forma una agenda educativa des-colonizadora e innovadora. Y en Paraguay, una agenda educativa modernizadora y renovadora. En el primer caso hay un amplio consenso entre actores sociales y populares, si bien las ideas de los grupos indígenas predominan en el sector tanto desde dentro como desde fuera del Estado. En el segundo caso, el gobierno asume un discurso de protagonismo estatal, pero la agenda sigue siendo definida por élites intelectuales y no por una (inexistente) base popular en educación. En el primer caso se cuestiona la modernidad como paradigma que se inicia con la colonización, y se busca desmontar las estructuras civilizadoras, epistemológicas y políticas. Se imagina un horizonte común basado en distintos recorridos de la memoria, y con proyecciones también hacia distintos tiempos. En el segundo caso, se reafirma el ideal del paradigma moderno, nunca alcanzado en el Estado-Nación paraguayo, y se busca el modo de renovarlo desde un nivel de políticas concretas, muy coyuntural y con proyección a corto plazo. La tesis deja abierto el interrogante acerca de la posibilidad de consolidación de una nueva epistemología des-colonizadora para la educación, la sociedad y el Estado.
This research project was outlined between late 2011 and early 2012, precisely during a moment of development and deployment of political change processes in South America. In this context, I am concerned with how education could be transformed or, and perhaps should be transformed, from such changes. From that first moment questions arise about the relationship between politics and education. What does the governing of ones and not others mean for the political and the public? What does it mean when excluded social and political groups, that have always been excluded from policy decisions and policies, are now the government-though not always the power? How do these changes translate into the education sector and more specifically on the educational agenda? What is a possible alternative educational agenda? By whom, and how is it being constructed? Given that neoliberalism is hegemonic, is there a post-neoliberal horizon for Education? The general hypothesis states that changes in the post-neoliberal Agenda Educational depend on the characteristics of changes in the state government. In relation to it, the sub-hypothesis highlights the change of actors in Bolivia with the emergence of social movements, seeking a counter-hegemonic epistemological break and consideration of education as a key element to consolidate a cultural revolution. In Paraguay, the preeminence of elite players, the most evolutionary and continuist trend of the educational agenda, and the permanence of traditional state structures do not allow a proposal of profound change. A comparative case study compared between opposites, Bolivia being the paradigmatic. We interviewed more than twenty key actors in each country: embers of the government, civil society and cooperating agencies and credit. This is complemented by the document review. The analysis was performed using process-tracing, which is appropriate for this type of study, where narrative reconstruction is aimed at developing new premises and assumptions. The conclusions establish differences between two post-neoliberal agendas, whose main element in common is the criticism of neoliberalism the context of political change in the region. In each country the historical and political hegemonic, as well as the size of previous resistance, is determinant. In Bolivia a decolonizing and innovative educational agenda was formed. And in Paraguay, a modernizing and renewing educational agenda. In the first case there is a broad consensus among social and popular actors, although the ideas of indigenous groups predominate both from within and from outside the state. In the second case, the government assumes the discourse of state protagonism, but the agenda is still defined by intellectual elites and not on a (nonexistent) popular education base. In the first case a paradigm of modernity that begins with colonization is questioned, and the civilizing, epistemological and political structures it created are sought to be disassembled. An imagined common horizon based on different routes of memory, and with projections to different times. In the second case, the ideal of the modern Paraguayan state, never reached, is reaffirmed and is renewed from concrete, very cyclical and short-term policies. The thesis leaves open the question about the possibility of consolidating a new de-colonial epistemology for education, society and the state.
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Padua, Danilo Destro. « Que se vayan todos ! : Piqueteros e a agenda neoliberal na Argentina (1989-2001) ». [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/278670.

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Orientador: Jose Alves de Freitas Neto
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-13T15:32:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Padua_DaniloDestro_M.pdf: 851556 bytes, checksum: 7abffeb056882ad1557d48b627090983 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009
Resumo: Este trabalho faz uma análise das transformações políticas ocorridas na Argentina no período de 1989-2001. Ocorreram mudanças no movimento peronista e na condução da política econômica no período da ditadura militar (1976-1983) e governo de Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989) que foram se aprofundando durante o governo de Carlos Menem. Essas mutações se relacionam com o surgimento do movimento dos piqueteros e novas formas de ação política da sociedade Argentina que tiveram seu auge durante as jornadas da chamada crise de 2001.
Abstract: Not informed.
Mestrado
Historia Cultural
Mestre em História
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Brandão, Maria Virginia Motta. « Os novos cenários construídos pela ofensiva neoliberal expressa da Previdência na agenda da Fiocruz pós 1990 ». Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2006. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=1789.

