Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « 1770-1779 »

The article is an excerpt from the biography of the Russian writer, historian and collector of curiosities F. Dmitriev-Mamonov, to be published by B.S.G.-Press. The fragment considers three hitherto undisclosed episodes of his life: the 1770 criminal investigation of Mamonov’s attempted poisoning by the writer and former lecturer of the Land Gentry Cadet Corps Johann Fonberg, who had worked as his personal librarian for two months; followed by problems with his mental health in the 1780s, when he began suspecting that his closest family were plotting to kill him and began to subject his serfs to harsh punishments; and, finally, his donations to Moscow University in May 1770, in February 1772 and, probably, in November 1779, which consisted of a collection of medals, copies of P. Lippert’s engraved gems, and the portrait of field marshal P. Saltykov. All three instances appear connected: the donations coincide with three major incidents in Mamonov’s life (the attempted poisoning, a bad wound sustained in Chudov monastery during the suppression of the Plague revolt, and official proceedings against him for cruel treatment of serfs), which forced him to contemplate his mortality and the need to plan for the future of his collection.

What did it mean when an teenth-century monarch intervened in a legal struggle between social unequals, and decided on behalf of the weaker party? How do historians interpret such an event? In the example under examination here—the cause célèbre of the millers Christian and Rosine Arnold in Brandenburg-Prussia (1770–1779)—the dominant opinion of two centuries has been that King Frederick II's intervention violated justice and the rule of law. Explaining this remarkable continuity of historical attention is easy, for the affair's effects on state-formation in Prussia were far–reaching. On the very day that Frederick ruled in the millers' favor, the king also sacked his chancellor (Grosskanzler), Carl Joseph von Fürst, as well as three members of Brandenburg's supreme tribunal, the Chamber Court (Kammergericht), all for ruling against the millers. In Fürst's place as chancellor, Frederick installed Johann Heinrich Casimir von Carmer, under whom began the process of legal reforms that resulted in the provisional Corpus Juris Fridericianum (1781) and ultimately the General Prussian Code (Allgemeines Preussisches Landrecht, or ALR) of 1794. To some extent, then, Frederick's intervention was the founding act of codification. But it is more difficult to explain the unanimity: with few exceptions, historians and biographers have pronounced the intervention a “judicial catastrophe” (Justizkatastrophe) and declared the millers mere “troublemakers.” This essay will argue that such conclusions are misguided: by framing their questions within the parameters of legal and administrative history, most historians have focused on the legal merits of the Arnolds' suit. In so doing, they have operated on the assumption that a unitary definition of justice prevailed in eighteenth-century Prussia; as a result, most historical appraisals reflect highly partisan contemporary interpretations of the case. But there were at least three distinct “discourses” on justice at work as the case unfolded, each of them corresponding to one of the principal sets of actors in the drama.

A través de los Tratados de San Ildefonso (1777) y El Pardo (1778), la Corona portuguesa cedía a España dos islas en el golfo de Guinea ‒Annobón y Fernando Poo‒ y permitía el comercio con la costa africana. Entre 1778 y 1779 se llevó a cabo la primera expedición a esta zona, aunque la presencia española solo perduró hasta 1782. A pesar de las múltiples perspectivas que pueden ser utilizadas para el estudio de este episodio, el presente trabajo pretende abordarlo a través de un enfoque global. Queremos discernir y calibrar los retos que la monarquía española tuvo en un periodo en el que el mundo estaba cada vez más interconectado y emergía una fuerte interdependencia entre regiones y continentes. Analizando la documentación relativa a la preparación y los primeros pasos de la expedición para la toma de Fernando Poo y Annobón, se puede comprobar cómo la Corona española consideraba operativa, estratégica y simbólicamente a estas posibles colonias como un problema de alcance global; Guinea se convirtió en un punto de fuga en el que se sintetizaban gran parte de los problemas y necesidades de la Monarquía Hispánica en el contexto global de la década de 1770.

