Articles de revues sur le sujet « 1851-1919 »

With particular focus on prominent Danish medical doctors and psychologists like Frederik Lange (1842-1907), Knud Pontoppidan (1853-1916), Eilert Adam Tscherning (1851-1919) and Carl Jul. Salomonsen (1847-1924) and their definitions of concepts like otherness, dysmorphism and degeneration, this article illustrates how they all had a strong political impact on the avant-garde movements in pre-war Denmark.

A taxonomic revision of the Liogenys Guérin-Méneville, 1831 (Coleoptera: Scarabaeidae: Melolonthinae: Diplotaxini) from the Chacoan Biogeographical Province is presented. Liogenys now includes 92 species, including four new species described here: L. neoforcipata Cherman, new species; L. foveata Cherman, new species; L. isotarsis Cherman, new species; and L. truncata Cherman, new species; and the female of L. tarsalis Moser is described for the first time. Six new synonymies are proposed: L. denticulata Moser, 1918 is a new synonym of L. denticeps Blanchard, 1851; L. ophtalmica Frey, 1973 is a new synonym of L. bidenticeps Moser, 1919; L. mendozana incisa Frey, 1969 is a new synonym of L. mendozana Moser, 1918; L. flavicollis Blanchard, 1851 and L. fulvescens Blanchard, 1851 are new synonyms of L. pallens Blanchard, 1851; and L. densicollis Moser, 1921 is a new synonym of L. opacicollis Fairmaire, 1892. Liogenys cribricollis Moser, 1921 species status is revalidated from its synonymy with L. densicollis. A neotype is designated for Liogenys mendozana incisa Frey, 1969, as well as lectotypes for: L. bruchi Moser, 1924; L. cribricollis, L. denticulata, L. denticeps, L. fulvescens, L. latitarsis Moser, 1918; L. mendozana Moser, 1918; L. obscura Blanchard, 1851; L. opacicollis; and L. pallens. Redescriptions and/or diagnoses and updated geographical distributions are provided for 16 species. Six species previously known only from Argentina have their distribution expanded to Bolivia (L. mendozana; L. opacicollis; L. rectangula Frey, 1969), Paraguay (L. nigrofusca Moser, 1918; L. pallens), or to both of these countries (L. latitarsis).

New replacement names and synonymies are proposed for Neotropical Tachinidae, mainly from Brazil. The following 13 new replacement names are proposed for junior secondary homonyms: Jurinella neobesa, new name for Jurinella obesa (Townsend, 1928) (preocc. Wiedemann, 1830); Archytas wulpianus, new name for Archytas nigrocalyptratus (Wulp, 1888) (preocc. Macquart, 1846); Calodexia neofumosa, new name for Calodexia fumosa (Townsend, 1917) (preocc. Townsend, 1912); Calodexia bigoti, new name for Calodexia flavipes (Bigot, 1889) (preocc. Schiner, 1868); Eucelatoria paracarinata, new name for Eucelatoria carinata (Townsend, 1927) (preocc. Townsend, 1919); Eucelatoria currani, new name for Eucelatoria carinata (Curran, 1926) (preocc. Townsend, 1919); Lixophaga opsiangusta, new name for Lixophaga angusta (Townsend, 1927:294) (preocc. Townsend, 1927:284); Lixophaga thompsoniana, new name for Lixophaga fumipennis (Thompson, 1968) (preocc. Townsend, 1927); Lixophaga townsendiana, new name for Lixophaga fumipennis (Townsend, 1928) (preocc. Townsend, 1927); Myiopharus argentata, new name for Myiopharus argentescens (Townsend, 1935) (preocc. Townsend, 1927); Phyllophilopsis disgracilis, new name for Phyllophilopsis gracilis (Townsend, 1927) (preocc. Townsend, 1919); Phasia townsendiana, new name for Phasia brasiliana (Townsend, 1937) (preocc. Townsend, 1929); and Phasia aurodysderci, new name for Phasia dysderci (Townsend, 1940) (preocc. Townsend, 1938). And the two following synonymies are proposed (reinstated): Jurinella ambigua (Macquart, 1851) = Jurinella obesa (Wiedemann, 1830); and Archytas analis (Macquart, 1843) = Archytas analis (Fabricius, 1905).

Abstract The present study defines the connection between Japonisme and the Greek diplomat and donor-collector Gregorios Manos (1851–1928). Manos collected Japanese pieces during the reign of Japonisme in Europe, was a pioneer of the study of Japanese art in Greece, and the first donor of Chinese and Japanese artifacts to the Greek State in 1919. The donation resulted in the foundation, in 1926, of the Sino-Japanese Museum (renamed in Museum of Asian Art in 1973) in Corfu. The present research is based on primary and secondary sources and seeks to present unpublished data as well as re-examine Manos’ connection to Japonisme. In addition, this micro-perspective research aims to reveal Manos’ studies, diplomatic carrier, collecting practices, and donating vision. At the same time, it hopes to enrich macro-perspective study by outlining the circumstances under which collectors founded museums of Asian art in peripheral places, such as Greece, during the first half of the twentieth century under and beyond the allure of Japonisme.

The five currently recognized Hedruris spp. from North America were compared based on museum and other specimens. Only the following two species were shown to be valid: H. pendula (Leidy, 1851) Chandler, 1919 and H. siredonis Baird, 1858. Hedruris tiara Van Cleave &Mueller, 1932 is shown to be synonymous with H. pendula, whereas H. brevis Walton, 1930 and H. chandleri Freitas &Lent, 1941 are synonymous with H. siredonis. Hedruris pendula is apparently mainly parasitic in freshwater turtles of eastern North America, although it may infrequently occur in fish and frogs. Hedruris siredonis has been reported only in salamanders (Ambystomatidae, Salamandridae, Plethodontidae), apparently throughout North America. This species varies considerably in the size of mature adult worms.

El presente artículo traza la semblanza intelectual y profesional del religioso José Mª Salvador y Barrera (1851-1919), natural de Marchena, que llegó a ser Rector del Colegio del Sacro Monte de Granada, Obispo de Tarazona, Obispo de Madrid-Alcalá, Arzobispo de Valencia y Senador, y que dedicó todos sus esfuerzos a defender la enseñanza religiosa y la acción social de la Iglesia desde los altos puestos que ocupó. Fue además un excelente orador y persona de gran cultura, siendo reconocida su labor por las Reales Academias de la Historia y de Ciencias Morales y Políticas, que le eligieron como académico de número. El obispo Salvador fue realmente uno de los prelados más competentes y aperturistas de los dos primeros decenios del siglo XX.

Die konstitutionenökonomische Vertragstheorie James M. Buchanans (1919–2013) gilt als einflussreiche Ideologie neoliberaler Austeritätsregime. In Abgrenzung von der expansiven Wohlfahrtsökonomik der zweiten letzten Jahrhunderthälfte begründete Buchanans staatsbildender, -ermächtigender und -begrenzender Kontraktualismus allerdings auch eine steuerstaatsorientierte Demokratietheorie öffentlicher Güter. Mit Rückgriff auf das progressive Werk Knut Wicksells (1851–1926) empfahl Buchanan ein Wohlfahrtskriterium, das aus politischer Einstimmigkeit und subjektivistischem Effizienzkalkül ein Nutzleistungsoptimum für die Bereitstellung von Kollektivgütern konstruierte. Damit sollte eine majoritäre oder autoritäre Überwälzung laufender Demokratiekosten auf Minderheiten, Unbeteiligte oder ungedeckte Quellen konstitutionell behindert sowie budgetäre Transparenz, fiskalische Souveränität und steuerbürgerliche Belastungsfairness prozedural gewährleistet werden. Sowohl die vertragstheoretische Rezeption wie auch die politische Ideologiekritik haben diesen von Wicksell übernommenen steuerstaatlichen Demokratisierungsimpuls von Buchanans Werk weithin vernachlässigt – dabei ist die Frage, ob demokratische Institutionen auf eine fiskalische Selbstverpflichtung aller freiwillig verfassungsunterworfenen Individuen existentiell angewiesen sind, heute wieder sehr aktuell.

A total of 38 Korean species of crane flies belonging to the genus Dicranomyia Stephens, 1829 (Diptera: Limoniidae: Limoniinae) are taxonomically revised. No species of Dicranomyia were previously reported from South Korea, and only twelve species were reported from North Korea. New records of Dicranomyia from the Korean Peninsula include: D. (Dicranomyia) depauperata Alexander, 1918, D. (D.) distendens pallida Savchenko, 1983, D. (D.) handlirschi handlirschi Lackschewitz, 1928, D. (D.) hyalinata (Zetterstedt, 1851), D. (D.) kandybinae Savchenko, 1987, D. (D.) longipennis (Schummel, 1829), D. (D.) mesosternatoides Alexander, 1924, D. (D.) modesta (Meigen, 1818), D. (D.) pammelas Alexander, 1925, D. (D.) poli (Alexander, 1941), D. (D.) sera (Walker, 1848), D. (D.) shinanoensis (Alexander, 1933), D. (D.) takeuchii Alexander, 1922, D. (D.) unispinosa Alexander, 1921, D. (Erostrata) globithorax Osten Sacken, 1869, D. (E.) globulithorax Alexander, 1924, D. (E.) yazuensis Kato et al., 2018, D. (Glochina) basifusca Alexander, 1919, D. (Melanolimonia) paramorio platysoma (Alexander, 1933), D. (Numantia) fusca (Meigen, 1804), D. (Sivalimnobia) euphileta (Alexander, 1924). Species D. (D.) byuni Podenas, sp. nov., D. (D.) cornuta Podenas, sp. nov., D. (D.) jirisana Podenas, sp. nov., D. (D.) petrasiuni Podenas, sp. nov., and D. (D.) yankovskyi Podenas, sp. nov. are described. An additional ten new records are reported from North Korea, bringing the total number of Dicranomyia species known from North Korea to 22 species. South Korea has a greater diversity of Dicranomyia with total number of 30 species. D. (D.) amurensis Alexander, 1925 is synonymised with D. (D.) hyalinata (Zetterstedt, 1851). An illustrated key with redescriptions and photographs of all species and both sexes of adults collected in Korea are presented. Most females are illustrated or described for the first time. Elevation range, period of activity, habitat information, general distribution and a distribution map in Korean Peninsula is given for each species.

