Articles de revues : « Africa – Relations – Europe »

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Ehizuelen, Michael Mitchell Omoruyi, et Hodan Osman Abdi. « Sustaining China-Africa relations ». Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, n^o 4 (18 septembre 2017) : 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891117727901.

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China’s “One Belt One Road” (OBOR) Initiative forms the centerpiece of China’s leadership’s new foreign policy. The initiative aspires to put the nations of Asia, Oceania, Europe, and Africa on a new trajectory of higher growth and human development through infrastructural connectivity, augmented trade, and investment. The initiative offers tremendous opportunities for international economic cooperation, especially for African nations. This article examines China-Africa relations, centering on the possibility of expanding the OBOR initiative to cover more African nations. Africa has been the focus of China’s foreign policy since 2013. A study on the implementation of OBOR in Africa will allow for a better understanding of contemporary China-Africa relations, while hopefully providing answers to some of the questions surrounding the issue. In this article, we carefully examine the economic drivers, challenges – with suggestions on ways to navigate those challenges – and opportunities of the OBOR initiative.

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Behr, Timo, et Saskia van Genugten. « Europe in North Africa : ». Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, n^o 1 (1 novembre 2011) : 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i1.10.

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European geopolitics cast a long shadow in North Africa. Due to its political, economic and strategic interests in a ‘stable’ neighbourhood, Europe has for long discouraged a process of uncontrolled political change in North African countries. However, in the spring of 2011, mass demonstrations by Arab youths broke the prevailing deadlock in the region and swept away a number of long standing Arab dictators. The question that remains unanswered is to what extent the ‘Arab Spring’ will affect geo-political relations among Europeans and Europe’s standing as a whole in the global pecking order. Will Europe’s belated support for the Arab revolutions renew its geopolitical importance and international mission, or will it precipitate its interminable decline? In this article, this question is being scrutinised by looking at the historical development of European relations with North Africa and how Europe is trying to preserve some of its former influence despite domestic challenges and competition from new, non-Western actors.

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Bodomo, Adams. « Africa-China-Europe relations : Conditions and conditionalities ». Journal of International Studies 12, n^o 4 (décembre 2019) : 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-8330.2019/12-4/8.

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Ndzendze, Bhaso. « Inversely Correlated ? Comparing EU-27 and Chinese Exports to South Africa, 2007-2018 ». European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Issue 2 (1 août 2020) : 297–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020024.

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Against the background of literature that assumes mutual exclusivity of European and Chinese access to African markets, this article conducted an assessment of European and Chinese exports to South Africa over the 2007–2018 period. Findings indicate that Chinese exports to South Africa have not supplanted total EU exports to South Africa, unlike the case with the country’s other previous leading trade partners; however, in this timeframe, China’s rate of growth has outgrown that of Europe, and some products which were principally sourced from the EU were subsequently exported more by the People’s Republic of China (PRC), indicating that if the present trajectory continues, China will replace Europe as the principal export partner of South Africa within little over a decade. The onset of Brexit, with the UK being a key trade partner for South Africa within the EU, will expedite this trend by diminishing the gap between EU and PRC exports to South Africa. EU–South Africa relations, China–South Africa relations, EU–China relations, Trade

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Reno, William. « The Clinton Administration and Africa : Private Corporate Dimension ». Issue : A Journal of Opinion 26, n^o 2 (1998) : 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.

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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.

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Olivier, Gerrit. « From Colonialism to Partnership in Africa–Europe Relations ? » International Spectator 46, n^o 1 (mars 2011) : 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2011.549754.

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Staeger, Ueli. « Africa–EU Relations and Normative Power Europe : A Decolonial Pan‐African Critique ». JCMS : Journal of Common Market Studies 54, n^o 4 (29 décembre 2015) : 981–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12350.

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Rein, Conrad. « The Prospects for the Future of European Union–African Union Relations in Uncertain Times ». European Review 25, n^o 4 (6 septembre 2017) : 550–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798717000217.

