Livres sur le sujet « Administrative contracts theory »

This chapter discusses the law on contract formation in Chinese law which largely follows the UN Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods and the UNIDROIT Principles of International Commercial Contracts. An objective approach is adopted in determining the parties’ intentions but exceptions are allowed where parties have not accurately expressed their true agreement, the contract is a sham, or one party’s intentional false expression is known to the other. For a contract to be binding, its ‘essential elements’ must be agreed (names of the parties, subject matter, and quantity); other terms may be agreed by the parties after the conclusion of the contract or, failing that, determination by the court. In reality, however, courts use soft laws and the nature of the contract, to augment what is required. A purported acceptance which makes a ‘non-material’ alteration to the content of the offer can bind the offeror unless the offeror timely rejects it, but there is little scope for non-materiality. Nevertheless, even a materially varied acceptance can bind if the original offeror’s performance amounts to acceptance where the usage of transaction or the express terms of the offer allows acceptance by conduct. Furthermore, courts show willingness to recognize an acceptance by conduct of performance beyond these two situations. There is no general requirement of form for a valid contract, although exceptionally, laws or administrative regulations may require writing or approval/registration. There is no general requirement of consideration; gratuitous contracts are enforceable. However, the latter attract far less legal force than onerous contracts. An offer is irrevocable only if it is an option or if the offeree reasonably believes the offer is irrevocable and has made preparations for the performance of the contract. An acceptance takes effect only when it arrives. A late acceptance that is not attributed to the offeree is ineffective unless the offeror gives timely notice of its intention to ratify the acceptance. Electronic means of communication are treated in the same way as paper-based communications with specific rules to determine the time and place of contract formation and the validity of electronic signature. Reliance-based pre-contractual liability may be imposed, on the basis of the requirement of good faith, in the circumstances including negotiating with no intention of concluding a contract, intentional concealment of material facts, or breach of confidentiality.

Administrative Law explains the constitutional principles of the subject and their application across the range of twenty-first-century administrative law. The focus on constitutional principles is meant to bring some order to the very diverse topics with which you need to deal if you are to understand this very complex branch of public law. The common law courts, government agencies, and Parliament have developed a wide variety of techniques for controlling the enormously diverse activities of twenty-first-century government. Underlying all that variety is a set of constitutional principles. This book uses the law of judicial review to identify and to explain these principles, and then shows how they ought to be worked out in the private law of tort and contract, in the tribunals system, and in non-judicial techniques such as investigations by ombudsmen, auditors, and other government agencies. The aim is to equip the reader to take a principled approach to the controversial problems of administrative law.

This commentary analyses Article 7.4.11 of the UNIDROIT Principles of International Commercial Contracts (PICC) concerning the manner of monetary redress. According to Art 7.4.11, damages are to be paid in a lump sum. However, they may be payable in instalments where the nature of the harm makes this appropriate. Damages to be paid in instalments may be subjected to indexation. This provision was considered to be ‘the mode of payment best suited to international trade’. A lump sum payment enables the parties to settle their dispute, draw a line under their relationship (assuming the contract to have been terminated), and move on to new contractual relationships elsewhere. It also avoids the administrative burdens associated with periodical payments of damages.

Administrative Law explains the constitutional principles of the subject. It brings clarity to this complex field of public law. The common law courts, government agencies, and Parliament have developed a wide variety of techniques for controlling the enormously diverse activities of twenty-first-century government. Underlying all that variety is a set of constitutional principles. This book uses the law of judicial review to identify and to explain these principles, and then shows how they ought to be worked out in the private law of tort and contract, in the tribunals system, and in non-judicial techniques such as investigations by ombudsmen, auditors, and other government agencies. The aim is to equip the reader to take a principled approach to the controversial problems of administrative law.

Should we be doing—or trying to do—everything ourselves, or might it be better to contract some tasks out to others? Could they do them better and cheaper than we can? More and more state and local governments are asking these questions, and while there are many answers on the Federal level, these answers often don’t apply lower down the line. Nevertheless, it is evident that contracting out is often the better strategy—but how best to go about it? What are the benefits and what are the hidden risks? Dr. O’Looney’s book provides precisely the guidance that state and local managers need: first, how to decide to outsource a government service, then step-by-step how to proceed. Based on extensive interviews and other research, O’Looney takes managers through the intricacies of contract outsourcing and administration, but in doing so he makes clear that he appreciates the importance of government. His book is not an argument for privatization, as so many other books are; rather, it is an affirmation of government and the benefits of its many services. Readers will find theory and advice on the services that are most suitable for contracting out; a listing and review of the components of a high-quality analysis, including the analysis of often overlooked political, organizational, and functional aspects of government; advice on how to go from deciding to outsource to actually designing, implementing, and monitoring a contract in situations that could prove hazardous to the livelihoods of government workers. He also discusses the changes that need to be made in the organizational culture, management, and employee training as a result of the change to a contract-based system of providing services; the considerations in designing work specifications and other critical aspects of the government-vendor relationship, and how ideal contracting processes and ideal contracts can differ according to the nature of the service being contracted. The result is a thorough and highly practical volume for executives and managers in the public sector, and for those who hope to do business with them.