Abstract Five independent multicentury reconstructions of the July Canadian Drought Code and one reconstruction of the mean July–August temperature were developed using a network of 120 well-replicated tree-ring chronologies covering the area of the eastern Boreal Plains to the eastern Boreal Shield of Canada. The reconstructions were performed using 54 time-varying reconstruction submodels that explained up to 50% of the regional drought variance during the period of 1919–84. Spatial correlation fields on the six reconstructions revealed that the meridional component of the climate system from central to eastern Canada increased since the mid–nineteenth century. The most obvious change was observed in the decadal scale of variability. Using 500-hPa geopotential height and wind composites, this zonal to meridional transition was interpreted as a response to an amplification of long waves flowing over the eastern North Pacific into boreal Canada, from approximately 1851 to 1940. Composites with NOAA Extended Reconstructed SSTs indicated a coupling between the meridional component and tropical and North Pacific SST for a period covering at least the past 150 yr, supporting previous findings of a summertime global ocean–atmosphere–land surface coupling. This change in the global atmospheric circulation could be a key element toward understanding the observed temporal changes in the Canadian boreal forest fire regimes over the past 150 yr.

The personality of an outstanding medieval Daghestan scholar Muhammad al-Quduqi, ar-Rugzhi ad-Dagistani (1652-1717), evokes the interest of historians since the very XIX century. Despite this, there are a lot of blank spaces in his biography. In the XIX - early XX centuries, Daghestan ulama and biographical researchers highly appreciated the contribution of this scientist to the formation of Islamic culture in Daghestan. The life and work of Alim al-Quduqi is remarkable, mainly due to the fact that they give us examples of the life of the Daghestan society of the second half of the XVII - early XVIII century. Among those are an internal political struggle in Daghestan (moving from Khindalal to Andalal); the ratio of adat and sharia laws within the legal framework (moving from Daghestan to Sham); educational practice (getting education from different ulama of Daghestan and the Arab world; teaching foreigners), academic life (correspondence with scholars, answers to legal issues, development of the system of signs, writing academic papers), etc. The article provides commentaries on the translation of a new source of the biography of al-Quduqi. This is a brief biography of the scholar, written in Arabic in the early XX century. The author of this biography is Kudiyav Said al-Quduqi (1842-1919). Later on, it came into possession of his disciple Mas'ud al-Muguhi (1893-1941), who edited it and sent it to his son Abdulatip al-Hutsuvi (1851-1891). The biography contains a number of new facts about Muhammad al-Quduqi, which have not been previously introduced to scientific circulation and which, in our opinion, allow us to understand the scale of the scholar's personality and reveal a number of previously unknown names of Daghestan scholars of the XVII - XVIII centuries.

The Institute of the Consolata for Foreign Missions was founded in Turin, Italy in 1901 by the General Superior, Giuseppe Allamano (1851-1926). The primary purpose of the mission is to evangelize and educate non-Christian peoples. Allamano believed in the benefit of religion and education when he stated that the people “will love religion because of the promise of a better life after death, but education will make them happy because it will provide a better life while on earth.” The Consolata distinguishes itself for stressing the moral and secular education and its enthusiasm for missionary work. To encourage young people to become missionaries, Allamano convinced Pius X to institute a world-wide mission day in 1912. Allamano's original plan was for his mission to work among the “Galla” (Oromo) people of Ethiopia and continue the mission which Cardinal Massaia had begun in 1846 in southwestern Ethiopia. While waiting for the right moment, the Consolata missionaries ministered among the Kikuyu people of Kenya. In 1913 the Propaganda Fides authorized the Consolata Mission to begin work in Kaffa, Ethiopia. In 1919 it entered Tanzania and, accepting a government invitation in 1924, the Consolata installed itself in Italian Somalia and in 1925 in the Portuguese colony of Mozambique. Before the World War I the mission also expanded in Brazil, in 1937, and after 1937 its missionaries went to Argentina, Colombia, Venezuela, Canada, the United States, Zaire, Uganda, South Africa, and South Korea.

Até que ponto o sistema alimentar de um povo está impregnado nos verbetes que usamos na linguagem cotidiana? Esta comunicação tem o objetivo de analisar os significados culturais atribuídos aos alimentos que expressam a relação com o corpo e o comportamento a partir da obra “Folclore da alimentação”, de Cascudo (1898-1986), publicada na Revista Brasileira de Folclore (1963). O estudioso compilou 135 palavras, expressões, frases feitas e imagens comparativas provenientes do vocabulário corrente do cotidiano associadas à alimentação. Faz-se mister esclarecer que a mesma produção foi inserida no livro a “História da Alimentação no Brasil” (1983). O folclorista empregou a pesquisa histórica, etnográfica, bibliográfica e documental, a exemplo, O Diário de Pernambuco, fundado em 1825, a obra Auto da Ave-Maria – Auto dos Cantarinhos: com uma notícia biográfica do autor, de Antônio Prestes (1530) e o diálogo com outros folcloristas, tais como, Francisco Manuel de Melo (1608-1666), João Loureiro (1717-1791), Hermann Urtel (1873-1926), Francisco Augusto Pereira da Costa (1851-1923), Valdomiro Silveira (1873-1941), Ataliba Amaral Leite Penteado (1875-1929), Hidelgardes Cantolino Vianna (1919-2006), Édison de Souza Carneiro (1912-1972) e Cornélio Pires (1884-1958). A obra é uma rica fonte de pesquisa e reflexão da cultura alimentar que revela a contribuição africana, portuguesa, asiática, árabe, francesa, além da civilização da Antiguidade. Nas linhas e entrelinhas da obra, o historiador revela a riqueza da linguagem e da cultura da alimentação. Para analisar o referido universo comunicativo empregou-se os estudos da história cultural do alimento e, metodologicamente, investiu-se na pesquisa documental da obra o “Folclore da alimentação”.Palavras-chave: Comida. Linguagem. Folclore.ABSTRACTTo what extent does a people’s food system permeate the words we use in everyday language? This communication aims to analyse the cultural meanings attributed to foods that express the relationship between body and behaviour having as a starting point the book “Folclore da Alimentação” – “Folklore of food”, by Cascudo (1898-1986), published in the Revista Brasileira do Folclore – Brazilian Magazine of Folklore (1963). The scholar compiled 135 words, idioms, phrases, and comparative images from the current everyday vocabulary associated with eating at that time. It is necessary to clarify that the same production was inserted in the book “História da Alimentação no Brasil” – “History of Food in Brazil” (1983). The folklorist employed the historical, ethnographic, bibliographical and documentary researching methods, for example, O Diário de Pernambuco, founded in 1825, the work Auto Da Ave-Maria - Auto dos Cantarinhos: with a biographical article by Antônio Prestes (1530) and dialogues with other folklorists, such as Francisco Manuel de Melo (1608-1666), João Loureiro (1717-1791), Hermann Urtel (1873-1926), Francisco Augusto Pereira da Costa (1851-1923), Valdomiro Silveira (1873-1941), Ataliba Amaral Leite Penteado (1875-1929), Hidelgardes Cantolino Vianna (1919-2006), Édison de Souza Carneiro (1912-1972) and Cornélio Pires (1884-1958). The book is a rich source of research and reflection on food culture that reveals the African, Portuguese, Asian, Arab and French contributions, besides the contributions made by ancient civilizations. Along and between the lines of the book, the historian reveals the richness of both language and food culture. In order to analyse the aforementioned communicative universe, the study of the cultural history of food was carried out and, methodologically, a documentary research of the book “Folclore da Alimentação” was conducted. Keywords: Food. Language. Folklore.

PräambelDeutschsprachiges Rechtsdenken war in Brasilien immer Objekt einer gewissen Faszination. Diese Faszination machte sich vor allem im Rechtsdenken bemerkbar. Sie geht soweit, dass kein angesehener Jurist in Brasilien zugeben darf, sich nicht in irgendeiner Form mit der deutschsprachigen Rechtstradition beschäftigt zu haben oder mit ihr nicht mehr oder minder vertraut zu sein. So kam es zur Entstehung gewisser Mythen innerhalb der brasilianischen Rechtsgeschichte, die das deutschsprachige Rechtsdenken betreffen.Deutschsprachige Autoren zu zitieren wurde zu einem Muss in der brasilianischen Rechtstradition und der Einfluss deutschsprachiger juristischer Werke auf brasilianische Rechtswissenschaftler wird immer wieder betont. Viele Juristen berufen sich auf ihre Vertrautheit mit deutschsprachigen Rechtsgelehrte und ihre tiefgehenden Kenntnisse ihrer Werke, greifen aber für das Studium derselben in der Tat auf französische, spanische oder – in den letzten Jahren immer häufiger – auf englischsprachige Übersetzungen oder Kommentare zurück.Wo liegen aber die Wurzeln der Rezeption deutschsprachiges Gedankengut in Brasilien? Wann wurden deutschsprachige Autoren erstmals intensiv rezipiert und zum Bestandteil des brasilianischen Repertoires? Welche waren die Hauptakteure bei diesem Rezeptionsprozess? Im welchen kulturpolitischen Kontext erfolgte diese Aufnahme und durch welche Quellen? Das sind die Hauptfragen dieser Aufsatz. Sein Fokus ist somit die transatlantische Wissenszirkulation durch die Beispiele der Rezeption Rudolf von Jherings (1818-1892) und Ernst Haeckels (1834-1919) Ideen im 19. Jahrhundert Brasiliens. Zwei wichtige Akteure in dieser Konstellation waren die Intellektuellen und Juristen Tobias Barretos (1839-1889) und Sílvio Romero (1851-1914).RESUMO: Este trabalho analisa a cultura política alemã em suas relações com a cultura política brasileira, apartir de um viés da História Cultural (e das ideias), com base nos processos de circulação de ideias e apropriação cultural de dois autores: Rudolf von Jhering, Ernst Haeckel por Tobias Barreto e Sílvio Romero. A recepção no Brasil destes autores é verificada a partir dos intelectuais do campo jurídico no Brasil: Clóvis Bevilaqua e Silvio Romero, bem como das discussões em torno da Constituição brasileira de 1934. Para tanto, utiliza-se das mediações e interrelações culturais presentes nesse processo, bem como no campo das ideias onde o processo é mediado pela tradução e apropriação de múltiplas culturas políticas. O procediemento metodológico utilizado é o bibliográfico-investigativo – com uso de fontes disponibilizadas no acervo bibliográfico/Sessão de Obras Raras da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro e da Biblioteca do Tribunal de Justiça do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (TJRJ) e arquivos alemães.Palavras-chave: Alemanha; Brasil; circulação de conhecimento; Rudolf Jhering; Ernst Haeckel; Tobias Barreto; Sílvio Romero

