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1
RITCHIE, DANIEL. « Transatlantic Delusions and Pro-slavery Religion : Isaac Nelson's Evangelical Abolitionist Critique of Revivalism in America and Ulster ». Journal of American Studies 48, no 3 (14 février 2014) : 757–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875814000036.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article considers the arguments of one evangelical anti-slavery advocate in order to freshly examine the relationship between abolitionism and religious revivalism. Although it has often been thought that evangelicals were wholly supportive of revivals, the Reverend Isaac Nelson rejected the 1857–58 revival in the United States and the 1859 revival in Ulster partly owing to the link between these movements and pro-slavery religion. Nelson was no insignificant figure in Irish abolitionism, as his earlier efforts to promote emancipation through the Belfast Anti-Slavery Society, and in opposition to compromise in the Free Church of Scotland and at the Evangelical Alliance, received the approbation of various high-profile American abolitionists. Unlike other opponents of revivals, Nelson was not attacking them from a perspective which was heterodox or anti-evangelical. Hence his critique of revivalism is highly significant from both an evangelical and an abolitionist point of view. The article surveys Nelson's assessment of the link between revivalism and pro-slavery religion in America, before considering his specific complaints against the revival which occurred in 1857–58 and its Ulster counterpart the following year.
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Ayuningtyas, Novia Sekar, et Mohamad Ikhwan Rosyidi. « The Dilemma of Being American as a Consequence of Ethnic Segregation in Toni Morrison's Beloved ». Rainbow : Journal of Literature, Linguistics and Cultural Studies 8, no 2 (30 novembre 2019) : 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/rainbow.v8i2.33918.
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Slavery was a central institution in American society and was accepted as normal and applauded as a positive thing by many white Americans. America was full of Negro slaves when there were many injustice actions done by white people to black people. Beloved is a novel written by Toni Morrison in 1987, explores the hardships endured by a former slave woman and her family during the slavery and the Reconstructions eras. This study aims to explain the dilemma experienced by the main character of being American and its correlation between the main character’s dilemma and ethnic segregation by the White Americans against the Afro-Americans as portrayed in Beloved novel. The method used in this study is a qualitative study analyzed by deconstruction theory of Paul de Man. Meanwhile, the method of data analysis is based on the dilemma experienced by African-American people in the novel and its correlation between the dilemma and ethnic segregation. Morrison’s novel shows that the dilemma experienced by the main character in the novel is divided into the episodes of control, gender role, and humanity service. The correlation between the dilemma and ethnic segregation is portrayed through the struggle of Afro-American people fight against the domination of White Americans. In conclusion, ethnic segregation in America creates dilemma for Afro-American or black people and it should be removed to vanish any differentiation and live in harmony.
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Ren, Ryan. « Racial Discrimination in Uncle Tom's Cabin and the "Black Lives Matter" Movement ». Pacific International Journal 6, no 3 (28 septembre 2023) : 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.55014/pij.v6i3.384.
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Uncle Tom's Cabin and the "Black Lives Matter" movement are two different themes, but both are related to racial discrimination. For the novel, it depicts the story of a slave named Tom, and describes the pain and inequality brought about by the slavery through the experience of Tom and other characters. This novel caused great repercussions around the American Civil War, helped to promote the struggle against the slavery, and became one of the classics of world literature. While the "Black Lives Matter" movement advocates for equality, justice, and the elimination of violence and discrimination against the black people. The focus of this movement is to protest against violent or arbitrary actions against African Americans, such as illegal arrests, excessive use of force, or intentional killings. Although these two themes emerged in different historical and cultural periods, they share a common goal of opposing racial discrimination and pursuing equality and justice. Moreover, in the current era, the "Black Lives Matter" movement is more diverse and inclusive compared to past movements. By publishing anti-racial discrimination information on media and social media, and organizing, more people are involved in the fight against discrimination. They are all aimed at opposing and eliminating racial discrimination, and promoting the construction of a more equal, diverse, and just society. Due to different historical backgrounds and cultural characteristics, there are certainly differences in practice and ideology. This article explores the connection between the "Black Lives Matter" movement and Uncle Tom's Cabin, which both reflect the long-standing issues of racial discrimination and social injustice in American society. As a chronic disease of American society, although racial discrimination and social inequality are difficult to solve, it is necessary for us to conduct some detailed analysis on them. The connection between the novel and the movement indicates that the ongoing struggle for equality and justice is meaningful, that is, the liberation of black people can only be achieved through their own struggles.
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Southard, Bjørn F. Stillion. « Polyvocality and the Personae of Blackness in Early Nineteenth-Century Slavery Discourse : The Counter Memorial against African Colonization, 1816 ». Rhetoric and Public Affairs 15, no 2 (1 juin 2012) : 235–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41940572.
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Abstract The American Colonization Society emerged at a time when some Americans believed that a "moderate" solution to the problem of slavery could be achieved by removing free blacks to Africa. Upon announcing its formation in 1816, the society received a public rejoinder: the Counter Memorial against African Colonization. This essay explores multiple interpretations of the Counter Memorial to demonstrate the instability of colonizationists moderate rhetorical position. More specifically, this essay argues that the Counter Memorial suspends colonization within the uneasy and unresolved tensions manifested by competing depictions of blackness, or black personae, in American public discourse at the time.
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Khalil, Zeenat, et Mursalin Jahan. « Slavery and Racism : Portrayal of Huck as a White Slave in Mark Twain’s Novel T he Adventures of Huckleberry Finn ». ECS Transactions 107, no 1 (24 avril 2022) : 5317–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1149/10701.5317ecst.
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Slavery and racism are complicated, contentious issues that have been intimately interwoven elements of American society. Slaves have suffered a wide range of wounds and afflictions at the hands of others, including members of their own community and family. Slavery and racism in Mark Twain’s The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn is a fundamental concern for Huck, a white boy of thirteen who observes the pinnacle of injustice and cruelty, which is ethically repugnant and blatantly anti-human. In the novel, Huck Finn’s struggle with his inner conscience due to the heinous practice of slavery, the harsh realities of white culture, and their cold-hearted attitude have horrible implications on his heart and mind. This research emphasizes the necessity for deliberate moral reflection on how a white person’s honesty and kindness became a justification for his enslavement among the white community and also how he fights against the atrocities of the whites.
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Levine, Robert S. « Frederick Douglass, War, Haiti ». PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no 5 (octobre 2009) : 1864–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.5.1864.
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At the outset of his public career, when he was aligned with William Lloyd Garrison's American Anti-Slavery Society, Frederick Douglass followed Garrison's lead in preaching the efficacy of moral suasion in the fight against slavery. Douglass elaborated his Garrisonian position in “My Opposition to War,” an address delivered to the London Peace Society in May 1846, one year after Garrison published Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass. A self-proclaimed “advocate of peace,” Douglass declares unequivocally that “such is my deep, firm, conviction that nothing can be attained for liberty universally by war, that were I to be asked the question as to whether I would have my emancipation by the shedding of one single drop of blood, my answer would be in the negative” (Frederick Douglass Papers [FDP] 1: 262). Offering an example of what he terms “the demoniacal spirit of war,” Douglass reports on how a New York iron worker and several women and children were killed by a bomb recently discovered from the British bombardment during the Revolutionary War. Then and now, he says, the loss of innocent life was a daily occurrence of “the demon, war” (263).
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Cong, Jianwen. « Analysis on the Reasons for the Failure of Revolutions : A Comparison Between the American Revolutionary War and the American Civil War ». Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 23, no 1 (20 novembre 2023) : 88–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/23/20230387.
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The American Revolutionary War aimed for political equality, resulting in the independence of the United States and the retention of the social order. The law established after the movement preserved slavery without making a direct claim. In contrast, the target of the American Civil War was to abolish slavery. It gained legal success but failed to change American society. Treating citizens differently according to their skin colour was banned, however, racial segregation remained in the country. In this paper, the causes of the failure of the two revolutions mentioned above are discussed, focusing on their influences on laws and communities. The principles, aims, and results of the events are compared and contrasted, so as to discover the reasons why revolutions are not able to shape society according to their purposes. Conclusions can be drawn that revolutions do not succeed mainly due to two reasons: either because the laws that line up with the principles of the revolutions are not established as the revolutions themselves do not aim for the principles or because the principles are not carried out in society even if related laws are established, for the domestic force against them is too strong.
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Parry, Tyler D., et Charlton W. Yingling. « Slave Hounds and Abolition in the Americas* ». Past & ; Present 246, no 1 (1 février 2020) : 69–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz020.