Koffman & Macdonald’s Law of Contract provides a clear, academically rigorous, account of the contract law which is written in a style which makes it highly accessible to university students new to legal study. It works from extensive consideration of the significant cases, to provide students with a firm grounding in the way the common law functions. There are chapters on formation, certainty, consideration, promissory estoppel, intention to create legal relations, express and implied terms, classification of terms, the Unfair Contract Terms Act 1977, Unfair Terms in Consumer Contracts, mistake, misrepresentation, duress and undue influence, illegality, unconscionability, privity, performance and breach, frustration, damages, and specific enforcement, as well as companion website chapters on capacity and an outline of the law of restitution. Many new cases and legislative developments are covered in the ninth edition, such as Armchair Answercall Ltd v People in Mind Ltd, Blue v Ashley, Cavendish Square Holding BV v Talal El Makdessi, ParkingEye Ltd v Beavis,Globalia Business Travel S.A.U. (formerly TravelPlan S.A.U.) of Spain v Fulton Shipping Inc of Panama, Marks and Spencer plc v BNP Paribas Securities Services Trust Company (Jersey) Ltd,MWB Business Exchange Centres Ltd v Rock Advertising Ltd, Patel v Mirza, Phones 4U Ltd (In Administration) v EE Ltd. This edition has been updated to include major legislative developments including the Consumer Rights Act 2015, which now encompasses, and makes some changes to, the unfair terms regime, which was previously provided by the Unfair Terms in Consumer Contracts Regulations 1999, as well as removing, and taking on board, the consumer elements of the Unfair Contract Terms Act 1977.

Global policy making is unfurling in distinctive ways above traditional nation-state policy processes. New practices of transnational administration are emerging inside international organizations but also alongside the trans-governmental networks of regulators and inside global public—private partnerships. Mainstream policy and public administration studies have tended to analyse the capacity of public sector hierarchies to globalize national policies. By contrast, this Handbook investigates new public spaces of transnational policy making, the design and delivery of global public goods and services, and the interdependent roles of transnational administrators who move between business bodies, government agencies, international organizations, and professional associations. This Handbook is novel in taking the concepts and theories of public administration and policy studies to get inside the black box of global governance. Transnational administration is a multi-actor and multi-scalar endeavour having manifestations at the local, urban, sub-regional, subnational, regional, national, supranational, supra-regional, transnational, international, and global scales. These scales of ‘local’ and ‘global’ are not neatly bounded and nested spaces but are articulated together in complex patterns of policy activity. These transnational patterns represent an opportunity and a challenge for the study of both public administration and policy studies. The contributors to this Handbook advance their analysis beyond the methodological nationalism of mainstream approaches to re-invigorate policy studies and public administration by considering policy processes that are transnational and the many new global spaces of administrative practice.

Nearly everything a state does has distributional consequences, including grand strategy. Societal groups with different stakes in the international economy and defense spending often have conflicting strategic priorities, and these groups pursue their parochial interests by supporting the nomination and election of like-minded politicians. Thus, grand strategy is a product of political economy. An overview of American foreign policy over the last several decades illustrates this logic. In the 1980s, the Democratic and Republican coalitions had conflicting interests over the international economy, so the two parties diverged on grand strategy. The recovery of the Rust Belt in the 1990s and 2000s, however, brought increasing convergence. Political discourse over foreign policy was fiercely partisan, but, with the notable exception of George W. Bush’s decision to go to war in Iraq in 2003, the two parties shared essentially the same view of America’s role in the world. The disastrous outcome in Iraq led the Bush administration back to the middle ground in its second term, and Obama followed the same course. In contrast, the election of Donald Trump augurs change. Trump’s electoral coalition consists of a different balance of interests in the international economy than that of past Republican presidents, so he is likely to pursue different strategic priorities.