Mikhail Gerasimov, a well-known Soviet anthropologist, the creator of a unique method of plastic reconstruction of the face from the skull, was born on September 15, 1907 in St. Petersburg. In 1912, the Gerasimov family moved to Irkutsk, where his father received the post of doctor of the Irkutsk resettlement center. Irkutsk, as the capital of the vast Siberian region from the Yenisei to the Pacific Ocean, had a multifaceted socio-cultural life. In 1851, a department of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society was organized in Irkutsk as the first scientific organization to study all aspects of the nature, history, and peoples of Siberia. In 1918 Irkutsk University was opened, which became the main center of scientific and educational activities. With Irkutsk are connected the discoveries of the first Paleolithic site, the first Neolithic burial ground, the first multilayered site in Russia. At Irkutsk University, Berngard Petri created the multidisciplinary Irkutsk School of Archaeology (Paleoethnology). Mikhail Gerasimov was formed as a researcher in the system of this school, where he received archaeological, anthropological, geological, and paleontological training. He made the first face reconstructions from the skull in 1927 and 1929. The archaeological activity of Mikhail Gerasimov relates to Irkutsk, where he was engaged in research of Stone Age campsites and burials. It distinguishes two periods: pre-war (1919–1937) and post-war (1956–1960). He studied burials in Irkutsk and its vicinity, as well as at the mouth of the Selenga River, participated in excavations of the Paleolithic site Verkholenskaya Gora, discovered the Paleolithic site Pereselenchenskii Punkt in Irkutsk, the multilayered site Ust-Belaya, and a number of Stone Age campsites in Khabarovsk. His biggest achievement was the discovery and excavation of the Malta Paleolithic site with unique dwelling complexes and bone sculptures. The socio-political situation in the country forced Mikhail Gerasimov in 1937 to engage in physical anthropology to develop and implement the method of reconstruction of the face from the skull. Archaeology has faded into the background. Mikhail Gerasimov was able to return to Irkutsk for the excavations of Malta, Ust-Belaya, Fofanovo burial ground in 1956–1960. In the process of these works, under his influence, a team of young archaeologists was formed at the Irkutsk State University, which made up a new generation of the Irkutsk School of Archaeology.

The Tachinidae (Diptera) of Chile are catalogued and information is given on distributions, name-bearing types, synonyms, nomenclatural issues, and pertinent literature. The history of tachinid collectors in Chile and authors who have contributed to the systematic knowledge of Chilean tachinids is extensively reviewed. The classification has been updated and 122 genera and 264 species are recognised in Chile. There is a significant amount of endemism with 28 genera and 100 species known only from Chile. There are also 113 species with distributions shared only between Chile and Argentina, particularly in the southern portions of these countries comprising Patagonia. The catalogue is based on examination of the original descriptions of all nominal species and all other references known to us containing relevant taxonomic and distributional information, for a total of approximately 450 references. Many of the name-bearing types and other Chilean specimens housed in collections were examined. Taxa are arranged hierarchically and alphabetically under the categories of subfamily, tribe, genus, subgenus (where recognised), and species. Nomenclatural information is provided for genus-group and species-group names, including lists of synonyms (mostly restricted to Neotropical taxa) and name-bearing type data. Species distributions are recorded by country within the New World and by larger geographical divisions in the Old World. Additional information is given in the form of notes and references under valid names at the level of tribe, genus, and species. Two genera are newly recorded from Chile: Chaetoepalpus Vimmer & Soukup, 1940 (Tachinini) (also newly recorded from Argentina) and Patelloa Townsend, 1916 (Goniini). Four species are newly recorded from Chile or other countries: Lypha ornata Aldrich, 1934 (Chile); Chaetoepalpus coquilleti Vimmer & Soukup, 1940 (Argentina and Chile); Phytomyptera evanescens (Cortés, 1967) (Argentina); and Xanthobasis unicolor Aldrich, 1934 (Chile). Eight species previously recorded from Chile are deemed to have been misidentified or misrecorded from Chile (known distributions in parentheses): Archytas incertus (Macquart, 1851) (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay); Archytas seminiger (Wiedemann, 1830) (Brazil, Colombia); Gonia crassicornis (Fabricius, 1794) (Brazil, Peru, Venezuela, Middle America, West Indies, Nearctic); Lespesia andina (Bigot, 1888) (Cuba); Lespesia archippivora (Riley, 1871) (widespread Nearctic and most of Neotropical); Neoethilla ignobilis (van der Wulp, 1890) (Mexico, United States); Siphona (Siphona) geniculata (De Geer, 1776) (Palaearctic, Nearctic [introduced]); and Winthemia quadripustulata (Fabricius, 1794) (Palaearctic, Nearctic, Oriental]. As First Reviser we fix Paratheresia rufiventris Townsend, 1929 as the senior homonym and Sarcoprosena rufiventris Townsend, 1929 as the junior homonym when the two are placed together in Billaea Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830; and we fix Mayophorinia angusta Townsend, 1927 as the senior homonym and Metarrhinomyia angusta Townsend, 1927 as the junior homonym when the two are placed together in Myiopharus Brauer & Bergenstamm, 1889. New replacement names are proposed for eight preoccupied names of Neotropical species (country of type locality in parentheses): Billaea rufescens O’Hara & Wood for Sarcoprosena rufiventris Townsend, 1929, preoccupied in the genus Billaea Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830 by Paratheresia rufiventris Townsend, 1929 (Peru), nom. nov.; Billaea triquetrus O’Hara & Wood for Sarcoprosena triangulifera Townsend, 1927, preoccupied in the genus Billaea Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830 by Dexia triangulifera Zetterstedt, 1844 (Peru), nom. nov.; Eucelatoria nudioculata O’Hara & Wood for Eucelatorioidea nigripalpis Thompson, 1968, preoccupied in the genus Eucelatoria Townsend, 1909 by Chetolyga nigripalpis Bigot, 1889 (Trinidad), nom. nov.; Eucelatoria oblonga O’Hara & Wood for Urodexodes elongatum Cortés & Campos, 1974, preoccupied in the genus Eucelatoria Townsend, 1909 by Exorista elongata van der Wulp, 1890 (Chile), nom. nov.; Lespesia thompsoni O’Hara & Wood for Sturmiopsoidea obscura Thompson, 1966, preoccupied in the genus Lespesia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1863 by Eurigaster obscurus Bigot, 1857 (Cuba), nom. nov.; Myiopharus charapensis O’Hara & Wood for Metarrhinomyia angusta Townsend, 1927, preoccupied in the genus Myiopharus Brauer & Bergenstamm, 1889 by Mayophorinia angusta Townsend, 1927 (Peru), nom. nov.; Myiopharus incognitus O’Hara & Wood for Stenochaeta claripalpis Thompson, 1968, preoccupied in the genus Myiopharus Brauer & Bergenstamm, 1889 by Neoxynopsoidea claripalpis Thompson, 1968 (Trinidad), nom. nov.; and Myiopharus rufopalpus O’Hara & Wood for Paralispe palpalis Townsend, 1929, preoccupied in the genus Myiopharus Brauer & Bergenstamm, 1889 by Myioxynops palpalis Townsend, 1927 (Peru), nom. nov. New type species fixations are made under the provisions of Article 70.3.2 of the ICZNCode for three genus-group names: Parafabricia Brauer & Bergenstamm, 1894 (synonym of Archytas Jaennicke, 1867), type species newly fixed as Parafabricia perplexa Townsend, 1931; Tachinodes Brauer & Bergenstamm, 1889 (synonym of Archytas Jaennicke, 1867), type species newly fixed as Jurinia metallica Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830; and Willistonia Brauer & Bergenstamm, 1889 (synonym of Belvosia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830), type species newly fixed as Willistonia aldrichi Townsend, 1931. Lectotypes are designated for the following four nominal species, all described or possibly described from Chile: Echinomyia pygmaea Macquart, 1851 (a valid name in the genus Peleteria Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830); Gonia chilensis Macquart, 1844 (a junior synonym of Gonia pallens Wiedemann, 1830); Masicera auriceps Macquart, 1844 (a valid name in the genus Lespesia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1863); and Prosopochoeta nitidiventris Macquart, 1851 (a valid name in the genus Prosopochaeta Macquart, 1851). The following 27 new or revived combinations are proposed (distributions in parentheses): Blepharipeza andina Bigot, 1888 is moved to Lespesia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1863 as L. andina, nomen dubium (Cuba), comb. nov.; Camposodes evanescens Cortés, 1967 is moved to Phytomyptera Rondani, 1845 as P. evanescens (Argentina, Chile), comb. nov.; Ectophasiopsis ypiranga Dios & Nihei, 2017 is moved to Trichopoda Berthold, 1827 and assigned to subgenus Galactomyia Townsend, 1908 as T. (G.) ypiranga (Argentina, Brazil), comb. nov.; Embiomyia australis Aldrich, 1934 is moved to Steleoneura Stein, 1924 as S. australis (Argentina, Chile), comb. nov.; Eurigaster modestus Bigot, 1857 is moved to Lespesia as L. modesta (Cuba), comb. nov.; Eurigaster obscurus Bigot, 1857 is moved to Lespesia as L. obscura (Cuba), comb. nov.; Macropatelloa tanumeana Townsend, 1931 is moved to Patelloa Townsend, 1916 as P. tanumeana (Argentina, Chile), comb. nov.; Masicera insignis van der Wulp, 1882 is moved to Drino Robineau-Desvoidy, 1863 as D. insignis (Argentina, Chile), comb. nov.; Parasetigena hichinsi Cortés, 1967 is moved to Chetogena Rondani, 1856 as C. hichinsi (Chile), comb. nov.; Parasetigena porteri Brèthes, 1920 and junior synonym Stomatotachina splendida Townsend, 1931 are moved to Chetogena as C. porteri (Chile), both comb. nov.; Phorocera calyptrata Aldrich, 1934 is moved to Admontia Brauer & Bergenstamm, 1889 as A. calyptrata (Argentina, Chile), comb. nov.; Poliops auratus Campos, 1953 is moved to Admontia Brauer & Bergenstamm, 1889 as A. aurata (Chile), comb. nov.; Poliops striatus Aldrich, 1934 is moved to Admontia as A. striata (Argentina, Chile), comb. nov.; Ruiziella frontosa Cortés, 1951 is moved to Chaetoepalpus Vimmer & Soukup, 1940 and placed in synonymy with C. coquilleti Vimmer & Soukup, 1940 (Argentina, Chile, Peru), comb. nov.; Ruiziella luctuosa Cortés, 1951 is moved to Chaetoepalpus as C. luctuosus (Argentina, Chile), comb. nov.; Sarcoprosena luteola Cortés & Campos, 1974 is moved to Billaea Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830 as B. luteola (Chile), comb. nov.; Sarcoprosena rufiventris Townsend, 1929 is moved to Billaea where it is a junior secondary homonym and is renamed B. rufescens O’Hara & Wood (Peru), comb. nov.; Sarcoprosena triangulifera Townsend, 1927 is moved to Billaea where it is a junior secondary homonym and is renamed B. triquetrus O’Hara & Wood (Peru),comb. nov.; Saundersia aurea Giglio-Tos, 1893 is moved to “Unplaced species of Tachinini” (Mexico), comb. nov.; Schistostephana aurifrons Townsend, 1919 is moved to Billaea as B. aurifrons (Peru), comb. nov.; Siphoactia charapensis Townsend, 1927 is moved to Clausicella Rondani, 1856 as C. charapensis (Peru), comb. nov.; Siphoactia peregrina Cortés & Campos, 1971 is moved to Clausicella as C. peregrina (Chile), comb. nov.; Sturmia festiva Cortés, 1944 is moved to Drino as D. festiva (Argentina, Chile), comb. nov.; Sturmiopsoidea obscura Thompson, 1966 is moved to Lespesia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1863, where it is a junior secondary homonym and is renamed L. thompsoni O’Hara & Wood (Trinidad), comb. nov.; Trichopoda arcuata Bigot, 1876 is returned to Trichopoda from Ectophasiopsis Townsend, 1915 and assigned to subgenus Galactomyia (Argentina, Chile), comb. revived; and Trichopoda gradata Wiedemann, 1830 is returned to Trichopoda from Ectophasiopsis and assigned to subgenus Galactomyia (Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay), comb. revived. New or revived generic and specific synonymies are proposed for the following 14 names: Camposodes Cortés, 1967 with Phytomyptera Rondani, 1845, syn. nov.; Ectophasiopsis Townsend, 1915 with Trichopoda Berthold, 1827, subgenus Galactomyia Townsend, 1908, syn. nov.; Embiomyia Aldrich, 1934 with Steleoneura Stein, 1924, syn. nov.; Fabricia andicola Bigot, 1888 with Peleteria robusta (Wiedemann, 1830), syn. revived; Macropatelloa Townsend, 1931 with Patelloa Townsend, 1916, syn. nov.; Peleteria inca Curran, 1925 with Peleteria robusta (Wiedemann, 1830), syn. revived; Poliops Aldrich, 1934 with Admontia Brauer & Bergenstamm, 1889, syn. nov.; Ruiziella Cortés, 1951 with Chaetoepalpus Vimmer & Soukup, 1940, syn. nov.; Ruiziella frontosa Cortés, 1951 with Chaetoepalpus coquilleti Vimmer & Soukup, 1940, syn. nov.; Sarcoprosena Townsend, 1927 with Billaea Robineau-Desvoidy, 1830, syn. nov.; Schistostephana Townsend, 1919 with Billaea, syn. nov.; Siphoactia Townsend, 1927 with Clausicella Rondani, 1856, syn. nov.; Stomatotachina Townsend, 1931 with Chetogena Rondani, 1856, syn. nov.; and Sturmiopsoidea Thompson, 1966 with Lespesia Robineau-Desvoidy, 1863, syn. nov.

