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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Afghan War, 2001- – Mass media and the war"
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Khaydarov, Abdusamat Akhatovich. « Muslim Clergy vs. Authority in Contemporary Afghanistan : View from Uzbekistan ». Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no 4 (15 décembre 2020) : 747–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-4-747-762.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Significant geopolitical changes taking place in the modern world in recent decades urge us to take a fresh look at the role of Islam and the clergy in the political processes of a number of countries of the Muslim world. This perspective is especially relevant vis--vis Afghanistan where a fierce war is being waged under the slogans of Islam for more than four decades. The purpose of this research is an in-depth study of the relationship between the state and the Muslim clergy, Islamic institutions in the development of political processes in Afghanistan since the mid-70s of the last century. The article reflects shaping of the Islamic opposition and its efforts to stand up to innovations and reforms during attempts of the Soviet stile modernization in 1978-1992, and then the efforts to democratize Afghan society, undertaken in Afghanistan since the end of 2001 with the assistance of the international community. The work is based on the study of factual historical material, a chronicle of the events of the last decade and personal observations of the author during his work in Afghanistan during the mentioned period. Analytical materials published on the pages of English and Russian mass media were used. The methodological basis of this study is the comparative historical method; the article is based on the principles of historicism, reliability and scientific objectivity. The author concludes that the conflict is based on mistakes and underestimation by the state the role and influence of the Muslim clergy and Islamic institutions of the country. It has been noted that the recently reached US - Taliban agreements, as well as the assistance of such influential players as Russia, sparkle hope for the launch of a direct inter-Afghan negotiation process, which most likely will not be as simple but thorny.
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Orziyev, Makhmud. « ABOUT THE INFLUENCE OF THE PRINT OF AFGHANISTAN ON BUKHARA ». JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 15, no 2 (15 août 2019) : 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2019-15-11.
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In the article the formation of the mass media in Afghanistan, establishment of printing facilities, the first Afghan media outlet "Shams an-nakhar" and its brief description, the aspects praising the emir of Afghanistan Sheralikhan, the impact of the enlightenment movement of Afghanistan to Bukhara, the insolvency of the this media outlet during the Anglo-Afghan war, the launch of "Siraj al-Akhbar Afghania" newspaper,the processes of infiltration of this newspaper to emirate of Bukhara and the Turkistanregion, some info on the editing and printing issues in Afghanistan appearing in the localmedia of Bukhara, architectonics of the newspaper "Siraj al-Akhbar Afghania", itspropagation of independence, the solidarity of Muslims, its propagation of independence,its prohibition in the governorship-general of Turkestan and the emirate of Bukhara, the contemporary location where the newspaper is preserved, the issues related with printing under the name "Amani Afghan" are revealed thoroughly based on the mass media outlets
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Ashraf, Syed Irfan. « The fixer on the Pak-Afghan frontier : A de-skilled local labour in the global media ». Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 5, no 2 (1 septembre 2021) : 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/5.2.1.
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This study examines power misuse in global news production by focusing on the role of “fixer.” Fixer is a local journalist who reports for global media on conflict-riddled areas or crisis situations. By interviewing forty fixers in Pakistan’s war-hit Pashtun Belt along the Afghanistan border, I examine the challenges they face in working with the global media’s visiting journalists before the start of the war on terror. Using Marx’s concept of proletarianization which is a process in which capital transforms a great mass of society into daily wage workers, I reveal how the local journalist, who works as fixer, is not only de-professionalized, but his precarity, due to living in a war zone, also forces him to misuse his local news traditions in working for the global media. I argue that fixers are far more than just assistants to global media outlets. Not only are they all practicing journalists in their own right, but, as locals, they also are geographically better placed to use their experience than those journalists who are coming from outside the conflict zone. Yet, this subsidiary role automatically erases this distinction leading to the real fixers’ de-skilling with consequences for the entire region.