Nationally recognized scholars and practitioners examine opportunities in which services traditionally provided by local governments are offered by the private sector though a contract or are transferred to a private business completely. Many large U.S. cities have contracted services for many years. With the movement to rightsize governments in recent years there has been renewed interest by local governments in similar ventures. Privatization, in its many forms, is now seen as a viable alternative to traditional ways of providing public services and can bring substantial benefits to residents. With greater accountability being demanded and pressures on local officials to hold the line on or reduce taxes, efforts to find innovative service delivery methods will probably increase. Cities, such as Atlanta, Indianapolis, and Charlotte, are examples showing that contracts with private businesses can work to benefit all parties. Local officials must move ahead cautiously, and not all attempts at privatization or contracting have succeeded. Some cities, after an evaluation, have decided to provide services with municipal employees. The main issues underlying privatization decisions will be addressed conceptually so that practitioners and academics benefit from a review of the current thinking on the issues. At the same time, exemplary practices and case studies are included so that readers can understand how privatization and managed competition have been implemented in local governments. Special attention is paid to administrative questions that may arise during the implementation process. For example, ways in which cities have worked with employees who fear displacement because of the privatization process are described. The book breaks new ground by including references to recent innovations in public-private partnerships and describing how privatization may evolve in the future.

Essential to the administration of justice, the lawyer plays a key role in postulating a decision favorable to his constituent and convincing the judge. However, it is common in nature to the formation and performance of bad professionals, who, due to their inconsistent actions or omissions, cause damage, whether material or moral, in the face of claims to be reached by their contractors, forming in the popular imagination a pejorative stereotype regarding the performance. from the lawyer. However, it is part of this area, a very small percentage that denigrate the image of valuable operators of the law. Thus, the Civil Liability of the Lawyer before the Theory of the Loss of a Chance becomes possible, because through misery, lack of knowledge, among others, according to the Brazilian Bar Association, lead the professional services contractor. attorneys to suffer direct or indirect damages, as they see the possibility of obtaining any economic advantage or avoid an injury, given the lost chance. Thus, even if the damage is uncertain, but if concrete probabilities are present, it should be compensated, not for the unwanted end result, but for the mere loss of the chance of achieving it.

This book argues that too often the evolution of administrative law in Europe has been considered in the light of legal doctrines fashioned at the national level, if not of few authors, whose works are quoted to stress the different paths undertaken by European countries after the French Revolution. The book deviates from these standard accounts in that it focuses on control of administrative power by the courts and considers, empirically, judicial decisions at the epoch of the Belle Époque, more precisely the years 1890-1910. The legal systems selected for comparison include Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, and the UK. Some relied on ordinary or generalist courts, while others created administrative courts, The outcome of the analysis confirms that, in contrast with the over-emphasized differences among national legal doctrines, the challenges which those legal systems faced were largely the same. Moreover, and more importantly, the analysis of the standards of conduct defined and refined by the courts reveals that they exercised an increasingly vigorous control over discretion. They gradually opened the gates of judicial review to new interests, intervened on grounds of purpose and defined general principles of law that were very similar, if not the same. The courts, not legislators, thus created the central tenets of administrative law. Finally, various explanations for the role played by the courts are considered in legal, historic, and political perspectives. The book thus provides an unprecedented outlook on the relationship between public authorities and individuals at the zenith of the sovereign state.

This chapter examines tax collection in pre-modern Romanian provinces. Similar to the other case studies in this volume, legitimacy, the balance of powers, and administrative capacity influence greatly the fiscal and state-building process. Romanian rulers did not seek popular consent, nor did they actively engage in any form of social contract. Taxes were predominantly a burden imposed on behalf of neighboring foreign powers, or exploitative noblemen. Public goods and services were often provided by the Church. This chapter also explains some of the differences between the historical provinces. In the semi-periphery of the Ottoman Empire, fiscal collection was not a priority for the impoverished population, but rather the responsibility of patrimonial rulers. In contrast, social norms and institutional context encouraged fiscal compliance in the urban areas of Transylvania, where a nascent bureaucratic system provided the benefits of predictability and rule enforcement for tradesmen and guild workers.

This book is the first in a series which explores if, and to what extent, there is a common core of shared and connecting elements within the legal systems. It looks at government liability in tort as an entry point for the whole comparative research on the ‘common core of European administrative laws’. The book focuses on administrative procedure. It is divided into four parts. Part I sets the stage, explains the distinctive features of the new research, and deals with issues in methodology. Part II looks briefly at the constitutional and cultural framework in which government liability operates. Part III focuses on the main research done by presenting the case studies and supplying the answers to the hypothetical cases, which are at the heart of the ‘factual method’. Finally, Part IV compares and contrasts the information provided from Part III. It examines both the commonalities and the distinctive traits of these legal systems with a view to understanding their ‘common core’.