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The importance of Africa for Europe was highlighted in the 1950 Schuman Declaration. Although the overarching framework for relations between the European Union and Africa is embedded in the 2000 Cotonou Agreement, cooperation between the European Union and Africa became increasingly institutionalized through the European Union–Africa Summits of 2000, 2007, 2010 and 2014, during which political leaders from both sides made strong rhetorical commitments to a strategic partnership. Yet, for the wider public, the relationship between the European Union and Africa appears to be both obscure and complex. The fifth European Union–Africa Summit is scheduled to take place in Ivory Coast in November 2017. This article will provide an overview of the development of European Union–Africa relations that coincided with the emergence of the African Union, the successor of the Organisation of African Unity. The so-called ‘strategic partnership’ between the European Union and the African Union represents the most comprehensive partnership the African Union has with any non-African actor. By highlighting current challenges affecting both, such as irregular migration, this article will, however, demonstrate that cooperation between the two is limited and somewhat lacking in strategic direction.

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Rieker, Pernille. « Making Sense of the European Side of the Transatlantic Security Relations in Africa ». Politics and Governance 10, n^o 2 (18 mai 2022) : 144–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i2.5048.

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This article aims to investigate the character of transatlantic security relations in Africa: How can it be characterized? Have they become weaker or stronger over the past decade? How can this development be explained? As NATO has not yet been heavily engaged on the African continent, it is prudent to study the relations between the EU and the US. Africa has been of concern to the EU (and its member states) for decades due to its geographical closeness and historic bonds. Since 2001, for both Europe and the US, Africa has become a region of increasing security concern due to the threat of international terrorism—for Europe, we can also add the migration concern. The European side of this relationship has also been largely dominated by France, making the transatlantic security cooperation in Africa essentially about French-American relations. As France has taken the lead regarding Europe’s security and defense engagement in Africa, increasingly with the support of other EU member states and associated non-members, this bilateral relationship is more than simply cooperation between two states. By applying a framework that understands EU security and defense policy as a process increasingly characterized as a differentiated and flexible integration under French leadership, the development of the Franco-US security relations in Africa must be understood as an expression of the transatlantic security relations in this region.

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Gerhart, Gail M., et Walter Rodney. « How Europe Underdeveloped Africa ». Foreign Affairs 76, n^o 5 (1997) : 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048265.

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Vines, Alex. « Impact of The War in Ukraine : What Is The Future of EU – Africa Relations ? » Transatlantic Policy Quarterly 21, n^o 1 (1 juin 2022) : 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.58867/lyin5873.

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The EU and Africa’s African Union held their sixth summit on 17-18 February 2022: a week later Russia invaded the Ukraine. In the short-term, European focus shifted from Africa but increasingly EU officials and member states are looking towards Africa. The EU seeks to step up cooperation with some African countries to help replace imports of Russian natural gas and reduce dependence on Moscow by almost two-thirds in 2022. The EU has also revised its list of critical minerals, which it is members seek to guarantee supply chains. This article assesses the evolution of EU-Africa relations, particularly since December 2007 with the launch of the Joint Africa-EU Strategy. The EU’s Africa focus is increasingly more strategic, and coherent, this is still not the case for Africa whose common interests towards Europe remain fragmented although the launch of the continental African Free Continental Trade Area (AfCTA) is a positive development. Looking forward it will be reinvigorated trade and investment that needs to become the heart of Africa-EU relations if this partnership is to prosper – not security, aid and counter- migration that has framed past EU focus.

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Jenkins, Carolyn, et Willem Naudé. « Reciprocity in trade relations between South Africa and Europe ». Development Southern Africa 13, n^o 1 (février 1996) : 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03768359608439871.

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Bach, Daniel C. « Europe-Afrique : des acteurs en quête de scénarios ». Études internationales 22, n^o 2 (12 avril 2005) : 323–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702842ar.

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With the marginalization of Africa in international trade, previous models for operationalizing relations with Europe have become obsolete. There is increasingly a trend towards uncoupling between North Africa, the Republic of South Africa, and Black Africa. North Africa has broken away to the point of regarding itself as a hinterland of Europe. South Africa is likely to become both a crossroads and a transit point in trade between Europe, Africa, and the Pacific region. In Black Africa, the only current scenarios for reconnection with the rest of the world seem to amount to pointing out this subregion's capability to do harm if it were ever abandoned.

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Tolstov, S. « GOALS AND PRINCIPLES IN PARTNERSHIP RELATIONS BETWEEN THE EU AND THE AFRICAN UNION ». ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, n^o 130 (2017) : 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2017.130.0.4-12.