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Abstract The lash and shackles remain two primary symbols of material degradation fixed in the historical memory of slavery in the Americas. Yet as recounted by states, abolitionists, travellers, and most importantly slaves themselves, perhaps the most terrifying and effective tool for disciplining black bodies and dominating their space was the dog. This article draws upon archival research and the published materials of former slaves, novelists, slave owners, abolitionists, Atlantic travelers, and police reports to link the systems of slave hunting in Cuba, Jamaica, Haiti, and the US South throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Slave hounds were skillfully honed biopower predicated upon scenting, hearing, sighting, outrunning, outlasting, signaling, attacking, and sometimes terminating, black runaways. These animals permeated slave societies throughout the Americas and bolstered European ambitions for colonial expansion, indigenous extirpation, economic extraction, and social domination in slave societies. as dogs were bred to track and hunt enslaved runaways, slave communities utilized resources from the natural environment to obfuscate the animal's heightened senses, which produced successful escapes on multiple occasions. This insistence of slaves' humanity, and the intensity of dog attacks against black resistance in the Caribbean and US South, both served as proof of slavery's inhumanity to abolitionists. Examining racialized canine attacks also contextualizes representations of anti-blackness and interspecies ideas of race. An Atlantic network of breeding, training and sales facilitated the use of slave hounds in each major American slave society to subdue human property, actualize legal categories of subjugation, and build efficient economic and state regimes. This integral process is often overlooked in histories of slavery, the African Diaspora, and colonialism. By violently enforcing slavery’s regimes of racism and profit, exposing the humanity of the enslaved and depravity of enslavers, and enraging transnational abolitionists, hounds were central to the rise and fall of slavery in the Americas.
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Hassoon, Salam Fadhil, et Naeem Abed Joudah. « The American role in the Anti-Soviet Afghan War (1977- 1980) ». Humanities & ; Social Sciences Reviews 9, no 5 (8 septembre 2021) : 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.954.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Purpose of the study: This study aims to discuss the American role in the anti-Soviet Afghan war and disclose the reasons for the Soviet worry about the growth of the fundamentalist terrorist groups inside Afghanistan.
Methodology: This is library-based research work.
Results: The article has come up with some main points on that severe war. One of these was that the American President Jimmy Carter's Doctrine in 1980. Carter's Doctrine could be considered a sort of policy that allows the use of military force in case American interests are exposed to Soviet threats. As a result, the American administration promised to militarily support the Afghan fighters against the Soviet control in Afghanistan. But, at the same time, the Americans failed to realize the ethnic, ideological, social, lingual, and theological structure of the Afghan society.
Application: This study could have many applications in the faculties of politics and the contemporary altogether to teach the ways of public and secret or hidden political relationships between the secular states or so-called superpowers that employed the extremist groups to overwhelm the stable states that do not subdue to the western domination.
Novelty: This study explores the incorrect claim of the superpowers in general and of the United States of America in particular of the theory of separation religion and the state, which is often used in the double standard.
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Balmer, Randall. « “An End to Unjust Inequality in the World” ». Church History and Religious Culture 94, no 4 (2014) : 505–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09404002.
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Since the emergence of the Religious Right in the late 1970s, American evangelicalism has commonly been associated with conservative politics. An examination of nineteenth-century evangelicalism, however, suggests a different affinity. Antebellum evangelicals marched in the vanguard of social change with an agenda that almost invariably advocated for those on the margins of society, including women and African Americans. Evangelicals were involved in peace crusades and the temperance movement, a response to social ills associated with rampant alcohol consumption in the early republic. They advocated equal rights for women, including voting rights. Evangelicals in the North crusaded against slavery. Although Horace Mann, a Unitarian from Massachusetts, is the person most often associated with the rise of common schools, Protestants of a more evangelical stripe were early advocates of public education, including leaders in Ohio, Michigan, and Kentucky. Some evangelicals, including Charles Grandison Finney, even excoriated capitalism as inconsistent with Christian principles.
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Garrett-Scott, Shennette. « Domesticating Racial Capitalism : Freedwomen in U.S. Industrial Sewing Schools, 1862–1872—An Opening Foray ». International Labor and Working-Class History 101 (2022) : 10–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547922000096.
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By early 1863, Harriet Jacobs had long mastered reading people. Even before she could extend a hand to the stone-faced Julia Wilbur, she caught a flash of resentment in Wilbur's eyes. Jacobs decided against a handshake. “Miss Wilbur, I am Harriet Jacobs. Do you remember me?” she asked. Wilbur did remember Jacobs. In fact, Wilbur had not taken her eyes off of the immaculately but modestly dressed African American woman from the moment Jacobs stepped into the converted barracks that now served as a school for freedwomen and girls. Wilbur first met Jacobs in 1849 in Rochester, New York, when Wilbur was a teacher and the secretary of the Rochester Ladies’ Anti-Slavery Society. Then, Jacobs was a self-emancipated, former slave operating an antislavery reading room in the city. Yet, on this unseasonably warm evening of January 14, 1863, in a converted barracks in the District of Columbia, the wheels of fortune had indeed turned. Wilbur made no effort to hide her anger as Jacobs explained that the New York Friends had decided to make Jacobs head matron of the freedwomen's school—the school Wilbur had opened and run almost single-handedly for three months.
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Chai, Haochen. « The Story of Inequality : Xenophobia and Racial Discrimination Against Asian Americans During the COVID-19 Pandemic ». International Journal of Education and Humanities 14, no 3 (16 juin 2024) : 196–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/bbtvk410.
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The COVID-19 pandemic is a catastrophic global human rights crisis, and it has aggravated the racism experienced by racial minorities around the world. This article explores the serious discrimination against Asian Americans within the US society during the pandemic from the political and historical perspectives. It finds that the inappropriate practices of conservative politicians, led by Donald Trump, to link the virus to Asian groups have triggered the deep-rooted anti-Asian discrimination among the American public in the US history, which has adversely affected the well-being of Asian Americans during the COVID-19.
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Kogan, Victor M. « In Defense of the Classics, Against New Racism ». Athens Journal of Social Sciences 9, no 4 (30 septembre 2022) : 347–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajss.9-4-4.
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The wave of the struggle against “white privilege” and “systemic racism” did not pass the field of classics, the study of Ancient Greece and Rome. Critical Race Theory, broadly recognized in American colleges and universities, presents reality in two colors only. It overshadows and even substitutes any merit by the color – white is wrong, non-white is good. This approach is quite convenient for replacing professional knowledge with the loud noise of mind “decolonization,” disorients presumed beneficiaries and turns out to be new racism, in this case, aimed as discrimination against whites. The spark of its prominence in classics and humanities was given by Dan-el Padilla Peralta, who is a black, undocumented immigrant from the Dominican Republic. He has been supported by white people against the US immigration law all the way up to Princeton, Oxford, and Stanford, some of the best educational institutions, to master Greek and Latin and, finally, teach Classics at Princeton. At the pinnacle of that, he speaks against the historical foundation of this society, what he has understood to be a white man-dominated slaves-holding structure fraught with systemic racism. Positive Discrimination or Affirmative Action programs exist in the USA, India, Malaysia, Nigeria, and other countries as a broadly recognized way to correct historical injustice. Winners, who, in most visible cases, happen to be white, try to pay dues to the retrospective non-white victims of oppression. It is possible to apply Affirmative Action to history classes through acceptance and grading, but not to History itself. Slavery and the dominance of men, which nullify the value of classics in the eyes of fighters against “white supremacy,” were everywhere, while Democracy was in Athens and Rome only. So, to promote truth and our dignity, Classics must stay. Keywords: antiquity, classics, colorism, discrimination, immigration, merit, prejudice, racism, slavery, western civilization
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Reyna, Christine, Mark Brandt et G. Tendayi Viki. « Blame It on Hip-Hop : Anti-Rap Attitudes as a Proxy for Prejudice ». Group Processes & ; Intergroup Relations 12, no 3 (17 avril 2009) : 361–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430209102848.
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This research investigated the stereotypes associated with rap music and hip-hop culture, and how those stereotypes may influence anti-Black attitudes and justifications for discrimination. In three studies—using a representative sample from America, as well as samples from two different countries—we found that negative stereotypes about rap are pervasive and have powerful consequences. In all three samples, negative attitudes toward rap were associated with various measures of negative stereotypes of Blacks that blamed Blacks for their economic plights (via stereotypes of laziness). Anti-rap attitudes were also associated with discrimination against Blacks, through both personal and political behaviors. In both American samples, the link between anti-rap attitudes and discrimination was partially or fully mediated by stereotypes that convey Blacks' responsibility. This legitimizing pattern was not found in the UK sample, suggesting that anti-rap attitudes are used to reinforce beliefs that Blacks do not deserve social benefits in American society, but may not be used as legitimizing beliefs in other cultures.
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Vandermeade, Samantha L. « The (White) Child and the Dustin Inman Society : American Ethnonationalism, Masculine Protectionism, and Racialized Citizenship ». Feminist Formations 36, no 1 (mars 2024) : 83–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ff.2024.a928331.
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Abstract: Utilizing feminist discursive analysis, this article examines the public rhetoric and activism of the anti-immigrant group, the Dustin Inman Society (DIS), in order to analyze how and to what ends the DIS mobilizes the memory of a dead, White child in service of anti-immigrant animus. The article demonstrates that by positioning the rhetorical figure of the Child as an oracle of the national future, the DIS frames its anti-immigrant activism as nothing less than a struggle for the survival of the next generation of (White) Americans, of a sacred American-qua-White culture, and of the nation itself. This rhetorical, ideological, and affective framing of the White Child justifies and legitimizes a particular kind of ethnonationalist male protectionism against both the ‘illegal invasion’ of Latina/o immigrants and a feminized federal government. The DIS’s racist and gendered rhetoric simultaneously contributes to rising swells of White ethnonationalism and travels along preexisting channels of racism and White (masculine) supremacy that are carved deep into US society. This analysis reveals much about the complex interrelationships between White masculinity and ethnonationalism, xenophobia, and nativism, and about how these rhetorical framings aid in the (re)definition of American citizenship as racialized, able-bodied, genealogical, and above all, White.