Utilizing firsthand interviews with activists and Lebanese diaspora leaders, the chapter centers on the active role of a coalition of Lebanese-American organizations who advanced their positions and those of the Bush administration in promoting, before UN diplomats, members of Congress, the public, and the media, the passage of UN Security Council Resolution 1559 (2004). UNSCR 1559 mandated Syrian withdrawal from Lebanese territory and militia disarmament. The chapter also analyzes the involvement of Lebanese-American organizations in lobbying for the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act (2003). The novel relationship between US policymakers and their junior Lebanese-American allies was in contrast to the 1990s, when Washington was interested in preserving the status quo with Syria and doors had been closed for the Lebanese diaspora activists. The relationship upholds the theoretical model central to this work, and it traces the interaction between the Bush administration and Lebanese-American organizations from 2001 until 2005, when Syria withdrew its troops from Lebanon.

This chapter explores the authority of state and local governments to regulate public health at their respective levels. First, the chapter explains the states’ broad “police powers” and the related Jacobson v. Massachusetts Supreme Court decision. It then details local public health powers and how those interact with state powers. The chapter contrasts two rules that set the scope of local public health authority in different states: Dillon’s Rule and home rule. The chapter then discusses state preemption, and it concludes by explaining how state executive branches can create administrative agencies and delegate authority to them.

This concluding chapter argues that although what the law requires is often obvious, when it comes down to difficult cases, there are no simple and straightforward ways that judges do decide, and should decide, what is required. Categorizations do not provide obvious answers in these situations. The book as a whole deals with a wide range of legal sources, including wills, contracts, trusts, statutes, administrative regulations, constitutions, and the common law. It recognizes that significant differences in these areas lead to different forms of interpretation, some of which are a bit simpler than others. A common question among many of these topics is how much weight precedents should carry, and how much deference judges should afford to the positions of other officials who have made initial determinations about the law’s application.

This chapter studies the performance of Latin American criminal courts and prosecutor offices in fighting crime and instilling deterrence and systematically analyzes one of the critical and understudied topics in the region: Impunity. It analyzes criminal justice statistics and inmate survey data. In this chapter I argue that while numerous penal reforms in the region welcomed strong protections of individual rights they had limited success in developing effective prosecution and administration of justice to curtail criminality. This chapter uses information from 6,000 inmates, the “voice” of the indicted, to document the court and prosecutorial processes and contrasts this perspective to the “official voice” of the courts of law.

This chapter examines the choice of law rules governing immovables. There are a range of circumstances in which the English courts may have jurisdiction (either under common law or European Union rules) over cases which require the determination of legal issues relating to foreign immovable property. These include cases where the question of title arises incidentally in a personal claim against a defendant, or in the administration of a trust, will or divorce over which the English courts have jurisdiction, or in the context of a claim for trespass over foreign land. This chapter first considers the law of the situs rule before discussing specific issues relating to choice of the law applicable to immovables, focusing in particular on the capacity to take and transfer immovables, formalities of alienation, essential validity of transfers, and contracts.

The German-Danish War of 1864 has been studied in detail - as far as the large-scale political and military events are concerned. In contrast, there has been little interest in the conditions of the civilian population, the civil administration and the national movements during the war, as well as in the economic consequences and the formation of identities after the war. To change this, German and Danish historians have written this book. It is the result of a German-Danish double conference organised by the regional archives in Schleswig and Apenrade.

its primary task, administering an electoral contest. Building the EMB workforce’s capacities reinforces and inculcates electoral administration values and principles, those of integrity, impartiality, transparency, efficiency, sustainability and service-mindedness. By contrast, poor or inadequate training hampers service delivery and increases the risk of errors that negatively impact the reputation of the EMB or the election outcome itself. This Policy Paper addresses two different but interlinked issues: how to build and strengthen the capacities of EMB staff and workforce (both technical and lifelong learning); and how to build institutional capacities for delivering both types effectively. The paper is supplemented with findings from: a survey conducted in 2021; a 2021 case study series on the institutionalization of electoral training and education; and a 2020 workshop. This paper provides recommendations for practitioners seeking to strengthen their training and professional development programmes, as well as highlighting recommendations for the electoral assistance community.

More than 225 placebo-controlled type 1 investigations demonstrate that psychostimulants are highly effective in reducing core symptoms of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) in children and adults. In contrast, there are limited type I studies demonstrating that psychopharmacological management with U.S. Food & Drug Administration-approved agents for ADHD (stimulants and nonstimulants), atypical antipsychotics, and mood stabilizers decrease the defiant and aggressive behavior characteristic of disruptive behavior disorders. Stimulant treatment evidence has been supplemented by two large multisite randomized controlled trials. Randomized controlled trials from the past 15 years continue to report several key adverse events associated with stimulants but have not supported rarer and more serious problems. Although psychostimulants have been shown to retain their efficacy for as long as 14 months, their long-term academic and social benefits are not as robust. Nonstimulant agents for which there is more limited evidence of efficacy include atomoxetine, alpha-agonists, modafinil, and bupropion.