The development of any scientific discipline owes much to communication and networking among peers. Mineralogy's maturation in the early nineteenth century profited not only from the publication of two key textbooks, one French and one American, but also from the subsequent correspondence of the two authors and their coteries. Alexandre Brongniart (1770-1847) produced his Traité élémentaire de minéralogie in 1807. Parker Cleaveland (1780-1858), of Bowdoin College, Maine, adopted the chemistry-based classification system of Brongniart, presenting An Elementary Treatise on Mineralogy and Geology in 1816 for an American audience. The two authors became correspondents, not only sharing ideas but also exchanging specimens. Cleaveland's friend, Benjamin Silliman, Sr. (1779-1864), of Yale College, entered the circle, corresponding with Brongniart, Cleaveland, and his own extended web of contacts. By considering the lives, contributions, and correspondence of the three men and their like-minded friends, we come to a deeper understanding of the evolution of geological disciplines and of issues of interest to naturalists in the first decades of the nineteenth century.

D. Francisco de Lemos, original do Rio de Janeiro, onde nasceu em 1735, foi Reitor da Universidade de Coimbra durante 31 anos (dividido em dois momentos, 1770-1779 e 1799-1821) e, entre outros cargos, foi também Bispo de Coimbra durante pouco mais de duas décadas. Mas neste artigo pretendo apenas analisar o seu segundo reitorado (1799-1821), a sua atividade política, educacional e de gestão universitária. Parte significativa deste seu segundo reitorado contou também com um contributo essencial, José Monteiro da Rocha, vice-reitor e Lente de matemática. A relação profissional e pessoal entre ambos começou antes de 1772, mas é neste reitorado e no seu contexto atribulado – devido principalmente as invasões francesas -, que podemos ver uma ação conjunta na direção da Universidade de Coimbra. Com o intuito de analisar esta colaboração foi possível selecionar 135 cartas trocadas entre eles durante 1799 e 1816, e que cobrem parte do reitorado. Como método de análise, e tendo em conta o elevado número de missivas, foi necessário incluir as várias referências encontradas nas cartas em assuntos e, por sua vez, em grupos mais abrangentes que permitissem identificar padrões de análise.

Filozof zmieniony, komiczna opera o zabarwieniu dydaktycznym, jest jednym z pierwszych dzieł w tym gatunku w języku polskim. Po raz pierwszy kompozycja zostało zaprezentowana w karnawale 1771 roku w Słonimiu w teatrze nadwornym Michała Kazimierza Ogińskiego. Obecnie dysponujemy jedynie librettem opery anonimowo wydanym w Wilnie w 1771 i ponownie w 1779 roku. Wszystkie występujące w operze postacie – łącznie dwanaście – mają partie śpiewane. Libretto dzieła poprzedzone wstępem o charakterze dydaktycznym zawiera dwa wątki: liryczno-miłosny i satyryczno-humorystyczny. Ten drugi przejawia się w sposobie oddania przez Ogińskiego postaci, co zostało spotęgowane poprzez nadanie większości bohaterów nazwisk znaczeniowych. Ogiński, być może inspirowany komediami Molièra, wprowadził ponadto do tekstu elementy realistyczno-satyryczne. Łącznie w operze umieszczono 16 fragmentów śpiewanych – 9 w I akcie i 7 w drugim: 10 arii (w tym jedna poprzedzona recytatywem), trzy duety, tercet, sekstet oraz końcowy chór. W Filozofie zmienionym wykorzystano dwie pieśni, niezauważone dotychczas przez muzykologów, pochodzące z sygnowanego nazwiskiem Ogińskiego zbioru z 1770 roku pt. Pieśni: Anetka oraz O Filozofii, które zostały wykorzystane w drugim akcie opery odpowiednio w scenie pierwszej i szóstej. Melodię pieśni Anetka oznaczoną jako „Aria” odnajdziemy ponadto w podręczniku nauki gry na skrzypcach z 1806, co dowodzi pewnej popularności opery Ogińskiego. Podręcznik ów mieści melodie w większości zanotowane bez atrybucji autorskich, pochodzące z repertuaru końca XVIII wieku, m.in. kompozycje Ignacego Pleyela oraz fragmenty z oper prezentowanych na scenie warszawskiej, m.in. Cudu mniemanego Jana Stefaniego czy z bardzo popularnej wówczas opery Zośka czyli Wiejskie zaloty M. Kamieńskiego.