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Koca-Helvacı, Zeynep Cihan. « Boon or Bane ? Discursive Construction of the Shale Gas Controversy ». Dialogue & ; Discourse 8, no 2 (17 novembre 2017) : 129–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5087/dad.2017.206.
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This study explores strategies in pro and anti-shale organizations’ discourse by combining the Discourse-Historical Approach (Wodak, 2001) with corpus linguistics. With the help of keyword lists, collocations, concordances, and key semantic domains, the representations of shale gas extraction, relevant actors and argumentation schemes in opposing discourses of the pro-shale Marcellus Shale Coalition and anti-shale Americans Against Fracking were analyzed. The findings of the study show that the advocates presented shale gas as a bonus for the crisis-struck American society while backgrounding its environmental impacts. The opponents, on the other hand, represented shale gas as a threat to the American ecosystem and public health through an alarming and scientific discourse. The empirical findings of this study add to a growing body of literature on discursive strategies employed by opposing camps of environmental controversies.
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Chauhan, Parul. « Black women’s quest for identity : A critical Study of Lorraine Hansberry’s play A Raisin in the Sun ». International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 8, no 1 (2023) : 189–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.81.22.
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Tracing the history of black feminism, it becomes evident that the social construction of racism, sexism and classism was the driving force behind the widespread violence and discrimination against black women. They are found searching and struggling to attain their identity in this patriarchal world. Black feminist thought leads to certain ideas that clarify a standpoint of and for black women. Black feminist perspectives focus on the social domination on the basis of gender, race and class oppression. These oppressions are densely interwoven into social structures and work collectively to define the history of the lives of Black women in America and other coloured women worldwide. It takes us back to the era of United States slavery during which period, a societal hierarchy was established, according to which White men were supposed to be at the top, White women next, followed by Black men and finally, at the bottom were placed Black women. Black feminists were critical of the view that suggests that black women must identify as either black or women. The present paper looks at Lorraine Hansberry’s play A Raisin in the Sun from a black feminist viewpoint. It discusses position of a woman in male dominated society and her struggle for identity. It unfolds the saga of suffering and silencing of a black woman, which pervades the black women writings. It is depicted that black women have to face the unique challenging task of fighting for black liberation and gender equality simultaneously. The play effectively unthreads the history of African American women’s lives and their quest for identity in African American society. Issues of masculinity and femininity are deeply woven in this play. Women in this play present a microcosm of society; they are treated as second class citizens in society. Hansberry has depicted through her play the superiority that men pose over women. The glimpse of patriarchal dominance is visible throughout the play through different male characters. It further focuses on the value of the individual women’s identity and women’s right and freedom to construct their own separate identities rather than having them imposed against their wishes. It delineates how African American Women try to speak out against oppression and create a sense of individual identity in the face of silence and absence.
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Kuss, Natalie. « Family and Feminism in Ursala K. Le Guin's The Dispossessed ». Digital Literature Review 6 (15 janvier 2019) : 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/dlr.6.0.63-72.
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The current American familial structure consists of a mother who serves as the housewife anda father who serves as the breadwinner. Although American society is breaking away fromthis norm, the nuclear family structure is still idealized, causing women to struggle against thepatriarchal confnes of this structure as they choose to remain single, enter the workforce, andrefuse to reproduce. Ursula K. Le Guin’s The Dispossessed utilizes the utopia genre to explore afctional planet, Anarres, that values collectivism over individualism in an attempt to become trulyegalitarian. This essay analyzes the egalitarian structure of Anarres through the experiences ofthe main character, Shevek, and uses it to examine the anti-feminist issues of the current familialstructure of America.
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Sun, Yitong, Jiayu Shen, Jiajia Guo, Shuohan Jing et Xinye Yang. « Changes in the Treatment of Chinese Americans ». Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 8, no 1 (14 septembre 2023) : 410–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/8/20230249.
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The COVID-19 epidemic is spreading worldwide, especially in the United States. Since the large-scale outbreak of the epidemic in the United States in March 2020, Asian Americans have also faced the secondary threat of "racism" and "Asian hatred" due to the COVID-19 virus. They have become the targets of persistent harassment and attacks by diehard Asian haters. Discriminatory words and deeds against Asian Americans have also spread in American society like the covid-19 virus and become an event sweeping across the United States. The rising anti-Asian incidents in the United States not only focused the attention of American society, but also attracted the worlds attention. At the same time, it is not difficult to recall the anti-Asian situation in the United States at the end of the 19th century. The Opium War broke out in China in 1840. Therefore, many Chinese citizens chose to make a living in the more developed United States. At first, Asian workers were welcomed by industrialists because of their low wages and hard-working characteristics. They were regarded as "exceptional cultures from a distant land". However, with the increasing number of Asian Americans during the gold rush, American citizens and officials gradually changed their attitudes towards Asian Americans. Finally, in 1882, the Chinese Exclusion Act was established to restrict Asians from entering their territory. This article will analyze the changes in Americans' attitudes towards Asian Americans at the end of the 19th century to explore the reasons behind them, and take this opportunity to hopefully shed some light on how we should face racism today during the pandemic.
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LAIDLAW, ZOË. « “Justice to India – Prosperity to England – Freedom to the Slave!” Humanitarian and Moral Reform Campaigns on India, Aborigines and American Slavery ». Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & ; Ireland 22, no 2 (avril 2012) : 299–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186312000247.
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AbstractThis article considers British agitation against East India Company rule in India via an examination of the Aborigines Protection Society and the British India Society. Founded by humanitarians and moral reformers in the 1830s, these organisations placed India within a wide transnational context, which stretched from Britain's settler and plantation colonies to Liberia and the United States. However, in the wake of slave emancipation, British campaigners struggled to reconcile their universal understanding of humanity with their equally strong confidence in the benefits of ‘British civilisation’. Their nebulous and changeable programmes for reform failed to convince Britain's politicians and public that the challenges of free trade could be met by the exclusive use of free labour, or that all imperial subjects possessed equal rights. A fuller appreciation of these campaigns reveals the contradictions and occlusions inherent in mid-nineteenth century humanitarianism, and underscores the importance of a more geographically integrated approach to the history of opposition to Britain's empire.
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Raut, Dattatraya G., Sandeep B. Patil, Vikas D. Kadu, Mahesh G. Hublikar et Raghunath B. Bhosale. « Synthesis of Asymmetric 1-Thiocarbamoyl Pyrazoles as Potent Anti- Colon Cancer, Antioxidant and Anti-Inflammatory Agent ». Anti-Cancer Agents in Medicinal Chemistry 18, no 15 (28 février 2019) : 2117–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1871520618666181112122528.
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Background: Cancer is one of the leading diseases responsible for deaths in the society. According to the American cancer society, there will be 95,270 new cases of colon cancer in the U.S. in 2016. When a normal cell turns cancerous they develop into tumours, which produce various pro-inflammatory and inflammatory cytokines and chemokines that attract leukocytes to the site of growth. The main aim of this paper is to introduce readers about the increased number of cancer patient, effects of cancer and need of research on same. Methods: The target molecules were prepared by reacting pyrazolealdehyde with appropriate aromatic ketone by using polyethylene glycol (PEG-300) as green solvent and catalyst to yield chalcone. Furthermore, the reaction of chalcones with thiosemicabazide yields asymmetric 1-thiocarbamoyl pyrazoles. All the newly synthesized compounds were in vitro screened for their anticancer activities against Colon SW-620 by employing the sulforhodamine B (SRB) assay method. Also all the synthesized compounds tested for in vitro antioxidant and anti-inflammatory activity by using known literature methods. Results: Preliminary in vitro evaluation indicated that most of the compounds 4c, 4d and 4e possess distinct cytotoxicity profile against Colon SW-620 cell line compared to standard drug adriamycin. All the tested compounds showed good to excellent antioxidant activity against one or more reactive (H2O2, DPPH, SOR and NO) radical scavenging species. Additionally, all the synthesized compounds were screened for their in vitro antiinflammatory activity. Compounds 4a, 4b and 4e shows potent anti-inflammatory activity as compared to diclofenac sodium as a standard reference. Conclusion: New anti- Colon SW-620 cancer agents are the need of time, we trust that 1-thiocarbamoyl pyrazole derivatives 4c, 4d and 4e constitute an interesting template for the evaluation of new anticancer agent also antioxidant and anti-inflammatory work may provide an interesting insight for further development.