A review of genus-group names for darkling beetles in the family Tenebrionidae (Insecta: Coleoptera) is presented. A catalogue of 4122 nomenclaturally available genus-group names, representing 2307 valid genera (33 of which are extinct) and 761 valid subgenera, is given. For each name the author, date, page number, gender, type species, type fixation, current status, and first synonymy (when the name is a synonym) are provided. Genus-group names in this family are also recorded in a classification framework, along with data on the distribution of valid genera and subgenera within major biogeographical realms. A list of 535 unavailable genus-group names (e.g., incorrect subsequent spellings) is included. Notes on the date of publication of references cited herein are given, when known. The following genera and subgenera are made available for the first time: Anemiadena Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Cheirodes Gené, 1839), Armigena Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Nesogena Mäklin, 1863), Debeauxiella Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Hyperops Eschscholtz, 1831), Hyperopsis Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Hyperops Eschscholtz, 1831), Linio Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Nilio Latreille, 1802), Matthewsotys Bouchard & Bousquet, gen. nov., Neosolenopistoma Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Eurynotus W. Kirby, 1819), Paragena Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Nesogena Mäklin, 1863), Paulianaria Bouchard & Bousquet, gen. nov., Phyllechus Bouchard & Bousquet, gen. nov., Prorhytinota Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Rhytinota Eschscholtz, 1831), Pseudorozonia Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Rozonia Fairmaire, 1888), Pseudothinobatis Bouchard & Bousquet, gen. nov., Rhytinopsis Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Thalpophilodes Strand, 1942), Rhytistena Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Rhytinota Eschscholtz, 1831), Spinosdara Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Osdara Walker, 1858), Spongesmia Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Adesmia Fischer, 1822), and Zambesmia Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Adesmia Fischer, 1822). The names Adeps Gistel, 1857 and Adepsion Strand, 1917 syn. nov. [= Tetraphyllus Laporte & Brullé, 1831], Asyrmatus Canzoneri, 1959 syn. nov. [= Pystelops Gozis, 1910], Euzadenos Koch, 1956 syn. nov. [= Selenepistoma Dejean, 1834], Gondwanodilamus Kaszab, 1969 syn. nov. [= Conibius J.L. LeConte, 1851], Gyrinodes Fauvel, 1897 syn. nov. [= Nesotes Allard, 1876], Helopondrus Reitter, 1922 syn. nov. [= Horistelops Gozis, 1910], Hybonotus Dejean, 1834 syn. nov. [= Damatris Laporte, 1840], Iphthimera Reitter, 1916 syn. nov. [= Metriopus Solier, 1835], Lagriomima Pic, 1950 syn. nov. [= Neogria Borchmann, 1911], Orphelops Gozis, 1910 syn. nov. [= Nalassus Mulsant, 1854], Phymatium Billberg, 1820 syn. nov. [= Cryptochile Latreille, 1828], Prosoblapsia Skopin & Kaszab, 1978 syn. nov. [= Genoblaps Bauer, 1921], and Pseudopimelia Gebler, 1859 syn. nov. [= Lasiostola Dejean, 1834] are established as new synonyms (valid names in square brackets). Anachayus Bouchard & Bousquet, nom. nov. is proposed as a replacement name for Chatanayus Ardoin, 1957, Genateropa Bouchard & Bousquet, nom. nov. as a replacement name for Apterogena Ardoin, 1962, Hemipristula Bouchard & Bousquet, nom. nov. as a replacement name for Hemipristis Kolbe, 1903, Kochotella Bouchard & Bousquet, nom. nov. as a replacement name for Millotella Koch, 1962, Medvedevoblaps Bouchard & Bousquet, nom. nov. as a replacement name for Protoblaps G.S. Medvedev, 1998, and Subpterocoma Bouchard & Bousquet, nom. nov. is proposed as a replacement name for Pseudopimelia Motschulsky, 1860. Neoeutrapela Bousquet & Bouchard, 2013 is downgraded to a subgenus (stat. nov.) of Impressosora Pic, 1952. Anchomma J.L. LeConte, 1858 is placed in Stenosini: Dichillina (previously in Pimeliinae: Anepsiini); Entypodera Gerstaecker, 1871, Impressosora Pic, 1952 and Xanthalia Fairmaire, 1894 are placed in Lagriinae: Lagriini: Statirina (previously in Lagriinae: Lagriini: Lagriina); Loxostethus Triplehorn, 1962 is placed in Diaperinae: Diaperini: Diaperina (previously in Diaperinae: Diaperini: Adelinina); Periphanodes Gebien, 1943 is placed in Stenochiinae: Cnodalonini (previously in Tenebrioninae: Helopini); Zadenos Laporte, 1840 is downgraded to a subgenus (stat. nov.) of the older name Selenepistoma Dejean, 1834. The type species [placed in square brackets] of the following available genus-group names are designated for the first time: Allostrongylium Kolbe, 1896 [Allostrongylium silvestre Kolbe, 1896], Auristira Borchmann, 1916 [Auristira octocostata Borchmann, 1916], Blapidocampsia Pic, 1919 [Campsia pallidipes Pic, 1918], Cerostena Solier, 1836 [Cerostena deplanata Solier, 1836], Coracostira Fairmaire, 1899 [Coracostira armipes Fairmaire, 1899], Dischidus Kolbe, 1886 [Helops sinuatus Fabricius, 1801], Eccoptostoma Gebien, 1913 [Taraxides ruficrus Fairmaire, 1894], Ellaemus Pascoe, 1866 [Emcephalus submaculatus Brême, 1842], Epeurycaulus Kolbe, 1902 [Epeurycaulus aldabricus Kolbe, 1902], Euschatia Solier, 1851 [Euschatia proxima Solier, 1851], Heliocaes Bedel, 1906 [Blaps emarginata Fabricius, 1792], Hemipristis Kolbe, 1903 [Hemipristis ukamia Kolbe, 1903], Iphthimera Reitter, 1916 [Stenocara ruficornis Solier, 1835], Isopedus Stein, 1877 [Helops tenebrioides Germar, 1813], Malacova Fairmaire, 1898 [Malacova bicolor Fairmaire, 1898], Modicodisema Pic, 1917 [Disema subopaca Pic, 1912], Peltadesmia Kuntzen, 1916 [Metriopus platynotus Gerstaecker, 1854], Phymatium Billberg, 1820 [Pimelia maculata Fabricius, 1781], Podoces Péringuey, 1886 [Podoces granosula Péringuey, 1886], Pseuduroplatopsis Pic, 1913 [Borchmannia javana Pic, 1913], Pteraulus Solier, 1848 [Pteraulus sulcatipennis Solier, 1848], Sciaca Solier, 1835 [Hylithus disctinctus Solier, 1835], Sterces Champion, 1891 [Sterces violaceipennis Champion, 1891] and Teremenes Carter, 1914 [Tenebrio longipennis Hope, 1843]. Evidence suggests that some type species were misidentified. In these instances, information on the misidentification is provided and, in the following cases, the taxonomic species actually involved is fixed as the type species [placed in square brackets] following requirements in Article 70.3 of the International Code of Zoological Nomenclature: Accanthopus Dejean, 1821 [Tenebrio velikensis Piller & Mitterpacher, 1783], Becvaramarygmus Masumoto, 1999 [Dietysus nodicornis Gravely, 1915], Heterophaga Dejean, 1834 [Opatrum laevigatum Fabricius, 1781], Laena Dejean, 1821, [Scaurus viennensis Sturm, 1807], Margus Dejean, 1834 [Colydium castaneum Herbst, 1797], Pachycera Eschscholtz, 1831 [Tenebrio buprestoides Fabricius, 1781], Saragus Erichson, 1842 [Celibe costata Solier, 1848], Stene Stephens, 1829 [Colydium castaneum Herbst, 1797], Stenosis Herbst, 1799 [Tagenia intermedia Solier, 1838] and Tentyriopsis Gebien, 1928 [Tentyriopsis pertyi Gebien, 1940]. The following First Reviser actions are proposed to fix the precedence of names or nomenclatural acts (rejected name or act in square brackets): Stenosis ciliaris Gebien, 1920 as the type species for Afronosis G.S. Medvedev, 1995 [Stenosis leontjevi G.S. Medvedev, 1995], Alienoplonyx Bremer, 2019 [Alienolonyx], Amblypteraca Mas-Peinado, Buckley, Ruiz & García-París, 2018 [Amplypteraca], Caenocrypticoides Kaszab, 1969 [Caenocripticoides], Deriles Motschulsky, 1872 [Derilis], Eccoptostira Borchmann, 1936 [Ecoptostira], †Eodromus Haupt, 1950 [†Edromus], Eutelus Solier, 1843 [Lutelus], Euthriptera Reitter, 1893 [Enthriptera], Meglyphus Motschulsky, 1872 [Megliphus], Microtelopsis Koch, 1940 [Extetranosis Koch, 1940, Hypermicrotelopsis Koch, 1940], Neandrosus Pic, 1921 [Neoandrosus], Nodosogylium Pic, 1951 [Nodosogilium], Notiolesthus Motschulsky, 1872 [Notiolosthus], Pseudeucyrtus Pic, 1916 [Pseudocyrtus], Pseudotrichoplatyscelis Kaszab, 1960 [Pseudotrichoplatynoscelis and Pseudotrichoplatycelis], Rhydimorpha Koch, 1943 [Rhytimorpha], Rhophobas Motschulsky, 1872 [Rophobas], Rhyssochiton Gray, 1831 [Ryssocheton and Ryssochiton], Sphaerotidius Kaszab, 1941 [Spaerotidius], Stira Agassiz, 1846 (Mollusca) [Stira Agassiz, 1846 (Coleoptera)], Sulpiusoma Ferrer, 2006 [Sulpiosoma] and Taenobates Motschulsky, 1872 [Taeniobates]. Supporting evidence is provided for the conservation of usage of Cyphaleus Westwood, 1841 nomen protectum over Chrysobalus Boisduval, 1835 nomen oblitum.