One dispute in Irish history which has not been given the attention it deserves is that which involved Britain, Ireland and Portugal during the years 1780-87 Authors of outline Irish histories, Lecky, Murray, George O’Brien and McDowell only mention the dispute briefly in their respective narratives, though it is clear they understood its importance to some degree at least. Maurice O’Connell, who has produced the only specialist study for the period in question, makes no reference to the dispute at all. This dispute has indeed been more substantially treated by the British historian, John Ehrman, within the general context of an analysis of the British government’s commercial negotiations from 1783 to 1793. However, the perspective he draws relates purely to Britain and Portugal, which, in itself, narrows the true significance of an episode which was important in that it completely undermined the benefits Ireland hoped to accrue from the free-trade legislation of 1779-80, and also because it raised a number of interesting questions relative to Ireland’s constitutional status vis-à-vis of Great Britain.

In 1755 Claude Philibert came from Geneva to Copenhagen, where he established himself as a bookseller. Until the 28th of April 1775 he was also a partner in a publishing bookshop and printer’s business in Geneva, which was run by Barthélemy Chirol.On the 3rd of August 1771 Claude Philibert contacted the Societé typographique de Neuchatel (STN) and his first order of books from Neuchatel was placed on the 17th of March 1772. J.F. Struensee had introduced unrestricted press freedom in September 1770, and pre-censorship was not reintroduced after Struensee’s fall from power in 1772. Until his business closed in 1783, Philibert imported 1,771 works from STN to Copenhagen. The French Enlightenment philosophers were richly represented:D’Holbach’s radical atheistic work, “Système de la Nature”, – and the debate it aroused – was amongst the first books sent from the STN to Copenhagen, and contemporary works by Voltaire, Rousseau, Helvetius and de la Mettrie followed. The bulk of the works however consisted of French novels and plays, and Louis-Sébastian Mercier’s futuristic novel “l’An 2440” was a bestseller, with 105 orders.The books were carried by barges from Neuchatel and Yverdon in Switzerland to Amsterdam, from where STN’s agents Panchaud & Houlez sent them on to Copenhagen.The books were normally unbound, but fastened together in blue paper. STN engaged in barter with Philibert & Chirol in Geneva, while for the trade with Copenhagen cash was preferred, businessman Frederik de Coninck serving as middleman.Philibert sold only a few copies of STN’s quarto edition of “l’Encyclopedie” (1777–80) because, as Philibert stated in his letters, the octavo edition from Lausanne & Bern (1778–82) dominated the Danish market due to its lower price. The import of another of STN’s large reprints: “Description des Arts et Métiers” (1771–83) was taken over in commission by the professor of history Johan Heinrich Schlegel, who became head of the Danish Royal Library in 1778. In 1779 Schlegel contrived STN’s dedication of vol. 9 of “Description des Arts et Métiers” to the King of Denmark – but without the prior permission of the royal family.As a book printer Claude Philibert himself participated in the market for the reprinting of censured French works. Letters reveal that in 1773 he printed “les Lettres de Ma. de Pompadour avec les Reponses” in 3 parts, octavo format; and his largest reprint in Copenhagen during during this period was Raynal’s “Histoire philosophique et politique”, Nouv. Éd., suivant la Copie a Amsterdam (1–7 in 6 volumes) 1773–74.The Societé typographique de Neuchatel was beyond doubt only one of many Claude Philibert’s connections, but the complete collection of letters sheds light on Philibert as bookseller and book printer during the last decade of his career in Copenhagen.This arbitrary glimpse provides documentation that Philibert was part of a European network, where book production and book trading were to a greater extent determined by language culture, language borders and conditions of censorship than dictated by state boundaries.