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The African continent has traditionally been considered as Europe’s ‘backyard’. The Africa – EU partnership framework was established at the Africa – EU Summit in Cairo in 2000. In 2005 the European Commission issued a renovated EU Strategy for Africa aimed to establish a Euro-African pact to accelerate Africa’s development. Since then a considerable change has taken place on both continents, which challenge the way Africa and Europe perceive each other. On 29th June 2016 the African Union Commission and the EU signed the third phase of the African Union Support Programme. The goals of the EU – AU strategic partnership relations envisage a wide range of priorities in different areas including enhanced political dialogue, development assistance, joint management and joint responsibility, security cooperation, regulation of migrations, promotion of trans-regional projects etc. The joint EU – AU documents strengthen upon bilateral cooperation in addressing global issues, distributing burdens, mutual accountability, solidarity and mutual trust, equality and justice, respect for international law and agreements, gender equality and non-discrimination. However the actual results of interaction in such priority areas as peace and security, democracy, good governance and human rights, sustainable and inclusive development, economic growth, human development and continental integration remain rather low. Thus the European political experts often speculate on the ineffectiveness of the EU’s concept of normative power and external governance attempts in relation to the African states.

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Tolstov, S. « GOALS AND PRINCIPLES IN PARTNERSHIP RELATIONS BETWEEN THE EU AND THE AFRICAN UNION ». Actual Problems of International Relations, n^o 130 (2017) : 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2017.130.1.4-12.

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The African continent has traditionally been considered as Europe’s ‘backyard’. The Africa – EU partnership framework was established at the Africa – EU Summit in Cairo in 2000. In 2005 the European Commission issued a renovated EU Strategy for Africa aimed to establish a Euro-African pact to accelerate Africa’s development. Since then a considerable change has taken place on both continents, which challenge the way Africa and Europe perceive each other. On 29th June 2016 the African Union Commission and the EU signed the third phase of the African Union Support Programme. The goals of the EU – AU strategic partnership relations envisage a wide range of priorities in different areas including enhanced political dialogue, development assistance, joint management and joint responsibility, security cooperation, regulation of migrations, promotion of trans-regional projects etc. The joint EU – AU documents strengthen upon bilateral cooperation in addressing global issues, distributing burdens, mutual accountability, solidarity and mutual trust, equality and justice, respect for international law and agreements, gender equality and non-discrimination. However the actual results of interaction in such priority areas as peace and security, democracy, good governance and human rights, sustainable and inclusive development, economic growth, human development and continental integration remain rather low. Thus the European political experts often speculate on the ineffectiveness of the EU’s concept of normative power and external governance attempts in relation to the African states.

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Stambøl, Eva Magdalena. « The Rise of Crimefare Europe : Fighting Migrant Smuggling in West Africa ». European Foreign Affairs Review 24, Issue 3 (1 octobre 2019) : 287–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2019026.

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This article explores the incremental role of criminalization and crime control in European Union (EU) foreign policy and external action. Protecting Europe from dangerous or unwanted mobility has come to drive the EU’s relations with Africa. Consequently, the EU’s liberal state-building agenda (promoting peace, democracy and human rights) seems to be increasingly accompanied or even sometimes supplanted by illiberal practices (criminalization, policing, surveillance, border security and militarization). Based on fieldwork in Niger, Mali and Senegal, the article investigates how West African countries’ internal security apparatuses and borders are increasingly becoming a main target sector for European assistance. Yet scrutinizing policy implementation reveals that some European crime definitions and control models are locally resisted and contribute to greater insecurity by upsetting fragile micro-political stability. As such, the article problematizes the compatibility of European and African security, and argues for a collaborative engagement between Criminology and International Relations (IR) in analysing the EU’s emerging global crime-fighting role.

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Whitaker, Jennifer Seymour, et Gregory F. Treverton. « Europe, America and South Africa ». Foreign Affairs 67, n^o 1 (1988) : 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043764.

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Whitaker, Jennifer Seymour, Robert Boardman, Timothy M. Shaw et Panayotis Soldatos. « Europe, Africa and Lomé III ». Foreign Affairs 63, n^o 5 (1985) : 1133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042452.

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Rich, Paul. « United States containment policy, South Africa and the apartheid dilemma ». Review of International Studies 14, n^o 3 (juillet 1988) : 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113257.

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Since the early 1970s, South Africa has become an increasingly important issue within US foreign policy after a long period of benign neglect. For a considerable part of the post-war period, US decision-makers felt it possible to avoid a direct confrontation with the moral and ethical issues involved in the South African government's policy of apartheid; the relative geographical isolation of the country from many central theatres of East–West conflict in central Europe, the Middle East and South East Asia ensured that South Africa was not in the front line of strategically vital states. Furthermore, South Africa's membership of the Commonwealth until 1960 meant that, for many US policy makers, South Africa could be seen as an issue within Commonwealth relations and thus not one for direct US involvement.