Ante a cuestión de se a obra e o pensamento de Emilia Pardo Bazán foron asimilados ou rexeitados desde o comezo polo sistema literario galego, este traballo trata de responder amosando como, ao longo da súa traxectoria vital e creativa (1851-1921), a autora foi tida en conta, mesmo con carácter de referente canónico, nos momentos difíciles para os protosistemas narrativos galegos de finais do s. XIX e das primeiras décadas do s. XX. Eses momentos foron tamén decisivos para a prosecución do ronsel rexurdentista, nun caso; e noutro, para a formación do segundo Renacemento cara á definitiva narrativa galega moderna do s. XX. Dúas novelas, de «Xan de Masma» (seudónimo de Patricio Delgado Luaces) e de Vicente Risco, son aquí enfocadas no marco do comparatismo ibérico desde dous títulos de Pardo Bazán, Los Pazos de Ulloa e La sirena negra. Con estas probas tematolóxicas e metanarrativas, así como de filiación a determinadas escolas ou estéticas, etc., conclúese que houbo transferencias sistémicas que tiveron a orixe na posición que Emilia Pardo Bazán ocupaba no parnaso de escritores que estaban a forxar esa narrativa en galego.

تتناول هذه الدراسة حياة الشيخ عبد القادر النهري، وهي في مجملها حياة سياسية، لان المصادر المتناولة لإحداث هذه الشخصية قد ركزت فقط على دوره السياسي ولا تتحدث إلا نادراً عن حياته الاجتماعية. حيث يعد الشيخ عبد القادر النهري احد القياديين الكُرد الذي ناضل في سبيل الحصول على الحقوق القومية الكُردية، كما انه يعد من الجيل الأول للقوميين الكُرد الذين ظهرت لديهم بوادر الفكرة القومية الحديثة في أواخر القرن التاسع عشر وبداية القرن العشرين. ولبيان أهمية ودور هذه الشخصية في التاريخ الكُردي الحديث، يكفي القول: أنه كان رئيساً لأول حزب سياسي قومي كُردي وهي جمعية (التعاون والترقي الكُردية) التي تأسست في استانبول عام 1908، كما ان الشيخ عبد القادر ومن خلال منصبه رئيساً لجمعية تعالي كُردستان التي تأسست في استانبول بعد الحرب العالمية الأولى، بعث برسالتين إلى مؤتمر السلام المنعقد بباريس سنة 1919 بخصوص الحقوق القومية للشعب الكُردي.

Первым, до Октябрьской революции 1917 г. и единственным в российской провинции государственным учреждением, которое время от времени занималось историей, археологией и археографией, были губернские статистические комитеты Министерства внутренних дел. С 1860-х гг. эти официальные органы время от времени получали поручения министерства составить справки по древностям своих губерний, а затем нередко занимались памятниками старины по собственной инициативе. А в их архивных фондах и печатных изданиях накопились богатые сведения о случайных находках древностей и разных археологических объектах. Одним из наиболее активных был статистический комитет в Курске. Его работа и взаимосвязи с другими комитетами позволяет признать за статистическими комитетами одну из форм гражданского общества, где чиновники, ученые и представители общественности изучали и сохраняли следы далекого прошлого. Библиографические ссылки Балацкая Н.М., Раздорский А.И. Памятные книжки губерний и областей Российской Империи. 1933–1917. Сводный каталог-репертуар. СПб.: Дмитрий Буланин, 2008. 645 с. Бердинских В.А. Губернские статистические комитеты и русская провинциальная историография 1860-х –1890-х годов. Автореф. дис. … докт. ист. наук. Киров: Рос. гос. гуманитар. ун-т, 1994. 23 с. Воскресенский Н.В. Исторический обзор деятельности Воронежского губернского статистического комитета. Воронеж: Типо-лит. губ. правления, 1892. 84 с. Гацисский А.С. Очерк статистический съездов в России // Сборник в память I Русского статистического съезда 1870 года. Вып. 2. Нижний Новгород: Тип. Нижегород. губ. правления, 1875. С. 5–29. Горбачев П.О. Приключения курского мамонта // Городские известия. 2015. № 7 (357). 17 февраля. С. 7. Древности. А. Меловая крепость (древний острожек или крепость первобытного города); Б. Вал на р. Рати // Памятная книжка Курской губернии на 1860 год. Курск: Тип. губ. правления, 1860. С. 44–49. Захарова И.М. Провинциальные статистические комитеты Северо-Запада России: из истории становления отечественной статистики. Автореф. дисc. … канд. ист. наук. СПб.: СПбГУ, 2005. 32 с. Игумнов Е.В. Создание губернских и областных статистических комитетов в Сибири и их научная деятельность (1835–1917 гг.). СПб.: Ин-т телевидения, бизнеса и дизайна, 2010. 87 с. Златоверховников Н.И. Памятники старины и нового времени и другие достопримечательности Курской губернии. Курск: Тип. губ. правления, 1902. 98 с. Иконников В.С. Опыт русской историографии. Т. 1. Кн. 2. Киев: Тип. Имп. ун-та св. Владимира, 1891. 882 с. Историко-статистическое описание такой-то церкви или обители // ГАКО. Ф. 20. Оп. 3. Д. 1636. Л. 1–2. Кучера М.П. Змиевы валы Среднего Поднепровья. Киев: Наукова думка, 1987. 208 с. Комарова И.И. Научно-историческая деятельность статистических комитетов // Археографический ежегодник за 1986 год / Отв. ред. С.О. Шмидт. М.: Наука, 1987. С. 85–96. Лебедев С.В. Астраханский губернский статистический комитет: опыт хозяйственной и научно- просветительской деятельности: 1836–1918 гг. Автореф. дисc. … канд. ист. наук. Астрахань: Астрахан. гос. ун-т, 2009. 20 с. Лунин Б.В. Из истории деятельности статистических комитетов Туркестанского края // Общественные науки в Узбекистане. Вып. 6. Ташкент: АН УзбССР, 1962. С. 30–39. Миронов Б.Н. Российская империя: от традиции к модерну. В 3 т. Т. 1. СПб.: Дмитрий Буланин, 2015. 896 с. Миронов Б.Н. Российская империя: от традиции к модерну. В 3 т. Т. 2. СПб.: Дмитрий Буланин, 2015. 912 с. Миронов Б.Н. Российская империя: от традиции к модерну. В 3 т. Т. 3. СПб.: Дмитрий Буланин, 2015. 992 с. Миронов Б.Н. Благосостояние населения и революции в имперской России. XVIII – начало XX века. 2-е изд. СПб.: Дмитрий Буланин, 2012. 848 с. Миронов Б.Н. Управление этническим многообразием Российской империи. СПб.: Дмитрий Буланин, 2017. 640 с. Миронов Б.Н. Российская модернизация и революция. СПб.: Дмитрий Буланин, 2019. 528 с. О доставлении Предварительному комитету по устройству XII Археологического съезда в Харькове чрез земских начальников сведений, касающихся местной старины. 1901–1902 гг. // ГАКО. Ф. 4. Оп. 1. Д. 116. Л. 1–5. Первушкин В.И. Губернские статистические комитеты и провинциальная историческая наука. Пенза: ПГПУ, 2007. 214 с. Программа археологических исследований, по которым ожидается содействие статистических комитетов // ГАКО. Ф. 4. Оп. 1. Д. 37. Л. 1–2. Протокол годичного заседания Курского губернского статистического комитета от 24 марта 1876 года. № 39. 28 с. Сахаров И.П. Записка для обозрения русских древностей. СПб.: Тип. Я. Трея, 1851. 80 с. Сементовский А.М. Сборник в память I Русского Статистического съезда 1870 года. СПб.: Тип. М. Хана, 1872. Вып. 1. 579 с. Скопа В.А. История развития статистики и статистических учреждений Томской губернии в 1835–1919 годах. Барнаул: БГПУ, 2009. 209 с. Старчикова Н. Е. Историко-краеведческая деятельность губернских статистических комитетов России во второй четверти XIX – начале XX века: на примере Пензенской губернии. Автореф. дисc. … канд. ист. наук. Пенза: ПГПУ, 2004. 22 с. Щавелёв С.П. Археологический почин курского учителя А.И. Дмитрюкова в 1820-е – 1830-е годы // РА. 1996. № 4. С. 177–184. Щавелёв С.П. Географические предпосылки русской археологии: первые «Описания Курского наместничества» // История археологии: личности и школы: ММНК к 160-летию со дня рождения В.В. Хвойки (Киев, 5–8 октября 2010 г.) / Отв.ред. Н.И. Платонова. СПб.: Нестор-История, 2011. С. 316–323. Юбилейный сборник Центрального Статистического комитета Министерства внутренних дел. Т. L. 1863–1913. СПб., 1913. 308 с.