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Nas últimas décadas do século passado, a questão da previdência-convertida em tema fundamental da agenda política mundial -tornou-se um dos principais alvos da ofensiva restauradora do neoliberalismo.As transformações societárias, a reestruturação dos processos de trabalho, pleno emprego, sistemas públicos de proteção social, regulação sócio-estatal e os pactos sócios - políticos parecem estar em contradição com as novas tendências da acumulação mundialmente articuladas. Neste cenário o grande desafio está em responder as questões emergentes das novas configurações do mundo do trabalho, na superação do pragmatismo imposto pelas transformações ocorridas no sistema de produção capitalista.Assim sendo a presente tese é fruto do reconhecimento de como nos últimos anos , os programas e as políticas dos sucessivos governos elegeram a contra-reforma da Previdência como necessidade imperiosa de um vasto campo de intervenção, se constituindo numa rica experiência de análise e contradições na relação Estado/sociedade. O objetivo de nosso estudo será a modificação substancial ocorrida nos sistemas próprios de previdência e os impactos desta relação na Fiocruz. Esta série de inquietações nos levou a investigar sobre os novos cenários da ofensiva neoliberal do ajuste, aprofundando a maneira como a transformação previdenciária tornou público o reverso da moeda, ou seja, evidenciaram os aspectos da política desgastados pelo desequilíbrio das contas publicas.
During the last decads of the past century, the matter of converted welfare in a fundamental theme of the world policy agenda has become one of the main target on the offensive restored of the enoliberalism. The society transformation,the new atructure of the labor process, full employment, public systemes of social protection, state-owned regular basis and assistant political agreements seem to be in contradiction to the new tendences of the world articuled accumulation. Over this prospect the big challeng is asking the main questions of the new ways of the labor world, overcoming the real facts obliged for the changes occured in the capitalist system of production.Like this, the study is the result tostate that the public sphere, besides a vast camp of interventiion, constitutes itself a rich experience of analysis and contradictions in the relation Estate/society. The purpose of this study wil be the substantial change occurried in the very same systems of the welfare and the impacts of this connectio with Fiocruz. This series of anxieties led us to investigate about the impact of the adjusts, getting deeper in the maner how the welfare changes become public the reverse, I mean, it proves the aspects of the polis wated for the lost of the balance of the public accounts.
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Hough, Brian J. « A Comparative Discourse Analysis of Media Texts Pertaining to Fracking in North Dakota’s Bakken Region ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1438416315.

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Hornsved, Emilia. « "Make Feminism Radical Again" : En ideologikritisk undersökning av H&M:s användning av feministiska budskap, och dess konsekvenser för feminismens politiska agenda ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Genusvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-152756.

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The aim of this essay is to find out in what ways the global clothing company H&M uses political and ideological statements, such as feminism, as a sales strategy. I have noticed an expanding trend in fashion; the use of feminism as branding, and how companies such as H&M have started profiling themselves with feminism. This could be seen as a typical neoliberal-femvertising phenomenon. In this essay, I use critique of ideology, a method developed by the Frankfurt school, to examine how H&M expresses feminism through their clothes, whether H&M’s production could be considered as a feminist one, and what consequences H&M’s use of feminist ideology have on the feminist political movement. To be able to answer these questions, I use gender theory and postcolonial theory. My aim is to show how neoliberal/capitalist ideologies often contain cultural and political appropriation, where an ideology such as feminism is exploited in order to make a higher profit. My conclusion is that when companies use feminist statements in their clothing they use irony and humour to emphasize positivity, such as “girl power”, instead of confronting structural inequalities among the sexes and harmful norms and gender stereotypes within this hierarchy. The consequence of this process is that feminism is depoliticized, which is harmful to the feminist political agenda.
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Pascucci, Elisa. « Beyond depoliticization and resistance : refugees, humanitarianism, and political agency in neoliberal Cairo ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2014. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/51440/.

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Responding to the call of contemporary political philosophy to locate ‘the political' beyond the boundaries of formal citizenship (Balibar, 2004; Chatterjee, 2004; Rànciere, 2004), over the last few years researchers across various disciplines have devoted increasing attention to migrant and refugee protests and political mobilization (Tyler and Marciniak, 2013). Research in this area has thoroughly questioned paradigms of biopolitical exception, but also challenged widespread assumptions on the political agency of subaltern subjects as always associated with mundane, silent, and invisible practices. In this context, academic attention has been devoted significantly to Euro-American borderzones and spaces of enforcement, and, in the Global South, to refugee camps. Today however, evidence is growing that the vast majority of refugee and migrant populations are urbanized, and do not live in the West. Based on an 18-month ethnographic fieldwork, this thesis contributes to this growing body of work exploring the contested relations between refugees and humanitarian agencies in Cairo, Egypt. Theoretically, the analysis combines insights from assemblage geographies (De Landa, 2006; McFarlane, 2011) and critical development, refugee, and urban studies (Hyndman, 2001; Simone 2004a, 2004b; Elyachar, 2005; Duffield, 2007, 2011; Bayat, 2010; 2012; Hyndman and Giles, 2011). The empirical sections of the thesis are articulated around two main axes of inquiry. Part B – The Boundaries of Aid – looks at how refugees in Cairo engage with the spatial practices of humanitarian organizations, contesting their growing securitization and the boundaries and hierarchies that separate them from practitioners. Part C – Sociomaterial infrastructures: agency beyond resistance – focuses on the networks – encompassing human and non-human elements – which allow refugees to build relations of support, experience sociality, and organize politically autonomously from aid agencies. The thesis puts forward a two-part argument. Not only do the struggles of refugees in Cairo challenge prevalent understanding of humanitarian aid as a domain of ‘depoliticization', but they also question the distinction between everyday life and overt manifestations of ‘resistance', contestation, and protest. Confronted with a complex and often violent system of humanitarian and urban governance, refugees in Cairo, I demonstrate, are able to mobilize a range of practices and position takings which problematize prevalent conceptualizations of resistance, and point to the need for rethinking questions of agency in conditions of structural violence.
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Kennelly, Jacqueline Joan. « Citizen youth : culture, activism, and agency in an era of globalization ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/769.