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Ćurčić, Mihailo, Radan Kostić et Ivica Matejić. « Foreign trade of Serbia and Africa ». Odrzivi razvoj 3, n^o 2 (2021) : 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/odrraz2102007c.

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When it comes to defining the foreign trade relations between Africa and the Republic of Serbia, it should be pointed out that our country achieves the least international trade cooperation with the countries of this continent. According to the data of the Parliamentary Budget Office (2018), Serbian foreign trade is mostly focused on Europe, given that as much as 93% of total exports were directed to European countries, and 80% of imports of goods from Europe. The exchange with African countries is almost negligible: on both the import and import side, Africa took part in less than 1% of the total Serbian foreign trade. Infrastructure development accelerates the pace of economic progress, by strengthening more productive activities, and leads to lower costs for conducting internal and external trade.

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Hutchful, Eboe. « Eastern Europe : consequences for Africa ». Review of African Political Economy 18, n^o 50 (mars 1991) : 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056249108703888.

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Beck, Heinrich. « Europe – Africa – Asia : The Complementary Relation Between the World Cultures ». MANUSYA 6, n^o 2 (2003) : 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-00602001.

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In this paper Heinrich Beck outlines his theory about the relations among the world cultures and their contribution toward what he calls' creative peace'. Three of the world's cultures, namely that of Europe, Africa and Asia, are seen as much as members of a living organism, which is taken to be a 'Heuristic principle of possible understanding' whereby the integration and mutual reception of these three world cultures can be effected. The European tendency toward rationality and analysis is complemented by the Afro-Asiatic tendency toward holism and synthesis. And there is still further division between the African and the Asian mind. Though both emphasize unity and harmony, the African mind is predicated upon the immediately unity of nature and spirit, whereas the Asian one is characterized by traquility of conciousness. This, in turn, is contrasted by the European mind which is based upon the separation between mind and matter. These contrasts present themselves, according to Beck, as an occasion for a triadic and dialectical ontological structure, from which emerges a dynamic unity out of the contrasting unities. Thus a way is shown for world peace, which is not a static kind, but a dynamic and creative one.

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Cichecka, Anna. « EU-Africa Relations : looking through a gender lens ». Przegląd Europejski, n^o 4-2021 (9 décembre 2021) : 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.4.21.6.

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The expiry of the Cotonou Agreement encourages European states to change their approach towards African countries. Efforts undertaken by the European Union may end the relationship based on dependency and may open access to a more equal partnership with common interest at the centre. The consequences of the ongoing negotiations between the EU and Africa constitute important determinants for shaping economic, political and social relations in the coming years, and therefore deserve special attention. The results of this discussion will be also crucial to women’s status and gender concepts. Accordingly, the main aim of this article is to evaluate gender initiatives undertaken between the EU and Africa in selected aspects of their cooperation, with particular emphasis on the ongoing negotiations. The article has been elaborated on the basis of gender-sensitive analysis, that is also called a gender-lens perspective. Firstly, this article presents an overview of the evolution of gender agenda in institutional and legal framework of cooperation between Europe and Africa. Secondly, this text refers to the agreements and disagreements over gender agenda during the ongoing negotiations. And the last part of the article are conclusions. The research is based on the following methods and tools: critical analysis of existing sources (desk research); content analysis of subject literature, press releases and the information published by the European Union and African Union; as well as the field research and interviews that the author has conducted with representatives of the non-governmental organisations in Tanzania. The field research was funded by a grant from the National Science Centre – PRELUDIUM 9, number: 2015/17/N/HS5/00408.

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Soda, Federico. « Migration from Africa to Europe ». Global Governance 25, n^o 1 (1 mars 2019) : 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02501004.

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Lister, Marjorie. « Europe and Africa : the new phase ». International Affairs 70, n^o 1 (janvier 1994) : 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620732.

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Gerhart, Gail, et I. William Zartman. « Europe and Africa : The New Phase ». Foreign Affairs 73, n^o 3 (1994) : 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20046723.