Type series for 35 type species of Macrodactylini (Coleoptera: Scarabaeidae: Melolonthinae) are studied and taxonomic changes are proposed. The following 35 lectotypes are designated: Agaocnemis pruina Moser, 1918; Amphicrania ursina Burmeister, 1855; Anomalochilus singularis Blanchard, 1850; Anomalonyx uruguayensis Moser, 1921; Aulanota sulcipennis Moser, 1924; Barybas nanus Blanchard, 1850; Barybas volvulus Burmeister, 1855; Calodactylus tibialis Blanchard, 1850; Ceraspis pruinosa LePeletier de Saint-Fargeau & Audinet-Serville, 1828; Ceratolontha venezuelae Arrow, 1948; Chariodactylus chacoensis Moser, 1919; Clavipalpus dejeani Laporte, 1832; Corminus canescens Burmeister, 1855; Ctenotis obesa Burmeister, 1855; Ctilocephala pellucens Burmeister, 1855; Demodema fallax Blanchard, 1850; Euryaspis gaudichaudii Blanchard, 1851; Faula cornuta Blanchard, 1850; Gama grandicornis Blanchard, 1850; Gastrohoplus mirabilis Moser, 1921; Mallotarsus spadiceus Blanchard, 1850; Manodactylus gaujoni Moser, 1919; Manopus biguttatus Conte de Castelnau, 1840; Melolontha rufipennis Fabricius, 1801; Oedichira pachydactyla Burmeister, 1855; Pachycerus castaneipennis Guérin-Méneville, 1831; Pachylotoma viridis Blanchard, 1850; Pectinosoma elongata Arrow, 1913; Philochlaenia virescens Blanchard, 1842; Plectris tomentosa LePeletier de Saint-Fargeau & Audinet-Serville, 1828; Pseudohercitis viridiaenea Moser, 1921; Rhinaspoides aeneofusca Moser, 1919; Schizochelus flavescens Blanchard, 1850; Serica marmorea Guérin-Méneville, 1831; and Ulomenes hypocrita Blanchard, 1850. The following six genera are revalidated: Byrasba Harold, 1869 (formerly a synonym of Rhinaspis Perty, 1833); Euryaspis Blanchard, 1851 (formerly a synonym of Plectris LePeletier de Saint-Fargeau & Audinet-Serville, 1828); Junkia Dalla Torre, 1913 (formerly a synonym of Plectris); Faula Blanchard, 1850 (formerly a synonym of Ceraspis LePeletier de Saint-Fargeau & Audinet-Serville, 1828); Paulosawaya Martínez & d’Andretta, 1956 (formerly a synonym of Clavipalpus Laporte, 1832); and Pseudoserica Guérin-Méneville, 1838 (formerly a synonym of Plectris). The following 11 new generic synonymies are proposed: Anomalochilus Blanchard, 1850 a new synonym of Plectris; Amphicrania Burmeister, 1855 (formerly a synonym of Clavipalpus and a homonym of Amphicrania Dejean, 1833) and Pseudoleuretra Martínez & d’Andretta, 1956 are synonymized with Paulosawaya; Aulanota Moser, 1924 and Hadrocerus Guérin-Méneville, 1838 are synonymized with Philochloenia; Ctenotis Burmeister, 1855 a new synonym of Euryaspis Blanchard, 1851; Gama Blanchard, 1850, Pachylotoma Blanchard, 1850 (formerly a synonym of Gama) and Harpodactyla Burmeister, 1855 (formerly a synonym of Gama) are synonymized with Pseudoserica; Gastrohoplus Moser, 1921 a new synonym of Schizochelus Blanchard, 1850; and Hercitis Burmeister, 1855 a new synonym of Barybas Blanchard, 1850. One new specific synonymy is proposed: Hercitis pygmaea Burmeister, 1855 a synonym of Barybas nana Blanchard, 1850. Philochloenia armata nom. nov. is proposed for Aulanota sulcipennis Moser, 1924 to avoid secondary homonymy. Ancistrosoma Curtis, 1835, nomen protectum, has priority over Sciuropus Dejean, 1833, nomen oblitum. Taxonomic remarks, diagnoses and a key are given to all Macrodactylini genera.

Abstract This article reassesses the collecting activities of Herbert Stern (1851–1919), 1st Baron Michelham, and his wife, Aimée (1882–1927), at the start of the twentieth century, when their lives were lived partly in France and partly in Britain. The first section provides a general overview of the Stern family and their social, cultural and philanthropic activities, which were comparable in scope and range with those of other German–Jewish families established in the United Kingdom at the time. The later sections outline their progressive detachment from this model in favour of a decidedly cosmopolitan direction, a transformation initiated by Lord and Lady Michelham and completed with the assistance of the Jewish art dealer Joseph Duveen.

In 1851, in his famous lecture Della nazionalità come fondamento del diritto delle genti, the Italian jurist Pasquale Stanislao Mancini (1817-1888) formulated the so-called ‘dogma of the Independence of Nations’ – a fundamental principle of the political ideologies of the Risorgimento. In it, he defined nationality as ‘a natural society of individuals’ based on ‘unity of territory, origins, habits and language, and conformed to a commonality of life and social conscience.’ Although he is well known among scholars of international law, Mancini is far less known among historians. Yet his ‘dogma of the independence of nations’ proved to be fundamental during the 1919 Peace Treaties, when the rights of nationality became the criterion redesigning the map of Europe – nationality being officially attached to the promise of self-determination by President Woodrow Wilson. This article intends to present the principle of nationality advocated by Mancini and how it became the basis of relations between states in international law in the second half of the nineteenth century. It also aims to analyse how the principle of nationality was transposed, formulated and interpreted in the 1919 Peace Treaties to support the rights of national minorities.

Este artigo pretende inventariar algumas leituras realizadas por Arthur Schopenhauer, na Alemanha do século XIX, e legitimar as ressonâncias de manuscritos da Índia e da China em sua filosofia. Em 1811, Schopenhauer era estudante na Universidade de Göttingen e nesse período o contato íntimo com informações sobre a Ásia o transformaram num entusiasta pelo misticismo chinês e hindu. Em 1813, tomou conhecimento das sabedorias hindu e chinesa, através de revistas especializadas (Asiastisches Magazin/Asiatic Researches), que estavam disponíveis na biblioteca que frequentava regularmente, uma instituição privada pertencente à Duquesa Anna Amália (Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliotek), em Weimar. Após anos de estudo, é possível perscrutar, na primeira edição de O Mundo como vontade e representação (1918-1919), os resultados desse empreendimento acadêmico. Para este artigo, buscou-se estabelecer as ressonâncias em obras tardias do filosófico, a saber, o ensaio “Algumas observações sobre a literatura sânscrita”, do volume II de Parerga e Paralipomena (1851), e o capítulo de Sobre a vontade da natureza intitulado “Sinologia”, extraído da segunda edição de 1854. Palavras-chave: Asiastisches Magazin. Asiatic Researches. Oupnek'hat. Sinologia. Literatura Sânscrita.

AbstractThis paper describes historic steps in feeding techniques and knowledge on the nutritional needs of premature infants. Devices to overcome weak sucking and swallowing were developed from 1851 to 1920, including tube feeding by gavage, medicine droppers and pipettes, feeding bottles with an air inlet, and beaked spoons for nasal feeding. Indwelling nastrogastric tubes were in use from 1951. For alleged safety concerns in the 1950s, postnatal feeding was postponed until a week of starvation was reached, and studies showed an association with neurological handicaps. The premature infant’s elevated need for energy, protein, and minerals has been established since 1919. However, these remained controversial, and nutritional practices continued to lag behind theoretical knowledge. Concentrated formula was developed in the 1940s, parenteral supplementation in the 1960s, and human milk fortifiers in the 1970s. In the 1990s, necrotizing enterocolitis was found to be more frequent in infants who were fed formula than in those who were fed human milk. Recently, probiotics were shown to reduce the risk of necrotizing enterocolitis. Nevertheless, compared with other aspects of neonatal medicine, there is still remarkably little evidence on how to feed preterm infants.