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This thesis seeks to uncover some of the cultural practices central to youth activist subcultures across three urban centres in Canada: Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver. I undertake this work within the context of rising moral and state claims about the apparent need for ‘good citizenship’ to be exercised by young people, alongside a late modern relationship between liberalism, neoliberalism, and Canada’s history of class- and race-based exclusions. The theoretical framework bridges cultural and political sociology with youth cultural theory. It also draws heavily upon the work of feminist philosophers of agency and the state. The main methodology is ethnographic, and was carried out within a phenomenological and hermeneutic framework. In total, 41 young people, ages 13-29, were involved in this research. Participants self-identified as being involved in activist work addressing issues such as globalization, war, poverty and/or colonialism. The findings of this study suggest that the effects of the historical and contemporary symbol of the ‘good citizen’ are experienced within youth activist subcultures through a variety of cultural means, including: expectations from self and schooling to be ‘responsible,’ with its associated burdens of guilt; policing practices that appear to rely on cultural ideas about the ‘good citizen’ and the ‘bad activist’; and representations of youth activism (e.g. within media) as replete with out-of-control young people being punished for their wrong-doings. Wider effects include the entrenched impacts of class- and race-based exclusions, which manifest within youth activist subcultures through stylistic regimes of ‘symbolic authorization’ that incorporate attire, beliefs, and practices. Although findings suggest that many young people come to activism via a predisposition created within an activist or Left-leaning family, this research also highlights the relational means by which people from outside of this familial habitus can come to activist practices. Taken together, findings suggest that youth activism must be understood as a cultural and social phenomenon, with requisite preconditions, influences, and effects; that such practices cannot be disassociated from wider social inequalities; and that such effects and influences demand scrutiny if we are to reconsider the role of activism and its part in expanding the political boundaries of the nation-state.
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Page, Alexander Lloyd. « Surviving “Advancement” : Aboriginal Community Organisations Negotiating Settler-Colonial Neoliberal Governance in Western Sydney ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/21887.

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The introduction and rollout of the Indigenous Advancement Strategy (IAS, the Strategy) in 2014 by the Abbott Coalition government dramatically altered the relationship between the Indigenous sector and the Commonwealth. In this thesis, I use a critical qualitative methodology to undertake in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 32 frontline workers in eight Aboriginal community organisations in Western Sydney between 2016-2017, to highlight the day-to-day processes of negotiating and ultimately surviving these ongoing policy settings. Although there is a body of research on the broader turn to neoliberalism in Indigenous Affairs beginning with the abolition of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission in 2004-05, there is little analysis of how Aboriginal community organisations and frontline workers understood, dealt with, and negotiated this significant policy shift of the IAS at the grassroots level of service delivery. In my significant and original contribution to knowledge, I examine how frontline workers describe the effects of the Strategy for Aboriginal community organisations, and their practice in negotiating and fighting for their survival whilst balancing their commitment to the Aboriginal community of Western Sydney in an era of deep crisis. This research reveals how settler-colonial neoliberalism is problematised, challenged, and negotiated by Aboriginal frontline workers through their day-to-day action as the reality of contemporary Indigenous Affairs policy. While Aboriginal community organisations continue to deliver culturally-specific services, and a social good for Aboriginal communities in specific socio-historical contexts through grassroots programs, advocacy, and policy representation mechanisms, I explain that the constraining nature of the organisation-to-government relationship, and the reflexive practice of frontline workers to Commonwealth settler-colonial neoliberalism, are correlated with the distinct positioning and social function of the Indigenous sector, the reflexive negotiation of Aboriginal community and government relationships, and frontline workers’ agency through anti-racist project making. I argue that Aboriginal community organisations in Western Sydney continue to actively negotiate state domination, paternalism, and logics of mainstreaming in Indigenous Affairs policy in Australia, and significantly, expose a dual legitimacy crisis of both New Public Management and settler-colonial governance.
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Arellano, Marcela. « Hows and whys of Chilean parents' involvement in their children's education : capabilities and agency in a national "neoliberal laboratory" ». Thesis, University of Bristol, 2016. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.738200.

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Bazzo, Juliane. « ‘Agora tudo é bullying’ : uma mirada antropológica sobre a agência de uma categoria de acusação no cotidiano brasileiro ». reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/174498.