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Jhosep, Akaber. « THE UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY AGAINST AFGHANISTAN MILITARY : A COVERT MILITARY METHOD ». Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 9, no 2 (21 août 2022) : 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v9i2.23731.
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This study aims to analyze and explain the foreign policy of the United States towards the Afghan militia, especially the Taliban. The United States government with the help of the CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) investigates and seeks to destroy the Al Qaeda terrorist group led by Osama bin Laden who was later found to be in Afghanistan and obtained protection under the Taliban. The Taliban, the Islamic extremist regime that controls Afghanistan and offers space for Al Qaeda militants to exercise its military in Afghanistan. President Bush signed a resolution on September 18, 2001 regarding the attacks on Al Qaeda under the protection of the Taliban in Afghanistan which continues to this day. The United States is actively involved in supporting military operations in Afghanistan, including logistical assistance, Afghan military training, and sending American military troops to conflict areas. The main goal of the United States in doing so is to prevent potential future attacks by a growing terrorist group in Afghanistan. Based on data from the United States Department of Defense, the total expenditure in the military sector in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2019 was 778 billion USD. Meanwhile, the number of troops sent to conflict locations was 596,303 troops. There are 2,441 US military troops confirmed dead in the Afghan war from 2001 to 2019. It is estimated that about 12,000 US military troops are still in Afghanistan. This research is a qualitative research and the data collection technique used by the author in this study is Library Research in the form of books, journals, documents, reports, articles, or newspapers obtained through electronic and non-electronic media. The conclusion is that this foreign policy is relevant and elaborates that in international relations there will be actions, reactions, and interactions between political entities called states. The state, in this case the head of state as the decision maker, tries to formulate every goal to be achieved by minimizing sacrifices to the national interest. In line with the policies pursued by President Trump to end the war in Afghanistan and withdraw all military forces of the United States and its allies.
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Bünger, Iris. « Apocalypse Now ? » PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 31, no 125 (1 décembre 2001) : 603–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v31i125.725.
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The role played by the media in the construction of societal reality is both – determined by discourse and determines discourse. The media can be regarded as a kind of „magnifying glass” that collects information and focuses it for the masses. The reporting of the BILD-Zeitung, a leading figure in mass print media is analysed after the attacks on US-targets on September 11, 2001. The discursive strategy to define terror as war and to prepare the military counter attacks entailing „unlimited German Solidarity” is demonstrated by illumination of the argumentation strategies and collective symbolism.
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Pötzsch, Holger. « Borders, Barriers and Grievable Lives ». Nordicom Review 32, no 2 (1 novembre 2011) : 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2017-0114.
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Abstract Based on a close reading of Ridley Scott’s war film Black Hawk Down (USA 2001; BHD), the present article investigates the formal properties through which a certain strain of war and action movies discursively constitutes the other – the enemy – as less than human. I develop the argument that the emergent relation between friend and foe in these films can be read through the concept of the border as an epistemological barrier that keeps the other incomprehensible, inaccessible, and ultimately ungrievable. Having demonstrated how BHD sets up such epistemological barriers, I widen my focus and show that similar formal properties can be found in other audio-visual media, such as video games or news items. I then proceed to investigate how the societal impacts of this audio-visual rhetoric might be conceptualized. Do the mass media constitute a logistics that organizes audiences’ perceptions of war, violence, and the other? Does the barring of the face of the enemy from the public sphere of appearance render particular lives ungrievable and therefore unprotectable? The main theoretical frame of the paper consists of an application of the discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe to an analysis of audio-visual media, and of the approaches of Judith Butler, James Der Derian, and Paul Virilio to conceptualizing impacts of media representations on political discourse and practice in times of war.
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Baber, Muhammad Qamar Zaman, et Sajjad Ahmad Paracha. « Press-Government Relationship during War on Terror : A Comparative Analysis of the Editorials of Nawa-e-Waqt and Dawn (2001-2019) ». Review of Applied Management and Social Sciences 4, no 2 (20 juin 2021) : 495–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/ramss.v4i2.141.