U radu je prikazano osnivanje veterinarskog školstva od samog početka u Lyonu 1762. g. do 1919. kada je osnovan Veterinarski fakultet u Zagrebu, a spomenuti su i osnivači, odnosno ravnatelji nekih tadašnjih veterinarskih škola. Prikazan je i pregled civilne i vojne organizacije veterinarstva po pojedinim tadašnjim državama. Budući da su veterinari u Hrvatskoj bili većinom školovani u Beču, to ćemo razvoj školstva i veterinarstva u Beču obraditi u posebnom radu. U Francuskoj je 1880. g. uz 419 vojnih veterinara djelovalo i 3 015 civilnih veterinara, ili ukupno 3 434 veterinara. U talijanskoj vojsci ukupno je bilo 142 veterinara, a u španjolskoj vojsci je 1881. g. bilo ukupno 252 veterinara. U belgijskoj vojsci 1868. g. bilo je 34 vojnih dok je bilo i 392 civilnih veterinara, a u Austriji u civilnoj službi bio je 297 veterinara. U Saskoj 1874. g. djeluje više od 200 civilnih veterinara i oko 40 vojnih veterinara, koji od 1864. g. imaju zajedničko veterinarsko društvo. U Prusiji se iz Naredbe od 21. 5. 1875. g. veterinarstvo potpuno odvaja od lječništva, a uz vojne veterinare bilo je ukupno 1 700 civilnih veterinara, i to 39 oblasnih, 422 kotarska, 16 graničnih i oko 1 000 privatnih veterinara. U Badenu su djelovala 54 kotarska veterinara, 65 u slobodnoj praksi i 20 vojnih veterinara i veterinarskih referenata, a u Würtenbergu je bilo 268 civilnih veterinara i 31 veterinar uposlen u vojsci. Nastava je u 19. stoljeću u Francuskoj u Lyonu od 1813. g. trajala 2, odnosno 3 godine, a od 1825. g. trajala je 4 godine. U Španjolskoj je nastava trajala 4, odnosno 5 godina. U Mađarskoj je u Budimpešti nastava 1851. g. godine trajala 2 semestra, a od 1875. g. trajala je 3 godine da bi od 1899. g. bila produžena na 4 godine, potom od 1922. g. studij traje 9, a od 1951. g. 10 semestara. U Njemačkoj je u Hannoveru nastava do 1845. g. trajala 2 godine, a od 1851. produžava se na 3 godine. U Berlinu nastava od 1836. g. traje 6 ili 7 semestara, a od 1878. g. sva je nastava produžena na 7 semestara. U Njemačkoj je u Münchenu studij od 1790. g. trajao 3 godine.

“An intertextual/ dialogical reading of place through photography and fiction” The article is an exploration of place and its representations based on the intertextual reading of a series of photographs (1880-82) of Tarbert, Loch Fyne by Andrew Begbie Ovenstone (1851-1935) and the dialogical reading of a novel, Gillespie (1914), by John MacDougall Hay (1881-1919) which is set in Tarbert. The proposed article is inspired by a sense that a semiotic approach to the subject will reveal far more than has been discovered within the tradition of hermeneutics and patrimony and that much will be gained by a study of the contrast between written and visual signifiers. The article raises questions about the (unexamined) coded readings of place especially in relation to the photograph, and the lack of an adequately theorized tradition for the novel. The literary text is well known - if not well understood - but the images are from a rare, unpublished, private collection of photographs from Scotland, India and the furthest reaches of Empire (Ovenstone was the Atlantic Freight Manager of Anchor Line Ltd, the Glasgow shipping company). The paper emphasizes the need for the use of codes to decipher the texts. When we “read” the photographs we need to be aware of the intertextual relationship between the photograph and the landscape painting tradition as well as the common practice of the created tableau – there is then overlaid upon the image the sense of a set of conventions, a system which operates much like a language. We are able to discover through the notion of the “long quotation from appearances” the potential for more complex “synchronic” readings. Likewise, in the case of Gillespie, the novel operates within a genre which determines a “reading”. When we are aware of a code, we become aware of the way that Hay manoeuvres adroitly to thwart the reader’s best efforts to settle upon a preferred reading – especially one shaped by an authoritative narrator - which thereby allows for the genuine experience of “heteroglossia” to emerge. The notion of truth in Gillespie is interrogated in the light of Heidegger’s essay “The Origins of a Work of Art” in order that the relationship between representation and reality be clarified.