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Esta tese oferta uma mirada antropológica sobre a agência da noção de bullying situada como uma categoria de acusação social no cotidiano contemporâneo brasileiro. Nascido como construto científico durante os anos 70, na região escandinava, o bullying conferiu nome a condutas, típicas em escolas, de intimidação sistemática entre pares, no interior de um decurso civilizatório no Ocidente que passa a atribuir reconhecimento a agressões de feitio moral. No Brasil, a acepção de bullying populariza-se apenas mais tardiamente, em meados da primeira década dos 2000. O espraiamento do conceito no país, inclusive para além dos muros das instituições de ensino, se dá num período sociopolítico específico: aquele de operação sem anterioridade na história nacional de um conjunto de políticas públicas nos campos da inclusão econômica e da diversidade social, alavancadas pelos governos presidenciais do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Essas iniciativas estatais colocam em primeiro plano tensões seculares presentes na sociedade brasileira perante alteridades e iniquidades de naturezas diversas. Tal quadro desencadeia uma série de disputas e confrontos que agência da noção de bullying trabalha por traduzir, comunicar e, concomitantemente, abastecer. Para problematizar isso, esta investigação apresenta-se como uma etnografia multissituada, a perseguir agenciamentos do bullying em diferentes domínios – científico, estatal, educacional, mercadológico e midiático – , em escalas sociológicas micro, intermediária e macro, a partir de acontecimentos ordinários e extraordinários. Os resultados apontam, de um lado, para um construto que, uma vez legitimado científica e politicamente, se revela potente em desencadear processos de subjetivação e estratégias de militância, capazes de denunciar uma gama de segregações e agir sobre elas. De outro lado, contudo, essas mobilizações encontram limites na exata medida que o conceito possui para subsidiar investidas neoliberais de gestão de populações, as quais demandam o autogoverno dos indivíduos em prol de uma pacificação ideal, mediante suspensão de contextos ético-políticos amplos e consequente perpetuação de desigualdades. A consideração dessa dupla faceta própria ao construto do bullying se coloca, assim, fundamental para pensar produções acadêmicas, políticas públicas, programas escolares de intervenção, produtos e serviços, bem como coberturas noticiosas, em ação no passado, ativos no presente ou, ainda, a serem planificados no futuro em favor dos direitos humanos e da justiça social.
The present dissertation offers an anthropological perspective on the agency of the notion of bullying as a category of social accusation in the Brazilian contemporary everyday life. Born as a scientific construct during the 1970’s in the Scandinavian region, the concept of bullying, within the Western civilization course that now recognizes moral character aggressions, gave a name to typically school-based conducts of systematic intimidation between peers. In Brazil, the notion of bullying is popularized only later, in the first decade of the 2000’s. The concept’s dissemination in the country, even beyond the walls of educational institutions, occurs in a specific sociopolitical period: an unprecedented moment in the national history for the operation of a set of economic inclusion and social diversity policies, leveraged by the presidential governments of the Workers’ Party (PT). These state initiatives bring to the fore secular tensions regarding alterities and inequalities of different natures that have always been present in the Brazilian society. Such framework unleashes a series of disputes and confrontations that the agency of the bullying notion works to translate, to communicate and, at the same time, to instigate. In order to problematize this scenario, this investigation presents itself as a multi-sited ethnography, pursuing bullying agencies in different domains – scientific, state-owned, educational, marketing and media – on micro, intermediate and macro sociological scales, by means of ordinary and extraordinary events. The results point, on the one hand, to a construct that, once legitimated scientifically and politically, proves itself potent in triggering processes of subjectivation and strategies of militancy, capable of denouncing a range of segregations and acting on them. On the other hand, however, these mobilizations find limits in the exact measure that the concept has been subsidizing neoliberal population management efforts, which demand the self-government of individuals for the ideal pacification, through suspending broad ethical and political contexts and consequently with the perpetuation of inequalities. Considering this double facet of the bullying construct is therefore essential for thinking about academic productions, public policies, school intervention programs, products and services, and also the news coverage which were in action in the past, active in the present, and to be planned in the future in favor of human rights and social justice.
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Livres sur le sujet "Agenda neoliberal"

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Jakupec, Viktor. Development Aid—Populism and the End of the Neoliberal Agenda. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72748-6.

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Instituto Brasileiro de Análises Sociais e Econômicas. Miradas y reflexiones : Bases para la construcción de una agenda postneoliberal = Observations and reflections, bases for building a post-neoliberal agenda. Rio de Janeiro : Instituto Brasileiro de Análises Sociais e Econômicas. IBASE, 2005.

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Francisco César Pinto da Fonseca. A agenda da tranformação : A grande imprensa e a hegemonia neoliberal no Brasil : a imprensa e a "Nova República". [São Paulo, Brazil] : Escola de Administração de Empresas de São Paulo, Fundação Getulio Vargas, Núcleo de Pesquisas e Publicações, 2001.

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Francisco César Pinto da Fonseca. A agenda da transformação : A grande imprensa e a hegemonia neoliberal no Brasil : a imprensa e o Governo Collor. [São Paulo, Brazil] : Escola de Administração de Empresas de São Paulo, Fundação Getulio Vargas, Núcleo de Pesquisas e Publicações, 2001.

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Baumgratz, Gisela. Development by Free Trade ? Développement à travers le libre-échange ? : The Impact of the European Unions’ Neoliberal Agenda on the North African Countries Les enjeux de l’agenda néolibéral de l’Union européenne pour les pays de l’Afrique du Nord. Bern : Peter Lang International Academic Publishers, 2017.