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Habro, Iryna. « ASIAN AND AFRICAN DIRECTIONS OF EU ENVIRONMENTAL DIPLOMACY ». European Historical Studies, n^o 21 (2022) : 6–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.1.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of environmental diplomacy of the European Union in Asia and Africa. The EU is the leader in the development of international environmental activities. The uniqueness of the EU, compared to other countries in the world, is that its environmental diplomacy is implemented in most regions of the world, including Asia and Africa. All this determines the relevance of the study of Asian and African areas of EU environmental diplomacy. The Asian vector of EU environmental diplomacy is implemented through various programs, projects, through the Asia-Europe Meeting platform (informal process of dialogue and cooperation between Asia and Europe, launched in 1996) and the EU-CA platform on environment and water cooperation (High-level conferences in Rome in 2009 as a basis for EU-CA cooperation in the field of water and environment based on the EU Strategy for Central Asia agreed with the CA countries). The African continent is particularly vulnerable to climate change and environmental degradation. Food security, sustainable water supply and extreme weather events (floods, arid deserts) are key issues that require joint efforts by Africa and the EU. The article reveals the EU-funded Regeneration of Africa program, which began in 2017. The program aims to improve livelihoods, strengthen food security and strengthen resilience to climate change, while restoring degraded ecosystem services in eight countries. The EU pursues its external environmental goals in Africa, namely, high-level political dialogue in the form of a Joint Africa-EU Strategy, capacity building through development projects and programs, and manipulating utility calculations in the Economic Partnership Agreement. The environment and climate change have become more important in EU-Africa relations over the last decade. However, the EU’s attempts to pursue its foreign policy through high-level political dialogue are hampered by many of the same weaknesses that undermine its broader relations with Africa.

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Perrin, Thomas, Tiphaine Dachy, Esther López-Montalvo, Claire Manen et Grégor Marchand. « What relations between North Africa and Europe in the early holocene ? » Tabona : Revista de Prehistoria y Arqueología 22 (2022) : 261–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.tabona.2022.22.13.

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Between the 8th and 5th millennium BCE, human societies in the Western Mediterranean underwent several major changes. One of them took place during the 7th millennium with a profound change in material production, especially in their stone industries. It resulted in a fundamental change in production patterns, operating sequences and technical procedures. The precise origin of these changes is currently unknown, but it is possible that they initially occurred in North Africa before spreading rapidly along the shores of the Mediterranean and reaching Western Europe. This south-to-north expansion could reflect population shifts, at least in the early stages of the expansion of these new technical processes. However, possible contacts between Africa and Europe are not limited to this technical sphere, and exchanges can also be documented in both ceramic productions and graphic expressions. Several recent research programmes have brought new data to these hypotheses, the main results of which are presented here.

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Hackenesch, Christine. « Aid Donor Meets Strategic Partner ? The European Union's and China's Relations with Ethiopia ». Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 42, n^o 1 (mars 2013) : 7–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261304200102.

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The motives, instruments and effects of China's Africa policy have spurred a lively debate in European development policy circles. This paper assesses the “competitive pressure” that China's growing presence in Africa exerts on the European development policy regime. Drawing on interviews conducted in China, Ethiopia and Europe between 2008 and 2011, the paper analyses Ethiopia as a case study. Ethiopia has emerged as one of the most important countries in Chinese as well as European cooperation with Africa. Yet, Chinese and European policies toward Ethiopia differ greatly. The EU mainly engages Ethiopia as an aid recipient, whereas China has developed a comprehensive political and economic partnership with the East African state. China has thereby become an alternative partner to the Ethiopian government, a development that both sheds light on the gap between European rhetoric and policy practice and puts pressure on the EU to make more efforts to reform its development policy system.

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Rinelli, Lorenzo. « Expanding Boundaries. Borders, Mobilities and the Future of Europe-Africa Relations ». Journal of Borderlands Studies 37, n^o 1 (9 novembre 2021) : 225–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08865655.2021.1996262.

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Gosnell, J. « France, Empire, Europe : Out of Africa ? » Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 26, n^o 2 (1 janvier 2006) : 203–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-2006-004.

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Goldberg, Jörg. « Afrika und die neuen asiatischen Wirtschaftsmächte ». PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 40, n^o 161 (1 décembre 2010) : 585–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v40i161.374.