This paper explores the Baltic German reception of English graveyard poetry. The first translation of a graveyard poem was published in 1783 by Gottlieb Schlegel (Gray’s “Elegy”). Next, a poem by Elisa von der Recke is analysed in its dialogue with Blair’s “The Grave” and Schiller’s “Resignation”. The earliest and the most often talked about graveyard poem with the longest reception was Edward Young’s “Night-Thoughts”. Heinrich Mutschmann, professor for English at the University of Tartu, interpreted it as late as 1939. Tõukudes ühest 1759. aastal Tallinnas trükitud matuseluuletusest, mis meenutab nii hiliskeskaegset Niguliste „Surmatantsu“ kui 18. sajandil populaarset inglise kalmuluulet (vt Kaur 2018, 365–366), vaadeldakse käesolevas artiklis inglise kalmuluule baltisaksa retseptsiooni. Ehitamaks silda Notke „Surmatantsu“ järgse ja 18. sajandi teise poole baltisaksa surmakujutuste vahele, on alustuseks lühidalt resümeeritud raamatuteadlase Tiiu Reimo artiklit surma visualiseerimisest 17.–18. sajandi Eesti ala võõrkeelsetes matuseluuletustes, täpsemalt vinjettides. Selle põhjal võib aimata, et uudsem, barokist inspireeritud, kuid nüüd juba rokokooliku kuju võtnud surmakäsitlus hakkas siinkandis maad võtma alates 18. sajandi teisest poolest, selle kõrgaeg jäi aga 18. sajandi viimse veerandi ja 19. sajandi esimese kolmandiku vahele. Kas võiks seostada sellise surmakujutuse populariseerumist inglise kalmuluule mõjude jõudmisega siiakanti? Esimene teadaolev inglise kalmuluule tõlge Baltimail (nüüdsel Eesti-Läti alal) ilmus 1783. aastal Riia toomkooli rektori Gottlieb Schlegeli sulest ajakirjas Vermischte Aufsätze und Urtheile. Selleks oli Thomas Gray „Külasurnuaial kirjutatud eleegia“ („Elegy Written on a Country Churchyard“, 1751), tõlgitud ilmselt „vooruste edendamiseks“ ja näitena, kuidas „raskeid teemasid“ meisterlikult „vaimu ja värvidega hingestada“, nii nagu Schlegel ühes oma 1779. aastal Riias avaldatud programmkirjutises luulele ülesandeks seadis. Schlegel jääb oma Gray eleegia tõlkes sõnastuslikus plaanis üsna originaali lähedale, järgneb sellele pildikeeles, mõjudes ehk sellest kord veidi idüllilisemalt, kord „maavillasemalt“, kuid ka baroksema ja õpetatumana; baroksele muljele aitab kaasa ka stoofivormivalik, mis erineb originaali lihtsast ristriimilisest viisikjambist. Järgmise retseptsiooninäitena on vaadeldud kuramaalanna Elisa von der Recke dialoogi Robert Blairi poeemiga „Haud“ („The Grave“, 1743) ja Friedrich Schilleri luuletusega „Resignatsioon“ („Resignation“, 1786) luuletuses „Surnupead“ („Die Todtenköpfe“, esmatrükk Schilleri „Hoorides“ („Die Horen“) 1797). Nagu Recke päevikust ilmneb, oli ta Schilleri teosest väga häiritud, kuna see näis tema jaoks hülgavat kristlikku hinge surematuse doktriini ja nõnda edendavat moraalitust (Rachel 1902, 330–331). Tundub, et toetudes just Blairile, astub Recke Schilleri käsitlusele vastu, Blairi poeemi siiski edasi arendades. Teadaolevalt Elisa von der Recke inglise keelt ei osanud ja tugines tõenäoliselt mingitele vahe-eeskujudele. Kõige enam retsipeeritud kalmuluule teoseks paistab olevat olnud siiski ulatuslik, üheksast osast või „ööst“ koosnev Edward Youngi pikk poeem „Kaebus ehk Öömõtteid elust, surmast