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Nemirova, Natalia. « Russian-American relations in the public opinion of Russia and the USA ». Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 14, no 4 (2022) : 409–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.403.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to the study of Russian-American relations through the prism of public opinion of both countries. Foreign political views of citizens are an important element of international politics in the modern information society; they directly affect the development of international relations, providing an opportunity to legitimize and moralize foreign policy decisions of world leaders. Based on open secondary data from opinion polls, the article traces the history of the development of Russian-American relations in the post-Soviet period. The author proves that the formation of anti-Americanism ideas underlying the current reversion of consciousness to the Cold War era was formed by the early 2000s. The personality of President Vladimir Putin and his foreign policy strategy have become decisive for Russian-American relations, but at the same time, negative identification in the system of images of “friends and enemies” of Russians and Americans is realized by value-based foreign policy ideas, rather than by opportunistic situational value judgments. The media produces the existing crisis agenda, influencing the emotional, rather than meaningful response in citizens’ opinions. The events of 2014 triggered the current long-term crisis in Russian-American relations, a characteristic feature of which was the disparity (asymmetry) of mutual perceptions, which intensified after 2018. This period is also characterized by an increase in the ambivalence and turbulence of public opinion, primitivizing its model to the expression of the bloc consciousness “for — against”, “friend — enemy”. For Russians, their stance on the Ukrainian question alongside sanctions remain the key indicators in the perception of America. For Americans, such indicators are the strengthening of totalitarianism in Russia and interference in American elections. There are no short- and medium-term prospects for improving Russian-American relations in the current period.
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Ilyichev, Anton Vladimirovich. « The Crimean War and the Eastern Question in the view of Catholic Americans in the middle of the XIX century (based on the materials of the Boston Pilot) ». Конфликтология / nota bene, no 3 (mars 2023) : 54–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2023.3.40585.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the publications of the Boston Pilot for the period from 1849 to 1856, devoted to the Eastern question and the Crimean War. The purpose of the study is to analyze the views of Catholic Americans on the events of the mid-19th century, as a result of America's information policy to counter British expansionism in the 19th century. The subject of the study are the issues of the Boston Pilot magazine, which feature articles on the Eastern question and the Crimean War. The lower chronological frame is due to the fact that the events of 1849 ("Spring of the Peoples") served as a prologue to the crisis in the East. The object of the study is the information policy of America, aimed at forming a narrative about the Eastern question and the Crimean War among the American Catholic population, following the American foreign policy course of the XIX century. According to the results of the study, it was revealed that the newspaper's publications can be divided into two periods according to their tonality. The first one, from 1849 to 1853, follows the pan-European discourse and contains statements and provisions with an anti-Russian orientation. The subsequent escalation of the conflict with the inclusion of Great Britain and France in the conflict leads to a transformation of the views of the authors of the Boston Pilot on the events taking place. The publication begins to position the conflict as a tool to weaken the British Empire, urging readers to refrain from direct participation. In this interpretation, Russia appears as a lesser evil necessary for the fight against Britain. The attitude of the Catholic population of the United States to the events of the middle should be positioned as anti-British. The assessment of sentiments as pro-Russian is erroneous and creates a misconception not only about American society of the period under review, but also about US foreign policy in the XIX century.
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Newman, Robert. « American Intransigence : The Rejection Of Continental Drift In The Great Debates Of The 1920'S ». Earth Sciences History 14, no 1 (1 janvier 1995) : 62–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.14.1.8664862716123568.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Historians of the early debate on the Wegenerian continental drift hypothesis all point to the 1926 symposium of the American Association of Petroleum Geologists as instrumental in turning American geologists against Alfred Wegener. Many of them believe that the anti-Wegener papers presented in this symposium were cogent enough to warrant rejecting all forms of mobilism. I argue herein that neither of the above contentions is well founded. Drift was discussed extensively in the United States before 1926, the symposium in New York was inconsequential compared with the publication in 1928 of what purported to be papers given at New York, and the final contemptuous rejection of drift was sparked by a concerted effort of a few mandarins of the geological community who were deaf to the judgments of foreigners. The coup de grace was administered by Bailey Willis and Charles Schuchert in coordinated articles published in the Geological Society of America Bulletin in 1932.
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Iarygin, Vadim Vladimirovich. « The Anti-chinese Riots at Washington Territory in 1885-1886 ». Genesis : исторические исследования, no 12 (décembre 2022) : 295–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.12.39191.
Texte intégralRésumé :
US-Chinese relations often become the object of researchers' consideration. Russian historians often raise the issue of Chinese immigration to the New World, but, as a rule, these are review and retrospective works covering the entire period of this problem, starting from the middle of the XIX century. And the vicissitudes of the development of sinophobia, which flourished in American society in the era of the “Gilded Age" and united all segments of the population, are shown in general terms. Meanwhile, racism towards Asians manifested itself not only in the adoption of the law on the restriction of Chinese immigration in 1882, but also in acts of violence against newcomers: murders, lynchings, sometimes taking the most massive form – the form of anti-Chinese riots. For this reason, the author turned to the poorly developed question in Russian historical science about anti-Chinese pogroms in the northwestern United States in the mid-1880s. The article examines the events that took place in Tacoma and Seattle, examines the causes, course and consequences of the racially motivated riots that occurred on the Territory of Washington in the autumn-winter of 1885-1886, and also reveals the reaction of local and federal authorities to what happened. The events in the north-west of the United States reflected the chauvinistic sentiments prevailing in society at that time and the unwillingness to assimilate the Chinese within the framework of the American "melting pot".
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Razack, Sherene H. « SHOULD FEMINISTS STOP TALKING ABOUT CULTURE IN THE CONTEXT OF VIOLENCE AGAINST MUSLIM WOMEN ? THE CASE OF “HONOUR KILLING” ». International Journal of Child, Youth and Family Studies 12, no 1 (12 mars 2021) : 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/ijcyfs121202120082.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The violence, scale, and power of anti-Muslim narratives circulated on the internet and elsewhere continue to have considerable impact on feminist antiviolence initiatives. I examine contemporary responses to “honour killings” with particular reference to the Palestinian, Indian, and North American contexts, reflecting on how anti-violence advocates negotiate the terrain of culture in the case of honour killings. I ask whether the focus on culture has an impact on how courts and society view violence committed by Muslim men (and sometimes women) against Muslim women and girls. I suggest that cultural details contribute little to an enhanced legal understanding of the crime simply because this is not their primary purpose. Instead, the cultural details are part of a pedagogy that conveys a message of the racial and cultural superiority of the dominant society and a corresponding inferiority of Muslim cultures. We should therefore always talk culture with the greatest of restraint lest the racism that accompanies culture talk inhibit our understanding of the violence and limit our capacity to respond to it.
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Editors, RIAS. « IASA Statement of Support for the Struggle Against Racialized Violence in the United States ». Review of International American Studies 13, no 1 (16 août 2020) : 291–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.9626.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The International American Studies Association is dismayed to see the explosion of anger, bitterness and desperation that has been triggered by yet another senseless, cruel and wanton act of racialized violence in the United States. We stand in solidarity with and support the ongoing struggle by African Americans, indigenous peoples, ethnic minorities, migrants and the marginalized against the racialized violence perpetrated against them.
As scholars of the United States, we see the killing of George Floyd and many before them as acts on the continuum of the history of the powerful committing racialized violence against the powerless in the United States from before the birth of that country to the here and now of the present day. This continuum stretches from the transatlantic slave trade, the genocide of the indigenous population, the denial of rights and liberties to women, through the exploitation of American workers, slavery and Jim Crow, to the exclusion and inhumane treatment of the same migrants who make a profit for American corporations and keep prices low for the U.S. consumer. As scholars of the United States, we are acutely aware of how racialized violence is systemic, of how it has been woven into the fabric of U.S. society and cultures by the powerful, and of how the struggle against it has produced some of the greatest contributions of U.S. society to world culture and heritage.
The desperate rebellion of the powerless against racialized violence by the powerful is in turn propagandized as unreasonable or malicious. It is neither. It is an uprising to defend their own lives, their last resort after waiting for generations for justice and equal treatment from law enforcement, law makers, and the courts. In too many instances, those in power have answered such uprisings with deadly force—and in every instance, they have had alternatives to this response.
We are calling on those in power and the people with the guns in the United States now to exercise their choices and choose an alternative to deadly force as a response to the struggle against racialized violence. You have the power and the weapons—you have a choice to do the right thing and make peace.
We are calling on U.S. law makers to listen and address the issues of injustice and racialized violence through systemic reform that remakes the very fabric of the United States justice system, including independent accountability oversight for law enforcement.
We are calling on our IASA members and Americanists around the world to redouble their efforts at teaching their students and educating the public of the truth about the struggle against racialized violence in the United States.
We are calling on our IASA members and Americanists around the world to become allies in the struggle against racialized violence in the United States and in their home societies by publicizing scholarship on the truth, by listening to and amplifying the voices of black people, ethnic minorities and the marginalized, and supporting them in this struggle on their own terms.
We are calling on all fellow scholarly associations to explore all the ways in which they can put pressure with those in power at all levels in the United States to do the right thing and end racialized violence.
There will be no peace in our hearts and souls until justice is done and racialized violence is ended—until all of us are able “to breathe free.”