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Dzaman, Jessica Cullen. The Consumer Dictator : Theories and Representations of Agency in Neoliberal Argentina, 2001-2010. [New York, N.Y.?] : [publisher not identified], 2015.

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Neves, Angela Vieira, et Reginaldo Ghiraldelli, dir. Trabalho, democracia e participação no Brasil. Brasília, Brasil : Editora UnB, 2022.

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Jakupec, Viktor. Development Aid—Populism and the End of the Neoliberal Agenda. Springer, 2017.

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A difícil rota do desenvolvimento : Empresário e a agenda pós-neoliberal. Belo Horizonte : Editora UFMG, 2007.

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Hartlep, Nicholas D., Lucille L. T. Eckrich et Brandon O. Hensley. Neoliberal Agenda and the Student Debt Crisis in U. S. Higher Education. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Agenda neoliberal"

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Ndofirepi, Amasa P. « Questioning the Neoliberal Agenda ». Dans Decolonising African University Knowledges, Volume 2, 1–10. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003241522-1.

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Brecher, Bob. « Universities : The Neoliberal Agenda ». Dans Interrogating the Neoliberal Lifecycle, 127–42. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-00770-6_6.

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Molla, Tebeje. « Authoritarian Politics and Neoliberal Agenda ». Dans Higher Education in Ethiopia, 101–21. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7933-7_6.

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Lemke, Melinda A. « (Un)Making the Neoliberal Agenda in Public Education ». Dans Neoliberalizing Educational Reform, 53–77. Rotterdam : SensePublishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6209-977-7_3.

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Adduci, Matilde. « Mining Governance in India : Questioning the Neoliberal Agenda ». Dans Resource Governance and Developmental States in the Global South, 172–91. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137286796_9.

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Veltmeyer, Henry, James Petras et Steve Vieux. « The Neoliberal Agenda and the End of History ? » Dans Neoliberalism and Class Conflict in Latin America, 1–6. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25529-0_1.

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Habashi, Janette. « Media and the Neoliberal Agenda Within Political Socialization ». Dans Political Socialization of Youth, 127–47. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-47523-7_7.

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Hager, Sandy Brian. « ‘New Europeans’ for the ‘New European Economy” : Citizenship and the Lisbon Agenda ». Dans Contradictions and Limits of Neoliberal European Governance, 106–24. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230228757_6.

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Majhanovich, Suzanne. « How the English Language Contributes to Sustaining the Neoliberal Agenda ». Dans Economics, Aid and Education, 79–96. Rotterdam : SensePublishers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6209-365-2_6.

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Langworthy, Melissa, et Rabia Naguib. « Through the Eye of the Needle : Lessons in Women’s Empowerment and Public Policy from the Arab Gulf ». Dans Gulf Studies, 147–85. Singapore : Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-6006-4_7.

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AbstractIn this chapter, we challenge the dominant perspective that views the ‘universalization’ of the international agenda on women’s empowerment as the only way for states to both promote women’s rights and be seen as a legitimate modern state. Our study provides a comparative analysis of public policies and gender data from the six Arab Gulf nations (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE) to examine the situation of women’s empowerment in the Arab Gulf region. We argue that the persistence of neoliberal capitalist frameworks and Western-defined human rights strategies has perpetuated orientalist discourses that contrast Arab cultures with Western ones. We assert that the international women’s agenda, by emphasizing neoliberal ideals, overlooks and devalues contexts where progress is not measured in individual terms, but rather requires prioritizing the family and household in women’s economic pursuits. Through this lens, we present Arab Gulf policy frameworks as important and effective strategies that prioritize the provision of care, support for work-life reconciliation, and the freedom to pursue progress for women who have different life goals beyond the neoliberal framework.
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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Agenda neoliberal"

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Scotta, Larissa. « MEUS FILHOS, MINHAS REGRAS ». Dans II SEMINÁRIO DE EDUCAÇÃO, DIVERSIDADE E DIREITOS HUMANOS. CEEINTER, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.56579/sedh.v2i1.1260.

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Este trabalho apresenta um recorte de pesquisa realizada em âmbito de doutorado e tem como objetivo problematizar a privatização familial da educação decorrente das estratégias de manutenção do projeto político neoliberal. A partir das lentes teórico-metodológicas da governamentalidade (Foucault, 2010; 2023), o trabalho discute como a governamentalidade neoliberal, em sua atual face conservadora, encontra em aparatos como o Programa Escola sem Partido e o movimento a favor da escolarização doméstica mecanismos que visam estabelecer a precedência dos valores tradicionais da família em políticas educacionais brasileiras formuladas na última década. A partir da discussão levantada, entende-se que a ascensão de uma agenda familiar nos domínios da educação está diretamente vinculada ao intento neoliberal de dissolução dos laços sociais e de primazia de uma ordem privada, homogênea e familiar em detrimento de uma ordem pública, plural e democrática.
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Orphan, Cecilia. « Resisting the Instrumentalization of Regional Comprehensive Universities and Their Students by the Neoliberal Reformist Agenda ». Dans 2019 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC : AERA, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1444996.