The complexity of the twenty-first century threat landscape contrasts significantly with the bilateral nuclear bargaining context envisioned by classical deterrence theory. Nuclear and conventional arsenals continue to develop alongside antisatellite programs, autonomous robotics or drones, cyber operations, biotechnology, and other innovations barely imagined in the early nuclear age. The concept of cross-domain deterrence emerged near the end of the George W. Bush administration as policymakers and commanders confronted emerging threats to vital American military systems in space and cyberspace. The Pentagon now recognizes five operational environments or so-called domains (land, sea, air, space, and cyberspace), and cross-domain deterrence poses serious problems in practice. This book steps back to assess the theoretical relevance of cross-domain deterrence for the field of international relations. As a general concept, cross-domain deterrence posits that the ways in which actors choose to deter affects the quality of the deterrence they achieve. Contributors to this book include senior and junior scholars and national security practitioners. Their chapters probe the analytical utility of cross-domain deterrence by examining how differences across, and combinations of, different military and nonmilitary instruments can affect choices and outcomes in coercive policy in historical and contemporary cases.

Using a risk management framework, the book discusses the landscape of U.S. higher education and faculty employment decisions. Topics include institutional differences, challenges facing colleges and universities, the erosion of academic standards, administrative bloat, changing promotion and tenure standards, sexual harassment, and Title IX concerns about campus safety. Attention is also given to the manner in which faculty members are hired and mentored and the decision-making biases that affect the way in which faculty members are granted promotion and tenure. The social psychological aspects of faculty employment decisions have been largely ignored in the literature, and we attempt to shed some light on these issues as we deconstruct promotion and tenure decisions. Traditional legal concepts of contract and employment law are examined as they pertain to hiring, promotion, and tenure decisions along with the cherished, but changing, ideals of free speech, academic freedom, and collegiality that have altered how faculty must deal with the rising tensions of political correctness on campus.

This chapter discusses the enforcement of security once formal insolvency proceedings have supervened. It deals primarily with liquidation, administration, and receivership but takes in also other procedures, such as schemes of arrangement, to the extent that they affect the rights of secured creditors. A key feature of English law, in contrast with numerous other legal systems, is that the onset of bankruptcy or company liquidation does not remove the power of a secured creditor to exercise proprietary remedies for the recovery of the secured debt. In addition to consensual security, namely, mortgage, charge, and pledge, liens arising by operation of law may be exercised against a liquidator or trustee in bankruptcy, who may not therefore obtain possession of the assets without discharging the underlying obligation.

Essays by seven historians. John Lewis Gaddis argues that Reagan's record of dealing with the Soviets is equal or superior to that of Nixon and Kissinger; Akira Iriye praises the administration for improving relations with Japan; but the essays on Western Europe, the Middle East, Africa and Central America range from tempered to slashing criticism. A consensus on the foreign policy of the Reagan years will be a long time in coming. <i>Foreign Affairs</i> The final curtain having fallen on the administration of the first actor president, historians are now faced with the formidable task of assessing the foreign relations of the Reagan presidency and placing them into a larger historical context. The task of appraising Ronald Reagan as foreign policymaker is difficult because it involves making sense of his apparent inconsistencies. This collection of essays represents the attempts at such an assessment by six distinguished historians of international stature. The contributors address U.S. relations with the Soviet Union, East Asia, Latin America, the Middle East, Western Europe, and Africa. They differ markedly in their appraisals. John Lewis Gaddis asserts that Reagan's Soviet policy was not only successful, but was rationally determined and pursued from the outset of his administration. Akira Iriye finds much to admire in the Reagan administration's relations with East Asia, particularly with respect to economic diplomacy. In contrast, Geir Lundestad is far less complimentary about Reagan's relations with Western Europe, and the three scholars who deal with the less-developed areas of the globe offer generally negative appraisals of Reagan's record. Philip S. Khoury argues that the administration further inflamed the volatile Middle East; Susanne Jonas finds Reagan's Central America policy ultimately destructive of U.S. interests in the region; and Robert Rotberg concludes that Reagan's administrators allowed Africa's fundamental racial conflicts and economic difficulties to fester. Together these six scholars draw an overall picture of the U.S. government more consistent in its regional preoccupations than in its ideology. Many aspects of Reagan's foreign relations will require further investigation before they are clear. For the moment, however, this volume offers a sound first historical evaluation of the Reagan administration's foreign relations. It will appeal to historians, political scientists, specialists in international relations, and general readers interested in the United States and the world in the 1980s.