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The increasing role of the emerging economies of Asia, particularly of China, has changed the economic and political environment of Africa. Data on trade, foreign investments and development cooperation indicate that Africa’s dependence on industrialised countries is decreasing. African countries prefer partnerships with China and India because these do not come with policy conditions imposing the cures of the Washington Consensus. At the same time, South-South Cooperation is a mechanism for increasing Africa’s bargaining power in global affairs. However, the current pattern of economic relations with Asia replicates the capitalist character of Africa’s trade with Europe, in which Africa exports commodities and imports manufactures. The regional diversification of economic relations and the increasing international importance of Asia open more policy space for African governments. But it depends on the capacity of African governments and civil society organisations to transfer these opportunities into development progress.

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Kühne, Winrich. « L'Afrique et la fin de la guerre froide : de la nécessité d'un « nouveau réalisme » ». Études internationales 22, n^o 2 (12 avril 2005) : 287–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702840ar.

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Superpower disinterest turns out to be the main feature of Africa's post cold war era. Although marxism-leninism and models of socialist orientation based thereupon have utterly failed, there is not much reason for capitalism to triumph either: the debate on the limits and risks of the market forces will continue as the example of South Africa shows. The eighties have turned out to be a lost decade for development in Africa and there will be no significant rise in outside development assistance in the coming years : expectations for a Marshall Plan for Africa and hopes concerning a "peace-dividend" because of disarmament in Europe should be discounted in the context of the exploding cost of European reconstruction. Africans can either react with despair or with a "New Realism", geared at solving their problems essentially by mobilising their own resources and creativity. Europe, for its part, would be ill-advised to judge its relations with Africa merely in terms of diminishing strategic and economic interests.

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Mo, Lou. « Triangulating Africa : Contemporary art as a terrain for creating China‐Africa connections ». Journal of Contemporary Chinese Art 9, n^o 1 (1 juillet 2022) : 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jcca_00056_1.

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Colonization and race are important issues influencing international contemporary art practice, but related discourse is often focused with Europe or America at one end of a binary dialogue opposing the peripheries and former colonies. Since mid-twentieth century, following the independence of new nation states and events such as the 1955 Bandung Conference, there has been an increasing awareness to create new axes of sociopolitical connections. China‐Africa relations evolve from this context but remains a topic mostly studied from state-level politics and economics. Recently, artists from the Greater Chinese context have started investigating ways of understanding Africa culturally through their artworks. Pu Yingwei (mainland China), Musquiqui Chihying (Taiwan) and Enoch Cheng (HK) are three young artists whose recent works focus on creating more intimate narratives to construct an understanding of China‐Africa relations. China is introduced in the dichotomous mode of discourse, and this new triangulated focus expand the understanding of China‐Africa relations by offering more nuanced perspectives.

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KOZERA, CYPRIAN ALEKSANDER, et BŁAŻEJ POPŁAWSKI. « THE WRETCHED OF THE AFRICAN EARTH. AN ATTEMPT AT DECONSTRUCTING THE STEREOTYPE OF AFRICANISED MIGRATION DESTINED FOR EUROPE ». Society Register 3, n^o 4 (31 décembre 2019) : 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sr.2019.3.4.11.

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The aim of the article is to deconstruct the Africanization of migration destined for Europe, to disprove several cognitive scripts on migration from Africa, most frequently quoted in the conservative media discourse. In the introduction, the migration of Africans destined for Europe in relations to the migration of Asians via Africa destined for Europe were characterized inter alia on the basis of the official documents, UNHCR and FRONTEX reports. Then, the dynamics of transcontinental and intra-Africa migrations – in synchronous and diachronic approach, with the reference to the research results of scholars specialized in the demography, social policy, history of migration – were discussed. Finally, the cultural meanings of migration among Africans is presented.

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Balch, Alex, et Hakim Darbouche. « Europe and North Africa : Theoretical Research Challenges ». Mediterranean Politics 11, n^o 3 (novembre 2006) : 447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629390600914161.

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Jarad, Ali, Almokhtar Attwairi, Tarek Elaswed et Elhadi Elmghirbi. « The role of the southern Libyan Saharan cities in building their relations with neighbouring countires ». Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 102, n^o 1 (2022) : 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd2201141j.

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The southern Libyan cities (Ghat, Murzuq, and Al-Kufra) played their political, economic, and social role in Libyan relations with neighbouring countries during various historical phases. These cities paved the way for building economic relations, especially the exchange of goods between North and South Africa through Mediterranean ports to Europe. The main goal of the research is to stress the role of the Saharan towns and cities in building relations between Libya and neighbouring countries and to tracking the political, economic and social impacts on Saharan cities, but also their effects between the northern African region and southern Libya towards African Sub-Saharan region. Additionally, it is important to explain the role of southern cities geographically in the influx of illegal migration of temporary transit and settlement areas and crossing north to Europe and studying the impact of instability and insecurity after 2011 in the tribal and ethnic conflict in southern Libyan region. The importance of the study is based on identifying the political, economic, and social conditions of southern Libyan region and its important historical cities.