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This study is mainly an appraisal of print media of Pakistan on the subject of War on Terror. It is a retrospective analysis led by conducting content analysis of editorials of “Nawa-e-Waqt and Dawn”. The results vibrantly disclose that “Nawa-e-Waqt” contributed additional reportage to “War on terror” in relation to Dawn. As Nawa-e-Waqt more criticized the Government of Pakistan in its editorials regarding its policies in WoT as compare to Dawn. This retrospective analysis acquires its theoretical framework from Robert Entman’s theory of framing that argues the aspects of salient and Selection. He pronounces framing practice as to choice some observed reality and brand it further salient. He says more that media framing in a way they can be appraise, deduce, expresses, and kind something central and the approvals towards a certain objects subscribed. The foundation of Framing Theory is that the mass media emphases consideration on specific happenings and then spaces them within a particular meaning.
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Edwards, David B. « Sheep to Slaughter ». Journal of Religion and Violence 7, no 2 (2019) : 158–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jrv2019112267.
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This essay seeks to articulate the process by which sacrifice took on new meanings, symbols, and practices in the context of the war in Afghanistan. It does so by examining five acts and the ‘axial figures’ associated with each of these acts, the first of which centers on the early efforts of Afghan political parties to change the focus of popular esteem from brave deeds to heroic deaths and the axial figure of veneration from the Warrior to the Martyr. The second act is associated with ‘Abdullah ‘Azzam who infused the figure of the Martyr with a sanctity long associated with the Sufi Saint by documenting miracles observed during and after the death of Afghan Arabs who died in the Afghan jihad. The third act involves the Taliban’s deployment of public rituals that altered the focus of sacrificial violence from collective veneration of the Martyr to the punishment of criminals who had defiled the purity of the jihad. The fourth act is associated with Osama Bin Laden who exploited the potential of using bodies as weapons of mass destruction, in the process turning the figure of the Suicide Bomber into one of the key symbols of our age. The fifth and final act discussed here involves the rise of the Islamic State and its synthesis of diverse forms of sacrificial violence, expanding and recasting these elements in a symbolic register derived from popular media and centered around the figure of the Slaughterer.
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Roe, Amanda. « Graphic Satire and Public Life in the Age of Terror ». Media International Australia 113, no 1 (novembre 2004) : 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0411300108.
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This paper investigates media representations of international insecurity through a selection of newspaper cartoons from some of the major daily Australian broadsheets. Since 2001, cartoonists such as Bruce Petty, John Spooner and Bill Leak (in The Age and The Australian) have provided an ongoing and vehement critique of the Australian government's policies of ‘border protection’, the ‘war on terror’ and the words of mass distraction associated with Australia joining the war in Iraq. Cartoonists are often said to represent the ‘citizen's perspective’ of public life through their graphic satire on the editorial pages of our daily newspapers. Increasingly, they can also be seen to be fulfilling the role of public intellectuals, defined by Richard A. Posner as ‘someone whose place it is publicly to raise embarrassing questions, to confront orthodoxy and dogma, to be someone who cannot easily be co-opted by governments and corporations’. Cartoonists enjoy an independence and freedom from censorship that is rarely extended to their journalistic colleagues in the print media and it is this independence that is the vital component in their being categorised as public intellectuals. Their role is to ‘question over and over again what is postulated as self-evident, to disturb people's mental habits, to dissipate what is familiar and accepted, to re-examine rules and institutions’ (Posner, 2003: 31). With this useful — if generalised — definition in mind, the paper considers how cartoonists have contributed to debates concerning international insecurity in public life since 2001.
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Atkinson, Michael, et Kevin Young. « Shadowed by the corpse of war : Sport spectacles and the spirit of terrorism ». International Review for the Sociology of Sport 47, no 3 (17 janvier 2012) : 286–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690211433452.