On 30 January 2020, in response to the globalisation of COVID-19, the World Health Organization declared a Public Health Emergency of International Concern. The deadly outbreak has caused unprecedented disruption to travel and trade and is raising pressing legal questions across all disciplines, which this book attempts to address. <br><br>The aims of this book are twofold. First, it is intended to serve as a 'toolbox' for domestic and European judges, who are now dealing with the interpretation of COVID-19-related legislation and administrative measures, as well as the disruption the pandemic has caused to society and fundamental rights. Second, it aims to assist businesses and citizens who wish to be informed about the implications of the virus in the existence, performance and enforcement of their contracts. <br><br><i>Coronavirus and the Law in Europe</i> is probably the largest academic publication on the impact of pandemics on the law. This academic endeavour is a joint, collaborative effort to structure the recent and ongoing legal developments into a coherent and pan-European overview on coronavirus and the law. It covers practically all European countries and legal disciplines and comprises contributions from more than 80 highly reputed European academics and practitioners.

An ideal resource for students as well as general readers, this book comprehensively examines the Great Society era and identifies the effects of its legacy to the present day. With the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, Lyndon B. Johnson inherited from the Kennedy administration many of the pieces of what became the War on Poverty. In stark contrast to today, Johnson was aided by a U.S. Congress that was among the most productive in the history of the United States. Despite the accomplishments of the Great Society programs, they failed to accomplish their ultimate goal of eradicating poverty. Consequently, some 50 years after the Great Society and the War on Poverty, many of the issues that Johnson's administration and Congress dealt with then are in front of legislators today, such as an increase in the minimum wage and the growing divide between the wealthy and the poor. This reference book provides a historical perspective on the issues of today by looking to the Great Society period; identifies how the War on Poverty continues to impact the United States, both positively and negatively; and examines how the Nixon and Reagan administrations served to dismantle Johnson's achievements. This single-volume work also presents primary documents that enable readers to examine key historical sources directly. Included among these documents are The Council of Economic Advisers Economic Report of 1964; the Civil Rights Act of 1964; John F. Kennedy's Remarks Upon Signing the Economic Opportunity Act; The Negro Family: The Case for National Action (a.k.a. the Moynihan Report); and the Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (a.k.a. the Kerner Report).

You cannot form a state with the Internet—or can you? In contrast to post-territorial expectations from the early days of the Internet, the state seems to be increasingly in demand when it comes to coming to terms with the digital revolution. What is more, state structures have never been irrelevant in terms of the Internet but have influenced both it and digitalisation since their beginnings. This book explores the intriguing relationship between the Internet and the state in depth from an interdisciplinary perspective that includes political science, legal studies and communication studies. By examining sovereignty, privacy and security, the contributions it contains address the fundamental understandings and functions of the state. They deal with regulatory areas that have changed dynamically in the digital era: data protection, the administration of critical Internet resources and the regulation of media content. Finally, they also consider the changes to the players involved in this field and the courses of action open to them: parties and political communication, e-government and e-participation. With contributions by Isabelle Borucki, Andreas Busch, Myriam Dunn Cavelty, Florian Egloff, Katharina Gerl, Paula Helm, Norbert Kersting, Jan Niklas Kocks, Julia Pohle, Claudia Ritzi, Wolf J. Schünemann, Sandra Seubert, Thorsten Thiel, Martin Warnke and Alexandra Zierold.

In the decades after Khomeini’s death, the oases world’s middlemen class of Iran’s Baluch society has produced political figures able to wield nationwide influence. While maintaining pressure on Tehran from within, the Iranisation of Deobandi religious schools (and of the Kurdish-born Muslim-Brother militant networks) helped reinforce Iran’s national cohesion despite periods of sharp tension. This permitted Deobandi leaders and their Muslim-Brother allies to obtain, under Reformist presidents Muhammad Khatami (1997-2005) and Hasan Ruhani (since 2013), concessions in terms of local government and representation of the minorities. At the same time, the underdevelopment of Iran’s Sunni-peopled marches, the continuous degradation of their ecological situation, the confiscation of the revenues of cross-border smuggling by the Islamic Republic’s paramilitary bodies, the limited reforms implemented since 2013 by the Ruhani administration, the June 2017 ISIS/Daesh-claimed attacks in Tehran and the anti-Sunni repression that followed have fuelled new waves of ‘tribal feud’. This growing violence highlights the contrast between the ability shown by the Sarbaz nexus of Deobandi Sunni ulama to develop nationwide influence, on the first hand, and, on the other hand, the limits of these middlemen’s leadership on Baluch society.