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Keating, Norah, et Vera Roos. « Contexts That Exclude : Loneliness in North America, Europe, and Africa ». Innovation in Aging 4, Supplement_1 (1 décembre 2020) : 609–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igaa057.2063.

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Abstract Loneliness is a key indicator of exclusion from social relations. Its prevalence among older people is of increasing global concern given the powerful impact of loneliness on health and wellbeing. To date, empirical and theoretical advancements in understanding loneliness have been focused on the micro contexts of networks of social relationships surrounding older people. Yet these relationships occur within broader socio-cultural, political and geographical settings that may help us better understand the experiences and manifestations of loneliness. In this presentation we draw on our research on loneliness on three continents. Findings from Canada show how ageing in a foreign land can truncate social connections. Research across Europe reveals differences in values and expectations about social connections. South African findings illustrate the long-term impact of dislocation resulting from political ideologies. We draw together these findings to create an ecological model of contexts that may lead to cumulative disadvantage in social relations.

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Bilgic, Ali. « Africa and Fortress Europe : Threats and Opportunities ». Review of African Political Economy 36, n^o 121 (septembre 2009) : 469–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056240903211430.

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Rogozhina, Evgeniya Mikhailovna, Natal'ya Mikhailovna Morozova et Anna Nikolaevna Solodovnikova. « Analysis of the effectiveness of cooperation between China and the African Union within the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation during the period of the COVID-19 pandemic ». Мировая политика, n^o 2 (février 2021) : 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.2.35801.

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The authors study the cooperation between China and the African Union during the period of the COVID-19 pandemic within the Forum on China-Africa cooperation, and consider the peculiarities of relations between China and the African continent. The article studies China’s regional interests before and during the pandemic. Using the analysis of China’s humanitarian work in Africa and its comparison with the assistance of the U.S., Europe, and Russia, the authors detect the obvious interest of Beijing in the cooperation with the countries of the continent, and its urge to press the U.S.’s hegemony in Africa and strengthen China’s positions in the region through cooperation within the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation bypassing other global actors. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the analysis of cooperation between Beijing and the African continent in the context of the Forum on China-Africa in the coronavirus period. In the pre-COVID epoch, China’s activities in Africa, its political, economic and imperial ambitions have been actively studied; the economic, political and military perversion of China through the Forum on China-Africa, ASEAN, the Asia-Pacific Region and China’s initiatives like “One belt and one road” have been studied thoroughly. However, the assessment of the COVID period has become possible only recently when the results of new cooperation concepts became visible. The authors formulate the following conclusions. The effectiveness of cooperation between China and Africa in the period of the COVID-19 pandemic is still high and is further deepening. The Forum on China-Africa, in which each country of the African Union is represented and has a voting right on the equal basis with other member-states, plays a significant role in cooperation strengthening. The authors believe that it is early days yet to speak about China’ supremacy over the U.S. and Europe in Africa, but Beijing is moving in this direction.   

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Kibble, Steve, Paul Goodison et Balefi Tsie. « The Uneasy Triangle - South Africa, Southern Africa and Europe in the Post-Apartheid Era ». International Relations 12, n^o 4 (avril 1995) : 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711789501200403.

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Law, Robin. « ‘Here is No Resisting the Country’. The Realities of Power in Afro-European Relations on the West African ‘Slave Coast’ ». Itinerario 18, n^o 2 (juillet 1994) : 50–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511530002249x.

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Perceptions of the earliest stages of interaction between European nations and the indigenous peoples of Africa, from the beginnings of European maritime expansion in the fifteenth century to the nineteenth century, are easily clouded by consciousness of the subsequent imposition of European rule over almost the entire African continent. There has, arguably, been a tendency to read back into earlier periods the military and political dominance which became manifest in the European Partition of Africa at the end of the nineteenth century. The temptation is, perhaps, especially strong in relation to the history of the Atlantic slave trade, which appears so obviously damaging to the African societies involved that it is readily assumed that their participation in it must have been somehow coerced. Although strongest in popular perceptions, this tendency has been reflected in the work of some academic historians also: perhaps most emphatically in the general survey of Afro-European commercial relations by the late Walter Rodney, which remains probably the most widely read book on African history. There we are told, for example, that ‘From the beginning, Europe assumed the power to make decisions within the international trading system […] Above all, European decision-making power was exercised in selecting what Africa should export – in accordance with European needs.’ Primarily, according to Rodney, this was a question of disparity of economic power; but ‘as a last resort’ armed force could be used ‘to ensure the pursuit of favourable policies in the dependent areas’.