Dr Manpreet Kaur Kang, President of the International American Studies Association, Professor of English and Dean, School of Humanities & Social Sciences, Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University, India;Dr Jennifer Frost, President of the Australian and New Zealand American Studies Association, Associate Professor of History, University of Auckland, New Zealand;Dr S. Bilge Mutluay Çetintaş, Associate Professor, Department of American Culture and Literature, Hacettepe University, Turkey;Dr Gabriela Vargas-Cetina, Professor of Anthropology, Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán, Mexico;Dr Paweł Jędrzejko, Associate Professor of American Literature, University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland;Dr Marietta Messmer, Associate Professor of American Studies, University of Groningen, The Netherlands;Dr Kryštof Kozák, Department of North American Studies, Charles University, Prague;Dr Giorgio Mariani, Professor of English and American Languages and Literatures, Department of European, American and Intercultural Studies, Università “Sapienza” of Rome;Dr György Tóth, Lecturer, History, Heritage and Politics, University of Stirling, Scotland, United Kingdom;Dr Manuel Broncano, Professor of American Literature and Director of English, Spanish, and Translation, Texas A&M International University, Laredo, USA;Dr Jiaying Cai, Lecturer at the School of English Studies, Shanghai International Studies University, China;Dr Alessandro Buffa, Secretary, Center for Postcolonial and Gender Studies, University of Naples L’Orientale, Italy;
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Asl, Moussa Pourya, Nurul Farhana Low Abdullah et Md Salleh Yaapar. « Sexual Politics of the Gaze and Objectification of the (Immigrant) Woman in Jhumpa Lahiri’s Interpreter of Maladies ». American Studies in Scandinavia 50, no 2 (30 octobre 2018) : 89–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v50i2.5779.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Gayatri Spivak’s repeated accusations against the hyphenated Americans of colluding in their own exploitation is noteworthy in the context of diasporic writers’ portrayal of immigrant women within the prevailing discourse of anti-Communism in the United States. The woman in South Asian American writings is often portrayed as still stuck in the traditional prescribed gender roles imposed by patriarchal society. This essay explores Jhumpa Lahiri’s literary engagement with the contemporary racialization and gendering of a collective subject described as the Indian diaspora in her Pulitzer Prize winning short story collection, Interpreter of Maladies (1999). Specifically, it focuses on the two stories of “Sexy” and “The Treatment of Bibi Haldar” to analyse the manner dynamics of the gaze operate between the male and female characters. The numerous acts of looking that take place in these stories fall naturally into two major categories: the psychoanalytic look of voyeurism and the historicist gaze of surveillance. Through a rapprochement between the two seemingly different fields of the socius and the psychic, the study concludes that the material and ideological specificities of the stories that formulate a particular group of women as powerless, passive, alien and monstrous are rooted in the contradictory cultural and moral imperatives of the contemporary American society.
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VINCENT, JOHN. « WHAT IS AT STAKE IN THE ‘WAR ON ANTI-AGEING MEDICINE’ ? S. Jay Olshansky, Leonard Hayflick and Bruce A. Carnes, No truth to the fountain of youth, Scientific American, 286, 6 (2002) : 92–5. Robert H. Binstock, The war on ‘anti-aging medicine’, The Gerontologist, 43, 1 (2003) : 4–14. Harry Moody, Who's afraid of life extension ? Generations, special edition on Anti-Aging : Are You For It Or Against It?25, 4 (2002) : 33–7. » Ageing and Society 23, no 5 (septembre 2003) : 675–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x03001387.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The recent debate in the United States' gerontological literature on ‘anti-ageing medicine’ has profound significance for the discipline of gerontology. This review article discusses three major contributions to the debate and assesses the meaning of the wider debate for gerontology. A paper by Olshansky, Hayflick and Carnes, published in the Scientific American in May 2002, aimed at a popular science readership rather than gerontologists and had an overtly campaigning purpose. Among the many responses to the paper, that by Robert H. Binstock in The Gerontologist in February 2003 places the concerns expressed by Olshansky et al. in an historical context, and draws out its significance for gerontology as a discipline. Binstock believes that the central issue is legitimacy. What characteristics distinguish scientific endeavour that seeks an understanding of the fundamental biology of human ageing from quackery and pseudo-science? Does the ‘anti-ageing movement’ have a place in legitimate science? Also reviewed is a special issue of Generations, the journal of the American Society on Aging, on ‘Anti-Aging: Are You For It Or Against It?’. Amongst other distinguished contributions, the leading moral philosopher of old age, Harry Moody, explores key issues in ‘Who's afraid of life extension?’ The debate represented by these papers is significant not only for bio-medical but also social gerontology and for our understanding of the cultural position of old age in modern society.
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Tylkowski, Bartosz, Piotr Konopka, Malgorzata Maj, Lukasz Kazmierski, Monika Skrobanska, Xavier Montane, Marta Giamberini, Anna Bajek et Renata Jastrzab. « Christmas Tree Bio-Waste as a Power Source of Bioactive Materials with Anti-Proliferative Activities for Oral Care ». Molecules 27, no 19 (3 octobre 2022) : 6553. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/molecules27196553.
Texte intégralRésumé :
According to the American Cancer Society, roughly 54,000 new cases of oral cavity or oropharyngeal cancers have been detected in the United States of America in 2021, and they will cause about 10,850 deaths. The main therapies for cancer management, such as surgery and radio- and chemotherapy, have some own benefits, albeit they are often destructive for surrounding tissues; thus, deep investigations into non-surgical treatments for oral cavities are needed. Biologically active compounds (BACs) extracted from European Spruce needles were analyzed to determine the total phenolic and flavonoid content and were used as additional ingredients for oral hygiene products. An anti-proliferation investigation was carried out using extracts containing BACs with the use of several cell lines (cancer and a normal one). ESI-MS studies on BACs showed that luteolin, a natural flavonoid compound with anti-tumorigenic properties against various types of tumors, is the predominant component of the extracts. MTT, BrdU, and LIVE/DEAD studies demonstrated that BAC extracts obtained from Christmas tree needles possess anticancer properties against squamous cell carcinoma (with epithelial origins). We proved that BAC extracts contain high amounts of luteolin, which induces cytotoxicity toward cancer cells; along with their high selectivity, robustness, and nontoxicity, they are very promising materials in oral health applications.
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Hausmann, Stephen R. « “WE MUST PERFORM EXPERIMENTS ON SOME LIVING BODY” : ANTIVIVISECTION AND AMERICAN MEDICINE, 1850–1915 ». Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 16, no 3 (23 juin 2017) : 264–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781417000196.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines the American Anti-Vivisection Society (AAVS) and its campaign in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to end the practice of live scientific experimentation on animals. In attempting to enact state and federal-level legislative reform, the AAVS ran up against the American Medical Association (AMA), who claimed vivisection was critical to furthering medical advances and who sought to defend their profession's recently won respectability. This article argues that the very public campaign by the AAVS toward political reform pushed the AMA, and medicine more broadly, into the political sphere. The debate over the morality of vivisection at the beginning of the last century was thus critical to creating the politically powerful AMA of the twenty-first century.
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Goh, Daniel P. S. « Conservative Christianity, Anti-Vaccination Activism, and the Challenge to Secularism in Singapore ». Law & ; Ethics of Human Rights 18, no 1 (1 mai 2024) : 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lehr-2024-2002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract A culture war has been brewing in Singapore since 2009 when a conservative Christian group conducted a reverse takeover of a feminist civil society organization and was subsequently expelled from the organization in a publicized meeting between the two groups. Since then, the state has mediated the contestation of values between religious conservatives and liberal groups allied around issues of gender and sexuality. The culture war between the two sides has revolved around creative protests that have evaded state prohibitions against public contestations over what is legally considered private beliefs and affairs. They involve innovative hybridizations of American discourses on values and rights mixed with Asian emphases on family traditions and sentiments. The COVID-19 pandemic has, however, laid bare the adaptation of the American culture war into the Singaporean public sphere. This article looks at and analyzes COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy among conservative Christians in Singapore and their incorporation of anti-vaccination views from American Christian nationalism into secular framings, invoking legal rights and responsibilities aligned with the state’s nationalist discourse. I argue that this represents a new phase of contestation by conservatives, refashioning their religious views into secular frames of public good and morality serving the secular nation. By doing so, they implicitly challenge the state’s regulation of religion as private interests and beliefs. This altered religious activism has shifted the terms of secularism and loosened the hegemony of the state in defining these terms.
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Sukhobokova, Olga, et Danylo Besarabov. « THE MOVEMENT AGAINST NUCLEAR POWER IN THE USA : FROM THE THREE MILE ISLAND ACCIDENT TO THE CHORNOBYL DISASTER ». American History & ; Politics : Scientific edition, no 17 (2024) : 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2024.17.2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of the research is to highlight the formation and development of the movement against nuclear energy in the USA in the 1970s and 1980s. The research methodology is based on the principle of historicism and problem-chronological and complex approaches. We used the following methods: historical and systemic – in the process of considering the movement against nuclear energy in the USA as an integrated part of the social activity of the American public in the period of the 1970s – 1980s; historical-chronological – to identify features and changes in the dynamics of the movement against atomic energy; problem-genetic – in the study of the impact on the movement of key incidents in atomic energy; comparative – to establish common and different forms, character and activity of anti-nuclear power protest organizations in the USA. The scientific novelty of the article. For the first time in Ukrainian historiography, an attempt was made to investigate the origins of the movement against nuclear energy in the USA, its dynamics and key events as one of the largest social phenomena of the country in the 1970s and 1980s. In the example of the Three Mile Island station district, the development of protest organizations and the strategy of rallying American society in the conditions of a radiation incident is traced; the impact of the Chornobyl disaster on the activation of the movement against nuclear energy in the USA was revealed. The article also shows the impact of anti-nuclear public activism on the social and political sphere of the USA. Conclusions. An organized movement against nuclear energy emerged in the mid-1970s as opposition to the development of the U.S. civilian nuclear program. The Three Mile Island incident in March 1979 undermined social confidence in the industry, fueling anti-nuclear activism. The Chornobyl disaster in Ukraine on April 26, 1986, mobilized and consolidated the movement against nuclear energy in the United States, finally halting the development of the industry for more than 30 years.