Since the beginning of the Obama Administration, conservative politicians have railed against the President's "War on Coal." As evidence of this supposed siege, they point to a series of rules issued by the Environmental Protection Agency that aim to slash air pollution from the nation's power sector . Because coal produces far more pollution than any other major energy source, these rules are expected to further reduce its already shrinking share of the electricity market in favor of cleaner options like natural gas and solar power. But the EPA's policies are hardly the "unprecedented regulatory assault " that opponents make them out to be. Instead, they are merely the latest chapter in a multi-decade struggle to overcome a tragic flaw in our nation's most important environmental law. In 1970, Congress passed the Clean Air Act, which had the remarkably ambitious goal of eliminating essentially all air pollution that posed a threat to public health or welfare. But there was a problem: for some of the most common pollutants, Congress empowered the EPA to set emission limits only for newly constructed industrial facilities, most notably power plants. Existing plants, by contrast, would be largely exempt from direct federal regulation-a regulatory practice known as "grandfathering." What lawmakers didn't anticipate was that imposing costly requirements on new plants while giving existing ones a pass would simply encourage those old plants to stay in business much longer than originally planned. Since 1970, the core problems of U.S. environmental policy have flowed inexorably from the smokestacks of these coal-fired clunkers, which continue to pollute at far higher rates than their younger peers. In Struggling for Air, Richard L. Revesz and Jack Lienke chronicle the political compromises that gave rise to grandfathering, its deadly consequences, and the repeated attempts-by presidential administrations of both parties-to make things right.

No extant text gives so vivid a glimpse into the experience of an ancient prisoner as Paul’s letter to the Philippians. As a letter from prison, however, it is not what one would expect. For although it is true that Paul, like some other ancient prisoners, speaks in Philippians of his yearning for death, what he expresses most conspicuously is contentment and even joy. Setting aside pious banalities that contrast true joy with happiness, and leaving behind too heroic depictions that take their cue from Acts, Abject Joy offers a reading of Paul’s letter as both a means and an artifact of his provisional attempt to make do. By outlining the uses of punitive custody in the administration of Rome’s eastern provinces and describing prison’s complex place in the social and moral imagination of the Roman world, this book provides a richly drawn account of Paul’s non-elite social context, where bodies and their affects were shaped by acute contingency and habitual susceptibility to violent subjugation. Informed by recent work in the history of emotions, and with comparison to modern prison writing and ethnography provoking new questions and insights, Abject Joy describes Paul’s letter as an affective technology, wielded at once on Paul himself and on his addressees, that works to strengthen his grasp on the very joy he names.

Informal workers make up over two billion workers or about 50 percent of the global workforce. Surprisingly, scholars know little about informal workers’ political or civil society participation. An informal worker is anyone who holds a job and who does not pay taxes on taxable earnings, does not hold a license for their work when one is required, or is not part of a mandatory social security system. For decades, researchers argued that informal workers rarely organized or participated in civil society and politics. However, millions of informal workers around the world start and join unions. Why do informal workers organize? In countries like Bolivia, informal workers such as street vendors, fortune-tellers, witches, clowns, gravestone cleaners, sex workers, domestic workers, and shoe shiners come together in powerful unions. In South Africa, South Korea, and India, national informal worker organizations represent millions of citizens. The data in this book find that informal workers organize in nearly every country for which data exists, but to varying degrees. This raises a related question: Why do informal workers organize in some places more than others? The reality of informal work described in this book and supported by surveys in 60 countries, over 150 interviews with informal workers in Bolivia and Brazil, ethnographic data from multiple cities, and administrative data upends the conventional wisdom on the informal sector. The contrast between scholarly expectations and emerging data underpin the central argument of the book: Informal workers organize where state officials encourage them to.

Abstract Saudi Arabia has never commanded more attention and yet it remains one of the world’s least understood countries. The book draws on a systematic study of Saudi law over nearly a decade; the author’s involvement as a legal expert in landmark decisions around the world; and his experience as a law professor in leading universities in the Middle East, Europe, and America. The book also reflects his work with law students and practicing colleagues, particularly in commercial cases but also in those involving government and human rights. The Normalization of Saudi Law goes to the heart of Saudi society, politics, and business by exploring the workings of its courts. &#x2028;The Normalization of Saudi Law will interest both readers following the fast-changing world of comparative law and those intrigued by Saudi Arabia. Legal practitioners and scholars will find a comprehensive analysis of the law’s operation in the Kingdom. The practitioner will access full thematic coverage of all important fields: judicial organization, contracts and torts, crime, family, property, administration, commerce, companies, banking, insolvency, the stock market, the constitution, succession, and human rights, with major statutes and a large number of court decisions distilled in 16 chapters. The scholar is presented with an assessment of a dynamic legal process, a “normalization” of Saudi law where developing norms are both “normal” (usual) and “normative” (carrying moral force). This includes judges reshaping Islamic law by applying it in everyday transactions and disputes as they interpret classical treatises and modern statutes. The Normalization of Saudi Law paints a compelling picture of a fast-changing country with a unique legal trajectory.