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Sumbai, Gasiano G. N. « Revival of the New East African Community : A New Era of Economic Integration or Re-division among African Regional Powers ? » Tanzania Zamani : A Journal of Historical Research and Writing 11, n^o 1 (1 mars 2019) : 71–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/tza20211114.

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This paper examines the forces behind the revival of the East African Community in 1999 and its impact on the structural economic relations in East African countries. It uses political economy as a guiding theory in the analysis. Drawing on a range of written sources ranging from documents of the East Africa Community itself and Southern Africa Development Community such as declarations, protocols, policy statements, trade statistics and parliamentary speeches and secondary sources such as books and newspapers, this paper demonstrates that the interface between the global and regional forces relating to the demise of the Cold War and an effort to create new regional and global structural relations in the post-Cold War caused East African states to revive the defunct East African Community as part of the post-Cold War realignment. Kenya as a regional economic powerhouse driven by agricultural, manufacturing, financial and tourism sectors struggled to protect her national economic interests through regional integration that would limit the growing influence of the post-Apartheid South Africa in eastern Africa. Despite the revival of the Community, the integration did not facilitate Tanzania and Uganda to address the colonial structural economic imbalances, some of which were economic legacies and others emerged during the post-colonial period. Therefore, Tanzania and Uganda continued to depend on Western Europe, North America, Japan and China as their major trading partners, source of capital and technology while Kenya continued to be a regional economic powerhouse.

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Olsen, Gorm Rye. « The EU and Military Conflict Management in Africa : For the Good of Africa or Europe ? » International Peacekeeping 16, n^o 2 (avril 2009) : 245–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533310802685828.

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Lenine, Enzo, et Elisa Numala. « Feminismos africanos e a sororidade internacional : Há espaço para as epistemologias feministas africanas nas RI ? » Relações Internacionais, n^o 73 (mars 2022) : 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2022.73a07.

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Just over three decades ago, feminism entered the discipline of International Relations (ir), challenging the hegemonic readings on international phenomena and the invisibilization of women. As a result, an extensive feminist literature has developed, filling this theoretical and empirical gap. However, the centrality of the debate in the United States and Europe has resulted in an erasure of the experiences of women in the Global South, in particular African women. In this article, we explore feminist debates in ir and Africa, attempting to locate points of convergence that allow for the emergence of African feminist approaches to international phenomena.

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Collier, Paul, et Jan Willem Gunning. « Trade Policy and Regional Integration : Implications for the Relations between Europe and Africa ». World Economy 18, n^o 3 (mai 1995) : 387–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.1995.tb00221.x.

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Bahgat, Gawdat. « The geopolitics of energy : Europe and North Africa ». Journal of North African Studies 15, n^o 1 (mars 2010) : 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629380902731975.

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Storey, Andy. « Normative Power Europe ? Economic Partnership Agreements and Africa ». Journal of Contemporary African Studies 24, n^o 3 (septembre 2006) : 331–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589000600976646.

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Fioramonti, Lorenzo, et Patrick Kimunguyi. « Public and Elite Views on Europe vs. China in Africa ». International Spectator 46, n^o 1 (mars 2011) : 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2011.549755.

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Jacobs, Bert. « A Dragon and a Dove ? A Comparative Overview of Chinese and European Trade Relations with Sub-Saharan Africa ». Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 40, n^o 4 (décembre 2011) : 17–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261104000402.

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As China's footprint in African trade grows larger by the day, the need to contextualize this rise through comparative analysis becomes ever more necessary. This paper contrasts the sub-Saharan trade relations of both China and Europe with their respective designated stereotypes: those of a dragon and a dove. The article compares the trade dynamics on four levels: the policies and institutional mechanisms that shape the relationship; the composition of the trade flows; the geographic distribution of trade dominance; and the influence of norms and values on the trade pattern. It concludes that although there are empirical grounds behind these stereotypes, Chinese and European trade relations with sub-Saharan Africa are becoming more similar, partly due to a more hawkish European stance.

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