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Stasson, Anneke. « The Politicization of Family Life : How Headship Became Essential to Evangelical Identity in the Late Twentieth Century ». Religion and American Culture : A Journal of Interpretation 24, no 1 (2014) : 100–138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2014.24.1.100.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis article describes the fluidity of evangelical gender ideology during the 1970s and posits that belief in male headship became one of the distinct marks of evangelical identity in the late 1970s and early 1980s. At that time, the Christian Right led a campaign against the Equal Rights Amendment, arguing that the ERA was the means by which feminists were seeking to destroy the family. It became politically expedient for evangelicals to assert their support for male headship over and against a feminist paradigm of the family. In the 1990s and 2000s, as evangelicals had begun to feel less animosity towards feminism and had actually absorbed many feminist assumptions, the Christian Right's campaign against gay marriage gave evangelicals a new reason to cling to the ideology of male headship. The campaigns against the ERA and gay marriage have made evangelicals aware of the very real presence of different models of family in American society. This awareness has enhanced commitment to the headship model of marriage.Historians Betty DeBerg and Margaret Bendroth have done much to point historians to the way in which gender ideology has been important to evangelical identity over the last century. By analyzing anti-ERA and anti-gay marriage evangelical literature, this article argues that gender ideology was integral to the formation of evangelical identity during the last third of the twentieth century. Thus, the article seeks to extend the argument of DeBerg and Bendroth into the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s and to present gender ideology as a key feature in defining twentieth-century American evangelicalism.
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Stecula, Dominik A., et Mark Pickup. « How populism and conservative media fuel conspiracy beliefs about COVID-19 and what it means for COVID-19 behaviors ». Research & ; Politics 8, no 1 (janvier 2021) : 205316802199397. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168021993979.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Research examining attitudes and behaviors of Americans during the COVID-19 pandemic has largely focused on partisanship as a lens through which many Americans see the coronavirus. Given the importance of partisan affiliation and the degree of partisan polarization in the American society, that is certainly an important driver of public opinion, and a necessary one to understand. But an overlooked set of predispositions might also shape COVID beliefs and attitudes: populism. It is a worldview that pits average citizens against “the elites” and, importantly in the context of a pandemic, it includes anti-intellectual attitudes such as distrust of experts (including scientists). We find that populism is correlated with conspiracy beliefs about COVID-19, above and beyond partisanship. Furthermore, we find that conservative media consumption tends to be a stronger predictor of conspiracy belief among those high in populism than among those low in populism. We also show that these beliefs have consequences: those who believe the conspiracy theories about COVID-19 are less likely to adapt behaviors recommended by public health officials.
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Nefnouf, Ahmed Seif Eddine. « Shadism from the Perspective of Intersectionality in Toni Morrison’s The Bluest Eye ». International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation 4, no 4 (29 avril 2021) : 222–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijllt.2021.4.4.24.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper aims to discuss shadism from a perspective of intersectionality and how people with a darker skin tone suffered particular forms of discrimination due to the issues of shadism and its interaction with the class, gender, age, ability, and race. Shadism has infused the black society for many centuries, hence outlined during slavery. Shadism is the discrimination against a person with a darker skin tone, typically among individuals of the same racial group. In The Bluest Eye, Toni Morrison describes how African American women and girls like Pecola are considered ugly by her family and the community due to her darker skin tone. in this research paper we are going to explore shadism and examine intersectionality theory like race, gender, sexuality and class, and their influence on dark-skinned black women, through the main character Pecola Breedlove. Using intersectionality theory to understand shadism helps to know that there are different ways a person could face oppression and domination. This paper gives a new vision of shadism which have been studied as amatter of racism, but throughout the intersectionality of the the identity component. The analysis shows that shadism is influenced by race and other aspects of intersectionality such as gender, race, age and ability, and other aspects of identity.
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Weinberg, Dana, Jessica Dawson et April Edwards. « How the Russian Influence Operation on Twitter Weaponized Military Narratives ». International Conference on Cyber Warfare and Security 18, no 1 (28 février 2023) : 431–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.34190/iccws.18.1.985.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since 2016, Russia has engaged in a dedicated influence operation against the United States to exacerbate existing cleavages in American society and to undermine US national security. Although distinctly modern in its use of social media platforms, the current methods align with old Soviet doctrine using information warfare to gain a strategic edge over competitors. We examine Russia’s use of military-related content and profiles in their influence operation on Twitter and, in particular, the strategic deployment of military narratives. Using data from Twitter’s comprehensive data archive of state-backed information operations, we find that 12.14% of the 1,408,712 tweets in English from 2009 through February 2021 contain military-related content. In addition, of the 2,370 fake accounts on Twitter tied to the IRA and GRU, 148 were from accounts posing as military or military-adjacent, and these accounts posted 12.7% of the influence operation’s tweets. Together, tweets containing military-related content or coming from fake military and military-adjacent profiles account for 22.6% of the tweets identified as part of the Russian influence operation on Twitter. The Russians used narratives related to veterans, particularly sacrifice narratives and post-Vietnam government betrayal of sacrifice narratives. Patriotic sacrifice narratives were used to gather and engage an audience and to legitimize and amplify the content and accounts. In contrast, betrayal of sacrifice narratives were weaponized to amplify and escalate divisive social issues by tying them to veterans’ sacrifices. We conclude the Russians amplified existing military narratives in American culture and used fake American military profiles to wrap anti-government sentiment in patriotic trappings to exacerbate existing social divisions. Turning Americans against their government achieves Russian strategic goals of removing American influence abroad and allowing Russia to have greater impact on the levers of international power that serve Russian interests.
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Da Costa, Alexandre Emboaba. « The Decolonial in Practice, Quilombismo, and Black Brazilian Politics in “Postneoliberal” Times ». Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 5, no 1 (23 juin 2018) : 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/91.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Through an examination of anti-racist and decolonial politics in education in the Brazilian and Latin American contexts, this paper outlines underlying features shaping black political-epistemological struggles and the difficulties of reform via the state in an anti-black society. The article first situates emerging anti-racist legislation and multicultural policy in the region within larger discussions of the progressive Left Turn among governments and the emergence of postneoliberalism. The paper then examines how racism and state violence against black people have persisted within this leftward postneoliberal turn, shaping the manner through which anti-racist and decolonial politics seek to both contest and mobilize within state discourses and institutions to improve the situation of black people. In the last section, the paper proposes to understand black movement struggles of decolonial orientation through Abdias do Nascimento’s black Brazilian praxis of quilombismo, a praxis that consciously reflects both the predicaments and future possibilities presented by working for political-epistemic and cultural transformation within and beyond an anti-black state. The paper demonstrates quilombismo as the decolonial in practice through an analysis of anti-racist education legislation focused on curriculum reforms.
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Bar-On, Tamir. « The Alt-Right’s continuation of the ‘cultural war’ in Euro-American societies ». Thesis Eleven 163, no 1 (avril 2021) : 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/07255136211005988.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this paper, I argue that the Alt-Right needs to be taken seriously by the liberal establishment, the general public, and leftist cultural elites for five main reasons: 1) its ‘right-wing Gramscianism’ borrows from the French New Right ( Nouvelle Droite – ND) and the French and pan-European Identitarian movement. This means that it is engaged in the continuation of a larger Euro-American metapolitical struggle to change hearts and minds on issues related to white nationalism, anti-Semitism, and racialism; 2) it is indebted to the metapolitical evolution of sectors of the violent neo-Nazi and earlier white nationalist movements in the USA; 3) this metapolitical orientation uses the mass media, the internet, and social media in general to reach and influence the masses of Americans; 4) the ‘cultural war’ means that the Alt-Right’s spokesman Richard Spencer, French ND leader Alain de Benoist, and other intellectuals see themselves as a type of Leninist vanguard on the radical right, which borrows from left-wing authors such as Antonio Gramsci and their positions in order to win the metapolitical struggle against ‘dominant’ liberal and left-wing political and cultural elites; and 5) this ‘cultural war’ is intellectually and philosophically sophisticated because it understands the crucial role of culture in destabilizing liberal society and makes use of important philosophers such as Friedrich Nietzsche, Carl Schmitt, Julius Evola and others in order to give credence to its revolutionary, racialist, and anti-liberal ideals.