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Since the early 2000s, there has been a groundswell of research on terrorism and sports mega-events, including investigations into the impact of ‘9/11’ on fear and risk management strategies at high profile sports events. In this article, we re-examine the case of the Salt Lake City Winter Games of 2002 around Baudrillard’s (1995) concept of the ‘non-event’. We compare the (largely British and North American) mass mediation and discursive framing of terrorism at the 2002 Games with subsequent discourses interwoven into accounts of terrorism, fear and security at the 2004 Summer Olympic Games in Athens and the 2006 Winter Olympic Games in Turin. Of principal interest is the global framing of sports mega-events as targets of terrorism and the ways in which such events become fabricated zones of risk. To understand why there is a lingering media construction of the sports mega-event as an imagined target (and, in many ways, pre-constructed victim) of terrorism, we draw centrally on Baudrillard’s work (1995, 2001, 2002a, 2002b). Specifically, we employ Baudrillard’s concepts of the hyperreal and the non-event as a means of exploring terrorism’s relationship with sport, and the potential usage of such theoretical ideas in the sociology of sport and physical culture more broadly.
Thèses sur le sujet "Afghan War, 2001- – Mass media and the war"
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Roger, Nathan Philip. « Image warfare in the war on terror : image munitions and the continuation of war and politics by other means ». Thesis, Swansea University, 2010. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42350.
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This thesis argues that the image as circulated within society has changed from what is broadly conceived of as a mass media society to that of an information society or a rhizomatic condition. This discontinuity is linked to changes that have taken place both within technology and the 'communications systems' that make up the media. This is theorized as a move from the 'mobilization of images' to the 'weaponization of images' and it takes the following form: the mobilization of images is connected to a twentieth century notion of propaganda and the rise of a mass society; whereas the weaponizing of images is understood as emerging through a networked/rhizomatic society connected with new media. It has also resulted in a paradigm shift from techno-war to image warfare. More specifically, this thesis is about exploring how American and British governments and militaries are failing to manage image warfare because they are operating with an outdated understanding that it is possible to 'control' images; whereas Al Qaeda appears to be understanding image warfare better. What I seek to show in this thesis is the disjuncture between this outdated idea of 'controlling' images (which Western governments and media continue to use) and a more dispersed or deterritorialized idea about how images operate in a rhizomatic condition. I explore this via my three conceptual terms: 'image munitions', 'counter-image munitions', 'remediation battles', with specific reference to the war on terror and specifically through four thematic case studies - political communications, suicides, executions and abuses - which allow exploration of different parts of this new theatre of war. In the conclusion I reflect on the implications of this analysis for understandings of contemporary and future warfare.
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Masson, Anne-Sophie. « Le droit de la guerre confronté aux nouveaux conflits asymétriques : généralisation à partir du conflit Afghan (2001-2013) ». Thesis, Normandie, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017NORMLH03.