ja surematusest“ („Complaint, or, Night-Thoughts on Life, Death and Immortality“, 1742–1745), mida kinnitavad nii teose arvukad eksemplarid Eesti raamatukogudes kui ka mainimised kaasaegsete kirjades ja mälestustes. See kujutas endast nii harduskirjandust kui ka lugemisvara sõpruskondade ühisteks ettelugemisteks. Selle omamine võis anda märku üldisemast huvist inglise keele ja kultuuri vastu (kõige tuntum oli inglis- ja saksakeelse rööptekstiga Braunschweigi õpetlase Johann Arnold Eberti tõlge saksa keelde aastatest 1760–1771). 19. sajandi alguskümnenditel paistab poeem „Öömõtteid“ olevat jõudnud ka baltisaksa koolide kirjanduskaanonisse. See võis olla ka kõige varem baltlaste huviorbiiti jõudnud kalmuluule teos: esimesi katkeid saksakeelses tõlkes avaldas sellest Hamburgi luuletav raehärra Barthold Hinrich Brockes [loe: Brooks] oma antoloogia „Maine rõõm Jumalas“ („Irdisches Vergnügen in Gott“) 7. osas (1743), just siit pärineb aga Baltimaade ühe esimese pikema loodusele pühendatud poeemi, Johann Bernhard Fischeri värssjutustuse „Mäetaguse üldine ja eriomane talve- ja suverõõm“ („Hinter-Bergens allgemeine und eigene Winter- und Sommer-Lust“, Riia 1745) moto. Seevastu ilmumisajalt varaseim klassikalise kalmuluule teos, Thomas Parnelli „Ööpala surmast“ („A Night-Piece on Death“, 1721) tundub olevat jõudnud vaid tõsisemate anglofiilideni, kes oskasid inglise keelt ja kõige hiljem, 19. sajandi alguskümnendeil. „Öömõtteid“ jäi baltisaksa retseptsioonis oluliseks ka erakordselt kauaks. Kui nii Inglismaal endal kui ka Saksmaal näib huvi selle teose vastu 19. sajandi keskpaigaks raugevat, vähemasti lõpeb selleks ajaks uustrükkide ilmumine teosest ja peamised kirjandusteaduslikud kokkuvõttedki saksa Youngi-retseptsioonist jäävad 19. sajandi lõppu, 20. sajandi algusse, siis veel 1930. aastate teises pooles kirjutas Tartu Ülikooli inglise filoloogia korraline professor Heinrich Mutschmann (1885–1955) mitmeid artikleid Youngi „Öömõtete“ fenomeni selgitamiseks (vt Mutschmann 1936 ja 1939), pakkudes teosele välja oma, psühholoogiast inspireeritud tõlgenduse. Viimast artiklit on siin ka lähemalt vaadeldud. Eesti kirjanduses ei ole „Öömõtetel“, vaatamata Mutschmanni seda Goethe „Faustiga“ võrdsustavale tõlgendusele, õnnestunud kanda kinnitada. Ei ole teada, et seda oleks tõlgitud. Päris eesti luuletajate tähelepanuta see teos siiski ei ole jäänud: faksiimiletrükk esimesest rootsikeelsest „Öömõtete“ tõlkest (1770) kuulus väliseesti poeedi, sürrealist Ilmar Laabani raamatukokku. Ainus eesti keelde jõudnud kalmupoeesia klassikasse kuuluv teos paistab olevat Gray eleegia. Sellest leidub Eesti Kirjandusmuuseumis avaldamata tõlge Ants Oraselt, mille lõpuepitaaf on ilmunud ajakirjas Vikerkaar (1990, nr 1, lk 1). Trükki jõudis täiemahuline tõlge sellest Gray teosest Märt Väljataga tõlgituna alles 2018. aastal (vt Väljataga 2018, 70–74). Ka inspireerinud see teos kirjandusteadlast ja luuletajat Ivar Ivaskit tema „Balti eleegiate“ („The Baltic Elegies“, 1986/88) loomisel (tänan vihje eest Tiina Kirssi). Siin ring omamoodi sulgub, sest ka Ivask, lätlasest ema ja eestlasest isa poeg, kelle kodune keel oli saksa keel, oli märkimisväärse etapi oma elust riialane nagu Gottlieb Schlegelgi.