Special Care NoticeThis article discusses trauma and violence inflicted upon the Indigenous peoples of Tasmania through the processes of colonisation. Content within this article may be distressing to some readers. IntroductionThis article looks briefly at the collection, consultation, and digital sharing of stories essential to the histories of the First Nations peoples of Australia. Focusing on materials held in Sydney, New South Wales two case studies—the object known as the Proclamation Board and the George Augustus Robinson Papers—explore how materials can be shared with Aboriginal peoples of the region now known as Tasmania. Specifically, the authors of this article (a Palawa man and an Australian woman of European descent) ask how can the idea of the privileging of Indigenous voices, within Eurocentric cultural collections, be transformed from rhetoric to reality? Moreover, how can we navigate this complex work, that is made even more problematic by distance, through the utilisation of knowledge networks which are geographically isolated from the collections holding stories crucial to Indigenous communities? In seeking to answer these important questions, this article looks at how cultural, emotional, and intellectual ownership can be divested from the physical ownership of a collection in a way that repatriates—appropriately and sensitively—stories of Aboriginal Australia and of colonisation. Holding Stories, Not Always Our OwnCultural institutions, including libraries, have, in recent years, been drawn into discussions centred on the notion of digital disruption and “that transformative shift which has seen the ongoing realignment of business resources, relationships, knowledge, and value both facilitating the entry of previously impossible ideas and accelerating the competitive impact of those same impossible ideas” (Franks and Ensor n.p.). As Molly Brown has noted, librarians “are faced, on a daily basis, with rapidly changing technology and the ways in which our patrons access and use information. Thus, we need to look at disruptive technologies as opportunities” (n.p.). Some innovations, including the transition from card catalogues to online catalogues and the provision of a wide range of electronic resources, are now considered to be business as usual for most institutions. So, too, the digitisation of great swathes of materials to facilitate access to collections onsite and online, with digitising primary sources seen as an intermediary between the pillars of preserving these materials and facilitating access for those who cannot, for a variety of logistical and personal reasons, travel to a particular repository where a collection is held.The result has been the development of hybrid collections: that is, collections that can be accessed in both physical and digital formats. Yet, the digitisation processes conducted by memory institutions is often selective. Limited resources, even for large-scale digitisation projects usually only realise outcomes that focus on making visually rich, key, or canonical documents, or those documents that are considered high use and at risk, available online. Such materials are extracted from the larger full body of records while other lesser-known components are often omitted. Digitisation projects therefore tend to be devised for a broader audience where contextual questions are less central to the methodology in favour of presenting notable or famous documents online only. Documents can be profiled as an exhibition separate from their complete collection and, critically, their wider context. Libraries of course are not neutral spaces and this practice of (re)enforcing the canon through digitisation is a challenge that cultural institutions, in partnerships, need to address (Franks and Ensor n.p.). Indeed, our digital collections are as affected by power relationships and the ongoing impacts of colonisation as our physical collections. These power relationships can be seen through an organisation’s “processes that support acquisitions, as purchases and as the acceptance of artefacts offered as donations. Throughout such processes decisions are continually made (consciously and unconsciously) that affect what is presented and actively promoted as the official history” (Thorpe et al. 8). While it is important to acknowledge what we do collect, it is equally important to look, too, at what we do not collect and to consider how we continually privilege and exclude stories. Especially when these stories are not always our own, but are held, often as accidents of collecting. For example, an item comes in as part of a larger suite of materials while older, city-based institutions often pre-date regional repositories. An essential point here is that cultural institutions can often become comfortable in what they collect, building on existing holdings. This, in turn, can lead to comfortable digitisation. If we are to be truly disruptive, we need to embrace feeling uncomfortable in what we do, and we need to view digitisation as an intervention opportunity; a chance to challenge what we ‘know’ about our collections. This is especially relevant in any attempts to decolonise collections.Case Study One: The Proclamation BoardThe first case study looks at an example of re-digitisation. One of the seven Proclamation Boards known to survive in a public collection is held by the Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, having been purchased from Tasmanian collector and photographer John Watt Beattie (1859–1930) in May 1919 for £30 (Morris 86). Why, with so much material to digitise—working in a program of limited funds and time—would the Library return to an object that has already been privileged? Unanswered questions and advances in digitisation technologies, created a unique opportunity. For the First Peoples of Van Diemen’s Land (now known as Tasmania), colonisation by the British in 1803 was “an emotionally, intellectually, physically, and spiritually confronting series of encounters” (Franks n.p.). Violent incidents became routine and were followed by a full-scale conflict, often referred to as the Black War (Clements 1), or more recently as the Tasmanian War, fought from the 1820s until 1832. Image 1: Governor Arthur’s Proclamation to the Aborigines, ca. 1828–1830. Image Credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, Call No.: SAFE / R 247.Behind the British combatants were various support staff, including administrators and propagandists. One of the efforts by the belligerents, behind the front line, to win the war and bring about peace was the production of approximately 100 Proclamation Boards. These four-strip pictograms were the result of a scheme introduced by Lieutenant Governor George Arthur (1784–1854), on the advice of Surveyor General George Frankland (1800–38), to communicate that all are equal under the rule of law (Arthur 1). Frankland wrote to Arthur in early 1829 to suggest these Proclamation Boards could be produced and nailed to trees (Morris 84), as a Eurocentric adaptation of a traditional method of communication used by Indigenous peoples who left images on the trunks of trees. The overtly stated purpose of the Boards was, like the printed proclamations exhorting peace, to assert, all people—black and white—were equal. That “British Justice would protect” everyone (Morris 84). The first strip on each of these pictogram Boards presents Indigenous peoples and colonists living peacefully together. The second strip shows “a conciliatory handshake between the British governor and an Aboriginal ‘chief’, highly reminiscent of images found in North America on treaty medals and anti-slavery tokens” (Darian-Smith and Edmonds 4). The third and fourth strips depict the repercussions for committing murder (or, indeed, any significant crime), with an Indigenous man hanged for spearing a colonist and a European man hanged for shooting an Aboriginal man. Both men executed in the presence of the Lieutenant Governor. The Boards, oil on Huon pine, were painted by “convict artists incarcerated in the island penal colony” (Carroll 73).The Board at the State Library of New South Wales was digitised quite early on in the Library’s digitisation program, it has been routinely exhibited (including for the Library’s centenary in 2010) and is written about regularly. Yet, many questions about this small piece of timber remain unanswered. For example, some Boards were outlined with sketches and some were outlined with pouncing, “a technique [of the Italian Renaissance] of pricking the contours of a drawing with a pin. Charcoal was then dusted on to the drawing” (Carroll 75–76). Could such a sketch or example of pouncing be seen beneath the surface layers of paint on this particular Board? What might be revealed by examining the Board more closely and looking at this object in different ways?An important, but unexpected, discovery was that while most of the pigments in the painting correlate with those commonly available to artists in the early nineteenth century there is one outstanding anomaly. X-ray analysis revealed cadmium yellow present in several places across the painting, including the dresses of the little girls in strip one, uniform details in strip two, and the trousers worn by the settler men in strips three and four (Kahabka 2). This is an extraordinary discovery, as cadmium yellows were available “commercially as an artist pigment in England by 1846” and were shown by “Winsor & Newton at the 1851 Exhibition held at the Crystal Palace, London” (Fiedler and Bayard 68). The availability of this particular type of yellow in the early 1850s could set a new marker for the earliest possible date for the manufacture of this Board, long-assumed to be 1828–30. Further, the early manufacture of cadmium yellow saw the pigment in short supply and a very expensive option when compared with other pigments such as chrome yellow (the darker yellow, seen in the grid lines that separate the scenes in the painting). This presents a clearly uncomfortable truth in relation to an object so heavily researched and so significant to a well-regarded collection that aims to document much of Australia’s colonial history. Is it possible, for example, the Board has been subjected to overpainting at a later date? Or, was this premium paint used to produce a display Board that was sent, by the Tasmanian Government, to the 1866 Intercolonial Exhibition in Melbourne? In seeking to see the finer details of the painting through re-digitisation, the results were much richer than anticipated. The sketch outlines are clearly visible in the new high-resolution files. There are, too, details unable to be seen clearly with the naked eye, including this warrior’s headdress and ceremonial scarring on his stomach, scars that tell stories “of pain, endurance, identity, status, beauty, courage, sorrow or grief” (Australian Museum n.p.). The image of this man has been duplicated and distributed since the 1830s, an anonymous figure deployed to tell a settler-centric story of the Black, or Tasmanian, War. This man can now be seen, for the first time nine decades later, to wear his own story. We do not know his name, but he is no longer completely anonymous. This image is now, in some ways, a portrait. The State Library of New South Wales acknowledges this object is part of an important chapter in the Tasmanian story and, though two Boards are in collections in Tasmania (the Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery, Hobart and the Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery, Launceston), each Board is different. The Library holds an important piece of a large and complex puzzle and has a moral obligation to make this information available beyond its metropolitan location. Digitisation, in this case re-digitisation, is allowing for the disruption of this story in sparking new questions around provenance and for the relocating of a Palawa warrior to a more prominent, perhaps even equal role, within a colonial narrative. Image 2: Detail, Governor Arthur’s Proclamation to the Aborigines, ca. 1828–1830. Image Credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, Call No.: SAFE / R 247.Case Study Two: The George Augustus Robinson PapersThe second case study focuses on the work being led by the Indigenous Engagement Branch at the State Library of New South Wales on the George Augustus Robinson (1791–1866) Papers. In 1829, Robinson was granted a government post in Van Diemen’s Land to ‘conciliate’ with the Palawa peoples. More accurately, Robinson’s core task was dispossession and the systematic disconnection of the Palawa peoples from their Country, community, and culture. Robinson was a habitual diarist and notetaker documenting much of his own life as well as the lives of those around him, including First Nations peoples. His extensive suite of papers represents a familiar and peculiar kind of discomfort for Aboriginal Australians, one in which they are forced to learn about themselves through the eyes and words of their oppressors. For many First Nations peoples of Tasmania, Robinson remains a violent and terrible figure, but his observations of Palawa culture and language are as vital as they are problematic. Importantly, his papers include vibrant and utterly unique descriptions of people, place, flora and fauna, and language, as well as illustrations revealing insights into the routines of daily life (even as those routines were being systematically dismantled by colonial authorities). “Robinson’s records have informed much of the revitalisation of Tasmanian Aboriginal culture in the twentieth century and continue to provide the basis for investigations of identity and deep relationships to land by Aboriginal scholars” (Lehman n.p.). These observations and snippets of lived culture are of immense value to Palawa peoples today but the act of reading between Robinson’s assumptions and beyond his entrenched colonial views is difficult work.Image 3: George Augustus Robinson Papers, 1829–34. Image Credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, A 7023–A 7031.The canonical reference for Robinson’s archive is Friendly Mission: The Tasmanian Journals and Papers of George Augustus Robinson, 1829–1834, edited by N.J.B. Plomley. The volume of over 1,000 pages was first published in 1966. This large-scale project is recognised “as a monumental work of Tasmanian history” (Crane ix). Yet, this standard text (relied upon by Indigenous and non-Indigenous researchers) has clearly not reproduced a significant percentage of Robinson’s Tasmanian manuscripts. Through his presumptuous truncations Plomley has not simply edited Robinson’s work but has, quite literally, written many Palawa stories out of this colonial narrative. It is this lack of agency in determining what should be left out that is most troubling, and reflects an all-too-familiar approach which libraries, including the State Library of New South Wales, are now urgently trying to rectify. Plomley’s preface and introduction does not indicate large tranches of information are missing. Indeed, Plomley specifies “that in extenso [in full] reproduction was necessary” (4) and omissions “have been kept to a minimum” (8). A 32-page supplement was published in 1971. A new edition, including the supplement, some corrections made by Plomley, and some extra material was released in 2008. But much continues to be unknown outside of academic circles, and far too few Palawa Elders and language revival workers have had access to Robinson’s original unfiltered observations. Indeed, Plomley’s text is linear and neat when compared to the often-chaotic writings of Robinson. Digitisation cannot address matters of the materiality of the archive, but such projects do offer opportunities for access to information in its original form, unedited, and unmediated.Extensive consultation with communities in Tasmania is underpinning the digitisation and re-description of a collection which has long been assumed—through partial digitisation, microfilming, and Plomley’s text—to be readily available and wholly understood. Central to this project is not just challenging the canonical status of Plomley’s work but directly challenging the idea non-Aboriginal experts can truly understand the cultural or linguistic context of the information recorded in Robinson’s journals. One of the more exciting outcomes, so far, has been working with Palawa peoples to explore the possibility of Palawa-led transcriptions and translation, and not breaking up the tasks of this work and distributing them to consultants or to non-Indigenous student groups. In this way, people are being meaningfully reunited with their own histories and, crucially, given first right to contextualise and understand these histories. Again, digitisation and disruption can be seen here as allies with the facilitation of accessibility to an archive in ways that re-distribute the traditional power relations around interpreting and telling stories held within colonial-rich collections.Image 4: Detail, George Augustus Robinson Papers, 1829–34. Image Credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, A 7023–A 7031.As has been so brilliantly illustrated by Bruce Pascoe’s recent work Dark Emu (2014), when Aboriginal peoples are given the opportunity to interpret their own culture from the colonial records without interference, they are able to see strength and sophistication rather than victimhood. For, to “understand how the Europeans’ assumptions selectively filtered the information brought to them by the early explorers is to see how we came to have the history of the country we accept today” (4). Far from decrying these early colonial records Aboriginal peoples understand their vital importance in connecting to a culture which was dismantled and destroyed, but importantly it is known that far too much is lost in translation when Aboriginal Australians are not the ones undertaking the translating. ConclusionFor Aboriginal Australians, culture and knowledge is no longer always anchored to Country. These histories, once so firmly connected to communities through their ancestral lands and languages, have been dispersed across the continent and around the world. Many important stories—of family history, language, and ways of life—are held in cultural institutions and understanding the role of responsibly disseminating these collections through digitisation is paramount. In transitioning from physical collections to hybrid collections of the physical and digital, the digitisation processes conducted by memory institutions can be—and due to the size of some collections is inevitably—selective. Limited resources, even for large-scale and well-resourced digitisation projects usually realise outcomes that focus on making visually rich, key, or canonical documents, or those documents considered high use or at risk, available online. Such materials are extracted from a full body of records. Digitisation projects, as noted, tend to be devised for a broader audience where contextual questions are less central to the methodology in favour of presenting notable documents online, separate from their complete collection and, critically, their context. Our institutions carry the weight of past collecting strategies and, today, the pressure of digitisation strategies as well. Contemporary librarians should not be gatekeepers, but rather key holders. In collaborating across sectors and with communities we open doors for education, research, and the repatriation of culture and knowledge. We must, always, remember to open these doors wide: the call of Aboriginal Australians of ‘nothing about us without us’ is not an invitation to collaboration but an imperative. Libraries—as well as galleries, archives, and museums—cannot tell these stories alone. Also, these two case studies highlight what we believe to be one of the biggest mistakes that not just libraries but all cultural institutions are vulnerable to making, the assumption that just because a collection is open access it is also accessible. Digitisation projects are more valuable when communicated, contextualised and—essentially—the result of community consultation. Such work can, for some, be uncomfortable while for others it offers opportunities to embrace disruption and, by extension, opportunities to decolonise collections. For First Nations peoples this work can be more powerful than any simple measurement tool can record. Through examining our past collecting, deliberate efforts to consult, and through digital sharing projects across metropolitan and regional Australia, we can make meaningful differences to the ways in which Aboriginal Australians can, again, own their histories.Acknowledgements The authors acknowledge the Palawa peoples: the traditional custodians of the lands known today as Tasmania. The authors acknowledge, too, the Gadigal people upon whose lands this article was researched and written. We are indebted to Dana Kahabka (Conservator), Joy Lai (Imaging Specialist), Richard Neville (Mitchell Librarian), and Marika Duczynski (Project Officer) at the State Library of New South Wales. Sincere thanks are also given to Jason Ensor of Western Sydney University.ReferencesArthur, George. “Proclamation.” The Hobart Town Courier 19 Apr. 1828: 1.———. Proclamation to the Aborigines. 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