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Le conflit afghan (à partir de 2001) peut être considéré comme un nouveau conflit asymétrique reprenant les caractéristiques des conflits asymétriques classiques (rapport de force disproportionné entre les belligérants) à l’exception de la territorialisation, remplacée par l’appartenance à une idéologie commune. En conséquence, le champ de bataille y est devenu secondaire, la guerre est devenue cognitive. La séparation entre la paix et la guerre s’est atténuée à tel point qu’il est devenu impossible de compartimenter le droit de la guerre en fonction de l’intensité du conflit ou de son internationalisation. Faute de s’y être adapté, le droit de la guerre a cessé de faciliter le rétablissement de la paix et a été perçu par les militaires occidentaux comme une entrave aux combats. C’est pourquoi, certains belligérants ont tenté de s’en affranchir en ayant recours à des méthodes de combats illégitimes. Ces effets ont été médiatisés et ont participé à la perte de légitimité des Etats occidentaux allant jusqu’à remettre en question la division du monde en Etats souverains. L’absence de résolution de ces conflits pourrait conduire à une guerre civile globalisée. En réponse, l’harmonisation du droit de la guerre autour de la garantie inconditionnelle des droits inaliénables doit être affirmée par les Etats et les nouveaux acteurs internationaux. Elle pourrait émerger d’un « Parlement mondial », garant du droit international. De plus, l’irréprochabilité morale des belligérants est attendue. Le droit et la place des armées au sein de la société doivent le refléterThe Afghan war (since 2001) may be seen as a new asymmetric conflict. It has all characteristics of the former asymmetric conflicts except territoriality, which has been replaced by ideology. Therefore, the battlefields have been displaced to the cognitive war. The distinction between war and peace became so small that it is now impossible to distinguish the law of war in regard to its intensity or to the implication of several states. The law of wars, due to its lack of adaptation stopped to ease the peace recovery, becoming a hindrance to combat. In consequence, some warriors have been tempted to use forbidden combat methods. Whose effects have been mediatized and took part of the western states legitimacy crisis (and questionning the World division in sovereign states). The lack of conflicts settlement could lead to a worldwide civil war. Unless, law of wars are harmonized through universal core rights mandatory for states and new international actors; a “World Parliament” could protect them. Furthermore, moral integrity of warriors is expected, it may be reflected into the military laws and their position into the civil society
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Adelman, Rebecca A. « The Shadow Rules of Engagement : Visual Practices, Citizen-Subjectivity, and America's Global War on Terror ». Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1243903538.
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Bartone, Christopher A. « News Media Narrative and the Iraq War, 2001-2003 : How the Classical Hollywood Narrative Style Dictates Storytelling Techniques in Mainstream Digital News Media and Challenges Traditional Ethics in Journalism ». Ohio : Ohio University, 2006. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1149531650.
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Rhidenour, Kayla. « Ideographs, Fragments, and Strategic Absences : An Ideographic Analysis of ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9742/.
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This study examined the ideograph of
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DE, FRANCO Chiara. « War by images : from Kosovo to Afghanistan ». Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10442.
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Defence date: 4 February 2008Examining Board: Pier Paolo Giglioli (Univ. Bologna), Fritz Kratochwil (EUI) (Supervisor), Martin Shaw (Univ. Sussex), Pascal Vennesson (EUI/RSCAS)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
In the most classical way and a less than original strategy in International Relations, this research is about power, the sources of power, and power relations. However, the unit of analysis is all but classical; on the contrary, this is something which is still an unusual presence within the discipline: the mass media. This research, indeed, aims at understanding if, how, and why the news international television networks (and CNN in particular) had power over the political and military decision-making during NATO’s intervention in Kosovo and Operation Enduring Freedom. Having analysed the existing literature to clarify concepts and theories which explain media power during international conflicts, I advanced my criticisms and presented my hypotheses about media power, and its sources, in order to develop a theoretical framework on which I could ground the empirical part of the research. It has been clarified, therefore, that the international news networks have: a) Power over the political agenda; b) Power over the process (over timing of the decision making); c) Power over the selection of communication channels; d) Power over the choice of instruments. A complex set of different methods has been used, which leads to an essentially diagnostic case analysis. This is based on the examination of those processes which, through documentation and interpretation, would be considered as effects of media power. In particular, the presence of some different effects has been detected: Agenda Setting, Real Time Policy, Media Diplomacy, and what has been labelled Media War. Research methodology is a combination of qualitative methods of both data collection and analysis, varying for each supposed effect of media power. The most important data are transcripts from CNN, newspaper articles, press agency bulletins, memoirs, and texts of original interviews conducted with policy makers, journalists, and military officials. These texts have been considered both as sources of information and as text to be rigorously analysed through a particular method of text analysis, which is semiotics, in order show how meaning is constructed by different speakers.