O nascimento da cidade de Penafiel é o ponto de partida deste trabalho que, cronologicamente, vai até ao ano de 1779. Os objectivos desta análise centram-se no exercício do poder municipal e no quotidiano da população do concelhia. Abraçou-se este tema na perspectiva ainda de identificar os interesses sócio-económicos patentes no poder político local. Para isso o autor detevesse nos homens que exerciam esse poder e na forma como mostravam ou não apetência para o exercício de cargos de governação. De forma sucinta analisou-se quem foi a "gente da governança" em Penafiel entre os anos de 1770-1179, como exerceram os cargos e como intervieram na comunidade.

O nascimento da cidade de Penafiel é o ponto de partida deste trabalho que, cronologicamente, vai até ao ano de 1779. Os objectivos desta análise centram-se no exercício do poder municipal e no quotidiano da população do concelhia. Abraçou-se este tema na perspectiva ainda de identificar os interesses sócio-económicos patentes no poder político local. Para isso o autor detevesse nos homens que exerciam esse poder e na forma como mostravam ou não apetência para o exercício de cargos de governação. De forma sucinta analisou-se quem foi a "gente da governança" em Penafiel entre os anos de 1770-1179, como exerceram os cargos e como intervieram na comunidade.

Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831) et Friedrich Carl von Savigny (1779-1861) ont été des contemporains, des compatriotes et des collègues à l'Université de Berlin, le premier y enseignant la philosophie du droit, le second y enseignant le droit romain. Mais ils ont aussi été des adversaires. C'est leur affrontement qui constitue le thème de la présente thèse. Un affrontement opposant le rationalisme de Hegel à l'historicisme de Savigny. Entre l'École spéculative du droit de Hegel et l'École historique du droit de Savigny, ce fut la guerre. En surface, c'est sur le front juridique que les deux adversaires ont livré bataille. À preuve, ces trois conflits: la Querelle de la réception, la Querelle de la possession, puis la Querelle de la codification. Toutefois, l'objectif de cette thèse est de montrer que la guerre entre Hegel et Savigny a été menée, d'abord et avant tout, sur le front politique. Face aux événements de leur temps - la Révolution française, l'Empire napoléonien, les Guerres de libération de 1813-1814, la Restauration, l'émergence du nationalisme allemand -, Hegel et Savigny ont adopté des positions complètement différentes. Face au contexte culturel de leur temps, - la diffusion d'une pensée contre-révolutionnaire héritée d'Edmund Burke (1729-1797) et la naissance d'un romantisme politique -, ils ont emprunté des voies complètement opposées. Leurs visions respectives de l'Allemagne en ce début du XIXe siècle étaient si divergentes que toute réconciliation entre le philosophe et le juriste fut impossible.
Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831) and Friedrich Carl von Savigny (1779-1861) were contemporaries, fellow-countrymen and Berlin University colleagues, with Hegel teaching philosophy of law and Savigny teaching Roman law. However, they were adversaries. Their confrontation, setting Hegel's rationalism up against Savigny's historicism, constitutes the subject of the present thesis. Hegel's school of thought, speculative in its approach, and Savigny's Historical School of Law were at war. This state of strife was most manifest in the feuds pertaining to judiciary issues, as attested by the three disputes - Rezeptionsstreit, Besitzstreit and Kodificationsstreit - bearing respectively on reception (of Roman law), possession (of property) and codification (of law). However, the goal here is to show that this conflict's most significant theatre was the political front. Before the events of their time - the French Revolution, the Napoleonic Empire, the Wars of Liberation, the Restoration, emerging German nationalism -, Hegel and Savigny each adopted completely different positions. Indeed, in responding to the cultural context of the day - the dissemination of counter-revolutionary thought, whose source could be traced to Edmund Burke (1729-1797), and the political Romanticism which was then taking shape - each one followed an entirely opposite path. Their respective visions of early 19th-century Germany were so divergent as to render any reconciliation between the philosopher and the jurist inconceivable.

This chapter describes the rural retreat of Dr. John Coakley Lettsom at Grove Hill in Camberwell, which commanded a panoramic view of the bustling and rapidly expanding city of London on the opposite side of the river Thames. Unlike larger and more rural estates, its situation in Camberwell connected Lettsom visually to the city, where his town house and successful medical practice were located. Lettsom's professional metropolitan career that began in 1770 when he became licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians and began practicing in Basinghall Street in the City of London. The chapter mentions that the purchase of the estate at Camberwell in 1779 represented a statement of personal and professional success and a suitable retreat for a late Georgian medico-gentleman. This visual relationship to London also denoted Grove Hill's links to a world beyond the garden gate.

Abstract None of the symphonies analyzed thus far has begun with a slow introduction or ended with a rondo—until 1770 both features were rare.1 In works composed after that point, one encounters, with increasing frequency, slow introductions to the first movements and rondos as finales. Symphony No. 75 has both.