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Carvalho, Diogo Augusto Frota de. « O DESENVOLVIMENTO SUSTENTÁVEL COMO INSTRUMENTO DE ALIENAÇÃO AMBIENTAL : RUMO À SEXTA EXTINÇÃO EM MASSA ». Dans II Congresso Brasileiro de Ciências Biológicas On-line. Revista Multidisciplinar de Educação e Meio Ambiente, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51189/rema/1292.

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Introdução: O Desenvolvimento Sustentável, conceito surgido nos anos 1980, é uma estratégia neoliberal que pretende funcionar como uma panaceia para todos os males advindos da degradação do meio ambiente. Essa degradação é causada pela subespécie Homo sapiens sapiens, talvez a única cuja evolução biológica selecionou como um parasita extremo dos recursos naturais, principalmente pós-capitalismo industrial. Objetivos: Demonstrar que os impactos ambientais provocados pelo agente antrópico, numa escala muito maior que o planeta pode reciclar termodinamicamente, é fracamente combatido pelo Desenvolvimento Sustentável por meio de tratados, conferências, metas e legislações ineficientes e utópicas, desvinculadas da realidade política, social e econômica da maioria dos países, sendo no fundo um instrumento de alienação ambiental. Material e Métodos: Trata-se de uma revisão bibliográfica do tipo integrativa, mediante a análise de relatórios do Painel Intergovernamental sobre Mudanças Climáticas (IPCC) e outras fontes científicas relacionadas à questão ambiental, como os dezessete objetivos do Desenvolvimento Sustentável (Agenda 2030), comparando-se as metas estabelecidas com os resultados observados na realidade. Resultados: A análise dos relatórios do IPCC e das dezessete metas da Agenda 2030 demonstram que existe um ofuscamento da necessidade premente de uma verdadeira mudança copernicana global no que concerne ao equilíbrio humanidade e meio ambiente, em que a polissemia semântica é apresentada de modo resolutivo, porém contrastando com o aumento da temperatura global e intensificação do desmatamento, queimadas, extinções das espécies e poluições. Deste modo, as premissas do Desenvolvimento Sustentável suprimem a sua própria condição de aplicabilidade. Conclusão: Caso essa estratégia neoliberal, falha no seu cerne, seja adotada como a única solução para o caos ambiental atual e vindouro, as atuais e futuras gerações serão moldadas numa alienação das reais causas da fragmentação dos ecossistemas e poluição do meio ambiente. Isso inevitavelmente acelerará a sexta extinção em massa, provocando o desaparecimento, em larga escala e em curto espaço de tempo, de uma parcela significativa da biodiversidade atual, incluindo a humana.
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LIMA, HILZIANE LAYZA DE BRITO PEREIRA. « A PERSPECTIVA DE GÊNERO E RAÇA NAS POLÍTICAS PÚBLICAS NO CENÁRIO NEOLIBERAL : UMA ANÁLISE DA AGENDA GOVERNAMENTAL PIAUIENSE ». Dans CONGRESSO BRASILEIRO CIÊNCIA E SOCIEDADE. Galoa, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17648/cbcs-2019-110650.

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Hill, Robert. « Agency and Neoliberal Logics in Arts and Humanities Curriculum Change ». Dans 2019 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC : AERA, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1443610.

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Murta Gomes Rizzo, Mirella, et Caroline Gonçalves dos Santos. « REESTRUTURAÇÃO URBANA EM MACEIÓ-AL PÓS SUBSIDÊNCIA DO SOLO. O desequilíbrio na atuação dos agentes produtores do espaço ». Dans Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, Grup de Recerca en Urbanisme, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.12677.

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Considered an ongoing urban socio-environmental disaster, the case of subsidence of the soil in Maceió-Alagoas-Brazil, is treated as a reference example to analyze the process of urban restructuring after mining activities. Linked to neoliberal policies, the city has its dynamics changed and led by capital, where one of the main agents of restructuring is the same responsible for causing the problem: the company Braskem. Thus, bibliographical research, analysis of official documents and up-to-date news about crime are used to compare and contrast the actions of the space producing agents, highlighting the imbalance between them. After 4 years of identifying the entity responsible for the sinking of the soil and cracks in buildings, and 4 years since the beginning of the removals of about 57 thousand people from 5 neighborhoods of Maceió, the transformations occur unattended, without planning and without State protagonism in the negotiations. Keywords: urban restructuring, disaster, space-producing agents, neoliberalism. Considerado um desastre socioambiental urbano em curso, o caso da subsidência do solo em Maceió-Alagoas-Brasil é tratado como exemplo de referência para analisar o processo de reestruturação urbana pós atividades de mineração. Vinculada a políticas neoliberais, a cidade tem sua dinâmica alterada e conduzida pelo capital, onde um dos principais agentes de reestruturação é o mesmo responsável por causar o problema: a empresa Braskem. Assim, utiliza-se de pesquisa bibliográfica, análise de documentos oficiais e notícias de atualização sobre o crime para a comparação e contraste entre as atuações dos agentesprodutores do espaço, destacando o desequilíbrio entre eles. Após 4 anos da identificação do responsável pelo afundamento do solo e rachaduras em edificações, e 4 anos desde o início das remoções de cerca de 57 mil pessoas de 5 bairros de Maceió, as transformações ocorrem de maneira desacompanhada, semplanejamento e sem protagonismo do Estado nas negociações. Palavras-chave: reestruturação urbana, desastre, agentes produtores do espaço, neoliberalismo.
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Macey, Darren, et Lucy Rycroft-Smith. « The Keys to the Kingdom : Why We Can’t Ignore Assessment if We Care About Real Improvement in the Teaching and Learning of Statistics ». Dans Bridging the Gap : Empowering and Educating Today’s Learners in Statistics. International Association for Statistical Education, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52041/iase.icots11.t2a3.