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Chou, Stella T., Sandra T. Nance, Paul Mansfield, David F. Friedman et Margaret A. Keller. « Meeting the transfusion needs of a patient with anti-Ena requires an international effort ». Immunohematology 40, no 1 (1 avril 2024) : 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/immunohematology-2024-003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This extraordinary case showcases the identification of a rare anti-Ena specificity that was assisted by DNA-based red blood cell antigen typing and collaboration between the hospital blood bank in the United States, the home blood center in Qatar, the blood center Immunohematology Reference Laboratory, as well as the American Rare Donor Program (ARDP) and the International Society for Blood Transfusion (ISBT) International Rare Donor Panel. Ena is a high-prevalence antigen, and blood samples from over 200 individuals of the extended family in Qatar were crossmatched against the patient’s plasma with one compatible En(a–) individual identified. The ISBT International Rare Donor Panel identified an additional donor in Canada, resulting in a total of two En(a–) individuals available to donate blood for the patient.
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Augustine, Acheoah Ofeh. « Second Amendment and the Gun-Control Controversies : A Flaw in Constitutional Framing and an Antinomy of American Conservatism ». Addaiyan Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no 8 (10 novembre 2019) : 24–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.8.4.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article is a critical input to the national and international debate on Gun Control and the 2nd Amendment to the United States Constitution since 1791. Auspiciously, the paper interrogates the historical, ideological, and socio-cultural roots of the Gun Rights from Medieval Europe to modern America as well as its implications for homeland security in 21st Century American society. The whole legalistic, philosophical and socio-cultural rationale for and against the Gun Control Question in mainstream American politics elicits many questions: Why has it been legislatively infeasible to address the frailties inherent in the 2nd Amendment texts? Is the Second Amendment immutable amid post-1791 realities? Has morality lost its place in American politics? Was the rights prescribed under 2nd Amendment vested on the individuals as construed impliedly or on the people as expressly stipulated in the constitution? And why has America with the most sophisticated military and intelligence architecture in the world failed to demonstrate the capability to contain sectarian killings in the land? The paper submits that the Gun Control Debate lays bare, one of the internal cleavages within the American political and social system, a nation so admired not just by her military, economic and diplomatic clout but also by the valued she stresses and defend world over: freedom, justice, equality and global peace, ideals for which the United States supplanted pax-Britanica for Pax-Americana. The appalling antecedents of gun killings in America knows no rank with 11 presidential assassination attempts for which four American presidents died: Abraham Lincoln (1865), James Garfield (1881); William McKinley (1901) John F Kennedy (1963) with Theodore Roosevelt and Ronald Reagan seriously injured in the 1912 and 1981 assassination attempts. The quartet presidential assassins: John Wilkes Booth; Charles J. Guiteau; Leon Czolgosz and Lee Harvey Oswald were all some of the first high profile abusers of the 2nd Amendment and the gun rights it granted. The death of Dr. Martin Luther King, Malcolm X among many also resonates one of the foundational flaws of a nation globally reputed as the policeman of the earth. When will this trend ever end?.Millions have gone yet there seems to be hyper-partisanship about the Gun Control Question. This political cleavage represents a failure of the present generation of the political elites, the people and the American institutions to rise above and repeal the frailty of the 2nd Amendment, couched in one of the most nebulous languages in constitutional framings since the first ten Amendment to the world’s first-ever written constitution was ratified on 15 December 1791.The lessons from the government response to the Gun Question never placed America as a society developing societies should aspire to become, it is totally antithetical to the admirable values known about the greatest nation since the collapse of Nazism, Fascism and in the last decade of the 20th Century Communism for which in the submissions of Francis Fukuyama, Liberal Democracy became the Last Man metaphorically outlasting all other contending ideological contemporaries thus: “The End History”. The moral, spiritual, political leaders of America must converge on one front on the Gun Question, the Republicans must not hide under conservative garb and watch the blood of innocent generation of Americans been wasted by abusers of the Second Amendment. The appropriate measures to put a permanent lid on the mindless gun-related deaths must be carried out. The Democrats must forge a bipartisan consensus to arrest the moral drift in the land under the guise of the 2nd Amendment’s immutability clause: “shall not be infringed upon”. American political leaders must not under whatever guise send the wrong signal to the international community that will characterize the state as a policeman that cannot police his home, Charity begins at home, it is contradictory, antithetical and undermined every value upon which America prides herself under the rubric Pax-Americana. Historical antecedents show that the National Rifle Association is a shadow of itself, haven being skewed from its original goal to promote martial qualities and marksmanship to a lobbyist group without conscience for humanity. The American Institutions must live up to their mandate to tame the sinister and overbearing influence of the group. To the political leaders of the land the patriots of the 1775 Revolution fought for a land of the free it is your bounden duty to ensure their labor never be in vain: Lincoln was conscious of this during the heady days as was Andrew John who put their differences aside to restore national psyche, President Trump must not trade the blood of the children of America with his 2020 presidential re-election ambition as the NRA pro-Trump for 2020 billboards suggests. The Gun-Control debates further lays bare one of the antinomies of American Conservatism “being pro-life, anti-abortion and at the same time, pro-gun” as the abuses and defense of the 2nd Amendment represent one of the Ideological conspiracies against under the garb of Classical Liberalism propagated by contemporary votaries of American conservatism.
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Martínez-Torrón, Javier. « COVID-19 and Religious Freedom : Some Comparative Perspectives ». Laws 10, no 2 (18 mai 2021) : 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws10020039.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The government’s measures against COVID-19 have raised, in virtually all contemporary democracies, important issues regarding the proportionality of limitations on fundamental rights, including freedom of religion or belief. This paper analyses some of those issues with particular reference to religious freedom, in the light of the experiences of various European and American countries. It also examines the cooperation (or lack of) between governments and religious communities in the fight against the pandemic, as well the response of religious communities to anti-COVID-19 rules, which has included recently some litigation alleging the unequal treatment of religion in comparison with other activities or institutions. The author argues that more dialogue and reciprocal cooperation between governments and religious communities (and civil society in general) is needed in this type of crisis, as well a strict scrutiny of restrictions imposed on freedom of religion from the perspective of proportionality and equality.
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Wertheim, Stephen. « The League of Nations : a retreat from international law ? » Journal of Global History 7, no 2 (juillet 2012) : 210–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022812000046.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractDuring the First World War, civil society groups across the North Atlantic put forward an array of plans for recasting international society. The most prominent ones sought to build on the Hague Conferences of 1899 and 1907 by developing international legal codes and, in a drastic innovation, obligating and militarily enforcing the judicial settlement of disputes. Their ideal was a world governed by law, which they opposed to politics. This idea was championed by the largest groups in the United States and France in favour of international organizations, and they had likeminded counterparts in Britain. The Anglo-American architects of the League of Nations, however, defined their vision against legalism. Their declaratory design sought to ensure that artificial machinery never stifled the growth of common consciousness. Paradoxically, the bold new experiment in international organization was forged from an anti-formalistic ethos – one that slowed the momentum of international law and portended the rise of global governance.
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Goyal, Geeta. « Gender, Borders and Boundaries in Charlotte Bronte’s Jane Eyre ». Shodh Sari-An International Multidisciplinary Journal 03, no 02 (5 avril 2024) : 276–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.59231/sari7703.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The concept of borders and boundaries is one of the important themes in English literature. It might refer to national borders or divisions within countries or symbolize physical barriers, societal divisions or personal limitations. Metaphorically, borders and boundaries might mean the boundaries based on caste, color, creed or sex or represent expectations and prejudices or search for selfhood and identity. Writers from the marginalized communities take up the themes of construction of identity in their writing. Similarly, African-American writers, while addressing the issues of race, gender and class, illustrate their struggle and experiences. Their own lives serve as an inspiration to write about the trauma of displacement and slavery. The English novel in the 18th and 19th century largely focused on women primarily confined to the roles of wife, mother and homemaker. However, some novelists such as Mary Wollstonecraft and Aphra Behn challenged gender stereotypes and advocated for greater female autonomy and intellectual freedom. Similarly, Jane Austen, Elizabeth Gaskell, Thomas Hardy, Charlotte Bronte etc. questioned the prevailing attitudes and provided a fresh perspective on gender issues. Whereas Jane Austen celebrates intelligent and strong-willed female characters who resist societal pressures, Gaskell delves into the lives of working-class women and those on the margins of society. Similarly, Hardy chooses the sub-title A Pure Woman for his novel Tess of the D’Urbervilles in order to question the Victorian norms. The paper discusses Charlotte Bronte’s Jane Eyre and analyses how the novel embodies rebellion against societal constraints by presenting an unconventional heroine who is able to move beyond boundaries and carve her path amid restrictions imposed by society in which she lives.