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Kim, Nam-Doo. « Making news out of Al-Jazeera : a comparative content analysis of American and British press coverage of events and issues involving the Arab media ». Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2916.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Afghan War, 2001- – Mass media and the war"
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Al Jazeera and US war coverage. New York : Peter Lang, 2010.
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Bonazzi, Roberta. European attitudes towards Afghanistan & media coverage. Brussels : European Foundation for Democracy, 2008.
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Don't mention the war : Reputation management and media representation of the Afghan conflict. Clayton, Victoria : Monash University Publishing, 2013.
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Conoscenti, Michelangelo. Language engineering and media management strategies in recent wars. Roma : Bulzoni, 2004.
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What are we doing in Afghanistan : The military and the media at war. North Melbourne, Vic : Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2009.
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Iraq-Afghanistan : Guerre di pace italiane. Venezia : Studio LT2, 2007.
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Viehrig, Henrike. Was sind unsere Ziele in Afghanistan ? : Eine Inhaltsanalyse ausgewählter Leitmedien. Strausberg : Akademie der Bundeswehr für Information und Kommunikation, 2009.
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Suber, Pietro. Inviato di guerra : Verità e menzogne. Roma : GLF editori Laterza, 2004.
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Philip, Steele. Afghanistan from War to Peace. London : Wayland, 2011.
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Picturing Afghanistan : The photography of foreign conflict. New York, NY : Hampton Press, 2012.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Afghan War, 2001- – Mass media and the war"
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Brown, Katherine A. « Afghanistan’s Press ». Dans Your Country, Our War, 51–71. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190879402.003.0004.
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This chapter discusses the history of the Afghan news media, which was under either authoritarian or hyperpartisan control throughout the 20th century. This chapter explores the political and sociocultural factors that have contributed to the state of modern Afghan journalism, and how Afghan government officials have treated their press since 2001. It also examines the habits and norms local journalists have created, in addition to the impact of Western aid money and the presence of Western journalists in the country. Independent news media organizations have helped to drive dramatic change in Afghan politics and society, often at a seemingly breakneck speed. The patchwork media landscape of present-day Afghanistan reflects the various power struggles between the country’s politicians, extremists, strongmen, progressives, and foreign actors.
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Hallier, Bernd. « From Mass Distribution to Customer-Centric Awareness Tools ». Dans Customer-Centric Marketing Strategies, 498–510. IGI Global, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-2524-2.ch024.
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The demand for meat grew in Western Europe after World War II: meat became a mass-product from the 70s of the last century onwards. However, while in the consumer product section “brands” were established, in the agricultural sector food was an anonymous product. Unfortunately, mass-production and discount-prices resulted in many food scandals starting in the 80s. In the beef-sector, especially the British Cow Decease (BSE) created a mistrust of meat. To re-gain “trust” meat-buyers of six German retail-chains started in 1995, together with the Cologne-based EHI Retail Institute, a tracking and tracing system—known later as the EHI-Meat-Label. This private initiative has been rolled out since 1997 by the EU via EU-regulations. Within the last five years, most stakeholders had been built up in the total supply chain in Western Europe with tracking/tracing systems from farm to fork, quite often with the help of IT. The evolution at the beginning of this decade is caused by mobile technology and social media, i.e. apps on smart phones that enable the communication “from fork to farm.” The challenge is a U-turn of info-streams strongly emphasizing consumer awareness. Part one of this chapter discloses what had happened at the backstage of the EHI-Meat Workshop between 1994 and 2001 to create a technical tool for tracing, to intertwine all stakeholders in the market, and to establish politics, both nationally and internationally. This work represents a case study of applied sciences to explain chronologically what happened within that time-period. Part two is an analysis of the marketing-tools and how the mix of the activities of EHI was used so that this success-story could unfold. Part three is a look at how to cope with the new challenge of smart phones and apps by integrating the individual pioneers into an EU-roof of Future Internet and Technologies. The chapter has been developed through an ethnographic observation platform by the author’s practical experience and observation.