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Recommendations from research for statistics teaching and learning at school level have evolved over the decades but have consistently advocated a set of broad principles: use of meaningful problems and/or realistic data, utilising technology tools, and the prioritisation of concepts over procedures. Despite this, the pipeline of this advice into policy and classroom practice has proven to be punctured. This paper presents a theoretical argument for how neoliberal imperatives in the education system within the social context of a school may act to restrict teacher agency to a narrow, assessment focused, decision space. We argue that this creates a tension between the aims of reformists in statistical education and the inertia of exam systems, presenting a case for future research on that basis.
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Pranjić, Kristina, Magdalena Germek et Peter Purg. « Disruptive Avant-Garde Art of Today : Shaping Post-Growth Imaginaries for Symbiotic Futures ». Dans 28th International Symposium on Electronic Art. Paris : Ecole des arts decoratifs - PSL, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.69564/isea2023-23-short-pranjic-et-al-disruptive-avant-garde-art.

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SHORT PAPER. In order to develop new symbiotic relationships and different imaginaries, it is first necessary to critically restructure the representations of forms of cooperation, which in their positive, desired version usually represent a certain romantic idea of nature and human, and the possibilities for a harmonious model and holistic structure of reality. This can be seen in both eco art and activist ecological agendas, which often play on feelings of harmony and mutual reciprocity, and actually further contribute to a distorted and extremely one-dimensional image of reality. Using the concepts of conviviality and cosmpolitics, the article aims to offer new concepts of symbiosis and symbiotic futures that face today's process of defuturing. The second point of the article is to develop a convincing and solid alternative to the neoliberal view of market-driven models based on competencies and the logic of growth. Therefore, the actual task for disruptive avant-garde art of today should be understood as the decolonization of our imaginaries that perceive nature through the logic of growth and the harmonious model in the direction of shaping post-growth imaginaries for symbiotic futures.
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Campos, Ana Laís Lúcia, Vânia Maria dos Santos et Merilin Baldan. « DAS TENSÕES EPISTEMOLÓGICAS E POLÍTICAS DO RACISMO E DO EPISTEMICÍDIO ». Dans II SEMINÁRIO DE EDUCAÇÃO, DIVERSIDADE E DIREITOS HUMANOS. CEEINTER, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.56579/sedh.v2i1.1245.

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A presente investigação social está vinculada ao contexto do Programa Institucional de Bolsas de Iniciação Científica para o Ensino Médio, desenvolvida entre a Universidade Federal de Rondonópolis e a Estadual Professora Amélia de Oliveira Silva. A pesquisa de natureza qualitativa, do tipo teórico-bibliográfica e empírica com o material didático. Os objetivos da pesquisa é o de compreender as implicações do epistemicídio na formação humana a partir da sua incidência no currículo e no material estruturado de história e de geografia adotado pela Secretaria Estadual de Educação de Mato Grosso (SEDUC-MT). Com base nas premissas das Leis 10.639/2003 e 11.645/2008, os resultados da pesquisa refletem a persistência do fenômeno do epistemicídio histórico que continua a apagar, invalidar e marginalizar os corpos negros e indígenas dos espaços de produção de saberes. Os resultados da pesquisa ainda ressaltam as problemáticas que permeiam as agendas neoliberais na educação pública, isso porque, os materiais de ensino apostilados produzidos pela empresa privada Fundação Getúlio Vargas (FGV) têm corroborado para uma construção de conhecimento dominante e hegemônica, distanciando das salas de aulas mato-grossenses os aspectos de uma formação humana democrática e inclusiva.
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Shamanna, Jayashree, et Gabriel Fuentes. « Preserving What ? Design Strategies for a Post-Revolutionary Cuba ». Dans 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.30.