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Bates, Shannon M., Anita Rajasekhar, Saskia Middeldorp, Claire McLintock, Marc A. Rodger, Andra H. James, Sara R. Vazquez et al. « American Society of Hematology 2018 guidelines for management of venous thromboembolism : venous thromboembolism in the context of pregnancy ». Blood Advances 2, no 22 (27 novembre 2018) : 3317–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/bloodadvances.2018024802.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Background: Venous thromboembolism (VTE) complicates ∼1.2 of every 1000 deliveries. Despite these low absolute risks, pregnancy-associated VTE is a leading cause of maternal morbidity and mortality. Objective: These evidence-based guidelines of the American Society of Hematology (ASH) are intended to support patients, clinicians and others in decisions about the prevention and management of pregnancy-associated VTE. Methods: ASH formed a multidisciplinary guideline panel balanced to minimize potential bias from conflicts of interest. The McMaster University GRADE Centre supported the guideline development process, including updating or performing systematic evidence reviews. The panel prioritized clinical questions and outcomes according to their importance for clinicians and patients. The Grading of Recommendations Assessment, Development and Evaluation (GRADE) approach was used to assess evidence and make recommendations. Results: The panel agreed on 31 recommendations related to the treatment of VTE and superficial vein thrombosis, diagnosis of VTE, and thrombosis prophylaxis. Conclusions: There was a strong recommendation for low-molecular-weight heparin (LWMH) over unfractionated heparin for acute VTE. Most recommendations were conditional, including those for either twice-per-day or once-per-day LMWH dosing for the treatment of acute VTE and initial outpatient therapy over hospital admission with low-risk acute VTE, as well as against routine anti-factor Xa (FXa) monitoring to guide dosing with LMWH for VTE treatment. There was a strong recommendation (low certainty in evidence) for antepartum anticoagulant prophylaxis with a history of unprovoked or hormonally associated VTE and a conditional recommendation against antepartum anticoagulant prophylaxis with prior VTE associated with a resolved nonhormonal provoking risk factor.
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Vasiliev, Alexey. « Saudi Arabia. New challenges to the kingdom ». Asia and Africa Today, no 9 (2022) : 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750021786-6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The deployment of armed forces of the US and its allies on the territory of Saudi Arabia in 1990 and their war against Iraq in 1991 strengthened American dominance in the region and at the same time revealed previously concealed internal contradictions in Saudi society. A divide between the pro-monarchy and anti-Saudi movements became evident. It resulted in an ideological struggle between former allies - the Wahhabis and the Muslim Brothers - inside and outside the kingdom. The Islamist discourse of the Brothers and Sahwa movement (a sort of hybrid of Wahhabism and Muslim Brotherhood ideology) manifested itself in questioning the legitimacy of the Saudi rule and promoting a general anti-American attitude. Those contradictions gave birth to Al-Qaeda, which declared a global jihad against the West and the monarchies of the Persian Gulf. The September 11, 2001 attacks in New York gave Washington an excuse to invade Afghanistan and then, after a successful blitzkrieg there, encouraged the US to begin a war in Iraq under the fake pretext of Iraqi plans to develop all kinds of weapons of mass destruction. Consequences for the Saudi government included the strengthening of Sunni - Shiite contradictions inside the kingdom and in the region as well as an explosion of terrorism inside Saudi Arabia. After the establishment of the Shiite majority government in Iraq, the Sunni - Shiite contradictions have turned into a cold war between Saudi Arabia and Iran. This situation aggravated the instability in the Middle East and precluded potential compromises.
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Witt, Daniel M., Robby Nieuwlaat, Nathan P. Clark, Jack Ansell, Anne Holbrook, Jane Skov, Nadine Shehab et al. « American Society of Hematology 2018 guidelines for management of venous thromboembolism : optimal management of anticoagulation therapy ». Blood Advances 2, no 22 (27 novembre 2018) : 3257–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/bloodadvances.2018024893.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Background: Clinicians confront numerous practical issues in optimizing the use of anticoagulants to treat venous thromboembolism (VTE). Objective: These evidence-based guidelines of the American Society of Hematology (ASH) are intended to support patients, clinicians and other health care professionals in their decisions about the use of anticoagulants in the management of VTE. These guidelines assume the choice of anticoagulant has already been made. Methods: ASH formed a multidisciplinary guideline panel balanced to minimize potential bias from conflicts of interest. The McMaster University GRADE Centre supported the guideline development process, including updating or performing systematic evidence reviews. The panel prioritized clinical questions and outcomes according to their importance for clinicians and patients. The Grading of Recommendations Assessment, Development and Evaluation (GRADE) approach was used to assess evidence and make recommendations, which were subject to public comment. Results: The panel agreed on 25 recommendations and 2 good practice statements to optimize management of patients receiving anticoagulants. Conclusions: Strong recommendations included using patient self-management of international normalized ratio (INR) with home point-of-care INR monitoring for vitamin K antagonist therapy and against using periprocedural low-molecular-weight heparin (LMWH) bridging therapy. Conditional recommendations included basing treatment dosing of LMWH on actual body weight, not using anti–factor Xa monitoring to guide LMWH dosing, using specialized anticoagulation management services, and resuming anticoagulation after episodes of life-threatening bleeding.
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Schelchkov, A. A. « University Reform of 1918 : Establishment of the Continental Network of Scientific, Educational and Student Community in Latin America ». Concept : philosophy, religion, culture 5, no 4 (22 décembre 2021) : 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-4-20-79-95.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The transformation of the university system in Latin America, initiated by the reform in Argentina in 1918, marked the beginning of a period of democratization and modernization of society. The university reform was the result of a stubborn and dramatic struggle of students against the clerical-aristocratic order in the universities of Argentina. Ideologically, the movement was based on radical anti-clericalism, on the ideas of the conflict of generations, the special role of the young, on the Kulturtraegerism, on the concept of Arielism — a term coined by Enrique Rodo. The student movement, supported by progressive intellectuals and left-wing political parties, almost from the point of its inception, created a network of contacts and solidarity with other countries of the continent, which showed its high efficiency in disseminating ideas, political programs, and forms of struggle. This ability of the intellectual movements to create cross-border networks of influence and activism is relevant today and not only in Latin America. Thanks to this, the reform spread throughout the continent with various and sometimes contrary results, somewhere very successfully, and somewhere met with fierce resistance. The further ideological evolution of the movement and its leaders led to the emergence of new ideological and political currents, such as revolutionary nationalism, which became the dominant political trend in Latin America in the 20th century world. The spread of revolutionary nationalism, the main ideologist of which was the student leader in Peru, Victor Raul Haya de la Torre, relied on the same network of youth structures that led to the spread of the movement for university reform. The reform movement also resulted in the emergence of powerful left-wing movements of the intellectuals, such as the Latin American Union, closely associated not only with the student movement, but also with the labor movement. University reform was not only a political, but also a cultural phenomenon that marked a profound change in Latin American society, which chose the path of modernization of all spheres of life. This work is devoted to the study of this process.
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Chia, Stephen K. « Neoadjuvant and Adjuvant Therapy for HER2 Positive Disease ». American Society of Clinical Oncology Educational Book, no 35 (mai 2015) : e41-e48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14694/edbook_am.2015.35.e41.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the initial description of the HER2 proto-oncogene as a poor prognostic factor in breast cancer in 1987, to the first randomized trial of a monoclonal antibody directed against HER2 in combination with chemotherapy for the treatment of metastatic HER2-positive breast cancer published in 2001, to the American Society of Clinical Oncology (ASCO) 2005 Annual Meeting in which we saw the unprecedented collective presentations demonstrating the dramatic benefit of trastuzumab in the adjuvant setting—the clinical landscape of HER2-overexpressing breast cancer has forever changed. More recently, there has been increasing use of preoperative chemotherapy and anti-HER2 targeted therapies in primary operable HER2 disease in the research domain and in clinical practice. In the next few years, we will see if dual adjuvant anti-HER2 antibody inhibition produces clinically significant improvements in outcome; understand if there is a role of small molecule inhibitors of the HER family of receptors either in combination or sequential to trastuzumab; further refine the relationship between pathologic complete response (pCR) and long-term clinical outcomes; and find predictive biomarkers to identify cohorts of patients that may need differential combinations and/or durations of anti-HER2 therapies.
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Novoselova, E. N. « Fight against smoking as a factor of healthy lifestyle ». Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 25, no 4 (12 février 2020) : 309–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2019-25-4-309-324.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyzes the impact of lifestyle, tobacco smoking in particular, on health and life expectancy. Using the latest statistics, the author examines the problem of tobacco smoking in Russia and the world, describes the impact of this harmful habit not only on the health of the population, but also on the environment and the economy. The paper provides a brief history of tobacco control, describes modern anti-tobacco measures taken by the world community under the auspices of the World Health Organization (WHO).Special attention is paid to the state of public opinion on issues related to the prevalence of tobacco smoking in Russia, its impact on the health and life expectancy of the population, the motivation of the population to abandon this habit and the impact on its presence / absence in social environment. It addresses the problem of child and adolescent smoking, analyzes the degree of parental influence and the likelihood that the child, in consequence, will become a regular smoker.The author deals with the problem of passive smoking and the impact of secondary smoke on the health of children and adults, and notes that the anti-tobacco law adopted in Russia in 2013 undoubtedly reduced the number of passive smokers, which had beneficial effect on public health.The work touches upon the currently relevant issue of Electronic Nicotine Delivery Systems (ENDS), provides usage statistics, and also raises the question of the consequences of the increasing popularity of ENDS.The empirical base of the work is the data of WHO, the Federal State Statistics Service, the American Cancer Society, as well as studies of the Department of Sociology of Family and Demography (Faculty of Sociology, Lomonosov Moscow State University), the Public Opinion Foundation and the All-Russian Public Opinion Research Center.This article will be of interest to specialists in the field of sociology of medicine, as well as to a wide circle of readers interested in the issues of addictive behavior and the formation of a healthy lifestyle.