This book examines the politics of cancer, explains how our government is intrinsically tied to cancer research efforts, and documents how major political actors make cancer policy and are influenced in their decision making by political, social, scientific, and economic variables. Is whether we contract cancer—and whether we survive the disease, if we get it—largely just a result of good versus bad luck, or are these outcomes regarding cancer tied to the policies and actions of our federal government? Cancer-treating drug development and approval is overseen by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, billions of dollars of federal money are devoted towards cancer research, and exposure of citizens to potentially cancer-causing environments or chemicals is regulated by the Environmental Protection Agency. Additionally, all of these factors can be affected by the political motivations of our most powerful politicians. The Politics of Cancer: Malignant Indifference analyzes the policy environment of cancer in America: the actors, the political institutions, the money, and the disease itself, identifying how haphazard U.S. government policy toward cancer research has been and how the president, Congress, government bureaucracies, and even the cancer industry have failed to meet timelines and make the expected discoveries. Whitman Cobb examines funding for the National Cancer Institute and the roles of the executive, Congress, policy entrepreneurs, and the bureaucracy as well as that of the state of cancer science. She argues that despite the so-called "war on cancer," no strategic, comprehensive government policy has been imposed—leading to an indecisive cancer policy that has significantly impeded cancer research. Written from a political science perspective, the book enables readers to gain insight into the realities of science policy and the ways in which the federal government is both the source of funding for much of cancer research and often deficient in setting comprehensive and consistent anti-cancer policy. Readers will also come to understand how Congress, the president, the bureaucracy, and the cancer industry all share responsibility for the current state of cancer policy confusion and consider whether pharmaceutical companies, for-profit cancer treatment hospitals, and interest groups like the American Cancer Society have a personal incentive to keep the fight alive.

Democracy and the Discourse of Relevanceis set against the backdrop of the spread of neoliberal ideas and reforms since the 1980s, accepting also that these ideas are rooted in a longer history. It focuses on how neoliberalism has worked to transform the university sector and the academic profession. In particular, it examines how understandings of, and control over, what constitutes relevant knowledge have changed. Taken as a whole, these changes have sought to reorient universities and academics towards economic development in various ways. This includes the installation of strategies for how institutions and academics achieve recognition and status within the academy, the privatisation of educational services and the downgrading of the value of public higher education, as well as a steady shift away from the public funding for universities. Research universities are increasingly adopting a user- and market-oriented model, with an emphasis on meeting corporate demands, the privileging of short-term research, and a strong tendency to view utility, and the potential to sell intellectual property for profit, as primary criteria for determining the relevance of academic knowledge. The privatisation of education services and the reorienting of universities towards the needs of the ‘knowledge economy’ have largely succeeded in transforming the discourse around the role of the academic profession in society, including in many African countries. Makerere University in Uganda has often been lauded as an example of successful transformation along neoliberal lines. However, our research into the working lives of academics at Makerere revealed a very different picture. Far from epitomising the allegedly positive outcomes of neoliberal reform, academics and postgraduate students interviewed at Makerere provide worrying insights into the undermining of a vibrant and independent academic culture. The stories of the ordinary academics on the ground, the empirical focus of the book, are in contrast to the claimed successes of the university; and the official stories of the university leadership and administration paint a picture of an academic profession in crisis. With diminishing influence on deciding what is relevant knowledge and thus on processes of democratization of their own institution and society, academic freedom is also losing its value. This perspective from the ground-level exposes the many problems that neoliberal reforms have created for academics at Makerere, leaving them feeling disempowered, often reducing them to the status of consultants. We also show how a range of local initiatives ­are steadily increasing resistance to the neoliberal model. We consider how academics and others can further mobilise to regain control over what knowledge is considered relevant, and thereby deepen democracy. In so doing, we aim to highlight some responses and actions that have proven effective so far. Democracy and the Discourse of Relevancewill hopefully help to change the systems that value knowledge in ways that are driving research institutions towards competitive and market-like behaviour. We also aim to contribute to contemporary debates about what knowledge is relevant.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.