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The Cuban Revolution’s neglect of Havana (as part of a broader socialist project) simultaneously ruined and preserved its architectural and urban fabric. On one hand, Havana is crumbling, its fifty-plus year lack of maintenance inscribed on its cracked, decayed surfaces and the voids where buildings once stood; on the other, its formal urban fabric—its scale, dimensions, proportions, contrasts, continuities, solid/void relationships, rhythms, public spaces, and landscapes—remain intact. A free-market Cuba, while inevitable, leaves the city vulnerable to unsustainable urban development. And while many anticipate preservation, restoration, and urban development—particularly of Havana’s historic core (La Habana Vieja)—”business as usual” preservation practices resist rampant (read: neoliberal) development primarily through narrow strategies of exclusion (where, what, how, and why not to build), museumizing Havana as “a city frozen in time.”Seeking a third option at the intersection of this socialist/capitalist divide, this paper describes 4 student projects from THE CUBA STUDIO, a collaborative Integrative Urban Studio at Marywood University’s School of Architecture. Over the course of 16 weeks, students in THE CUBA STUDIO speculated urban futures for a post-revolutionary Havana–strategizing ways of preserving Havana’s architectural and urban fabric in the face of an emerging political and economic shift that is opening, albeit gradually, Cuba to global market forces. And rather than submitting to these forces, the work critically engages them toward socio-cultural ends. Some driving questions were: What kind of spatial politics do we deploy while retrofitting Havana? How will the social, political, and economic changes of an “open” Cuba affect Havana’s urban fabric? What role does preservation play? For that matter, what does preservation really mean and by what criteria are sites included in the preservation frame? What relationships are there (or could there be) between preservation, tourism, infrastructure, education, housing, and public space? In the process, students established systematic research agendas to reveal opportunities for integrated“soft” and “hard” interventions (i.e. siting and programing), constructing ecologies across a range of disciplinary territories including (but not limited to): architecture, urban design, historic preservation/ restoration, art, landscape urbanism, infrastructure,science + technology, economics, sustainability, urban policy, sociology, and cultural/political theory. An explicit goal of the studio was to expand and leverage“preservation” (as an idea, a discipline, and a practice) toward flexible and inclusive design strategies that frame precise architectural interventions at a range of temporal and geographic scales.
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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Agenda neoliberal"

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García-Mayoral, Álvaro. Agotamiento del modelo neoliberal en Ecuador : la caída de Guillermo Lasso. Fundación Carolina, juin 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/ac_10.2023.

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Desde el año 2017 se ha llevado a cabo un proceso de aplicación de una agenda marcadamente neoliberal en Ecuador. Las necesidades de reducción del déficit fiscal y la deuda pública llevaron al gobierno de Lenín Moreno a aplicar medidas de ajuste y a aceptar las condiciones impuestas por financiadores como el FMI. Estas políticas llevaron a la ciudadanía ecuatoriana a una situación de vulnerabilidad extrema agravada por fenómenos como la pandemia de COVID-19 o la guerra en Ucrania. En ese marco, el gobierno liberal conservador de Guillermo Lasso tampoco ha sido capaz de hacer frente a los desafíos económicos y políticos del país y, decretando la “muerte cruzada”, convocó a la sociedad ecuatoriana a unas elecciones que pueden dar por concluido este ciclo neoliberal en Ecuador.
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2

Barradas, Ricardo. Why are (financialised) workers becoming more resigned and conformist and less claimants ? Empirical evidence for Portugal. DINÂMIA'CET-Iscte, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2023.03.

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The deregulation and flexibilisation of labour relations has been on the active neoliberal agenda of policymakers all over the world, including in Portugal. Against this backdrop, labour conditions have been worsening since the 1970s and 1980s, and workers have progressively lost some labour rights, which is noticeable in stagnant (or falling) wages, the rise of personal income inequalities, the proliferation of atypical work, the increase of precariousness, the surge of emotional abuses in the workplace, the deterioration of work–life balance and the spread of informal work. Nonetheless, workers have evidenced higher resignation and conformism and lesser claimant behaviour in order to demand higher wages and better labour conditions, which is visible in the strong reduction in strike activity in the last four decades. Our argument asserts that workers’ financialisation and indebtedness levels restrain their demands for higher wages and better labour conditions due to the fear of decreasing their income and losing their jobs and the consequent risks of default. This paper aims to assess the relationship between workers’ financialisation and indebtedness levels and their strike activity by performing a time-series econometric analysis focused on Portugal during the period of 1979 to 2021. We conclude that workers’ financialisation and indebtedness levels have a negative effect on strike activity in Portugal, both in the short term and in the long term, especially on strike volume and strike duration. We also conclude that workers’ financialisation and indebtedness levels have been one of the main drivers behind the decline of strike activity in Portugal in the last four decades.
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Kulfas, Matías. Proyectos económicos y gestión de la política económica y productiva : experiencias recientes de gobiernos progresistas en América Latina. Fundación Carolina, novembre 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/ac_15.2023.

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Este artículo analiza los enfoques y rasgos centrales de política económica y productiva de seis gobiernos progresistas en América Latina: Argentina, Brasil, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia y México. El análisis atraviesa seis grandes ejes: la gestión macroeconómica, el posicionamiento en el escenario internacional, la articulación entre Estado y mercado, la gestión de los recursos naturales, la ampliación de la matriz productiva y las nuevas agendas de ambiente, género e igualdad. El estudio muestra que, si bien existen algunos puntos en común, también es posible hallar divergencias importantes, dificultades técnicas y políticas para avanzar en las agendas de reformas y logros parciales en las agendas productivas. De manera llamativa, las fuerzas que se autoperciben progresistas han tenido dificultades para estructurar un abordaje neodesarrollista, acorde con los desafíos del siglo XXI, con una prudente distancia tanto de los enfoques neoliberales como de los sesgos estatistas, persistiendo formas híbridas con resultados ambiguos y limitaciones.
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