Literatura académica sobre el tema "Zubayrids"

AbstractThe subject of the present paper is a prophetic tradition found in some compendia of eschatologicalaḥādīthwhich has received considerable scholarly attention since Wilferd Madelung dedicated an article to it in 1981. Whereas Madelung shares the opinion of earlier scholars that only some of the incidents “prophesied” by this tradition are historical, this study aims to show that it is a whollyex post factocomposition which, in its various strata, remarkably captures episodes from the Zubayrid war of propaganda against their rivals as well as their later attempts to redeem the memory of their lost cause as a just one. The discussion closes by producing a highly singular Syrian tradition most certainly put into circulation with the intent of countering these Zubayrid propaganda efforts.

Mukhtar b. Abu Ubayd as-Sekafî started a Kufa-centered movement against the Zubayris and Umayyads in 685-686 by claiming that he was commissioned by Muhammad B. Hanafiyah to “avenge the Prophet Husayn and protect the oppressed”. Mukhtar’s movement, which succeeded in a short time and took over Iraq, declined at the same pace and disappeared in a short period of one and a half years. In this article, the nature of the relationship developed by the tribes in Kufa and the Iranian people against this movement is examined. Umayyads's removal of Prophet Ali's children from power and discrimination against Iranian mawali increased the dissatisfaction of these two groups. Mukhtar designed his entire strategy to fight against his enemies through the supporters of Ali and the mawali. The rhetoric in his agenda, “to avenge Hussein and to protect the powerless,” appealed to both groups. At the beginning of the movement, Mukhtar received the greatest support from Arab tribes, the majority of whom were Yemenis. At first, the Iranian followers, initially who had taken a distant attitude towards Mukhtar, actively supported Mukhtar, convinced that thanks to this movement there could be an improvement in their socio-economic status and that they could be freed from the yoke of the Arab tribes. Mukhtar, who turned the martyrdom of Prophet Hussein in his favor with a subtle policy, managed to capture Iraq, Iraq-ı Ajam (Cibal) and the entire region of al-Jazira except Basra in a short time with the support of the Yemeni tribes and the mawali. This movement owes its first success to the Yemeni tribes in Kufa. The Yemenis, who saw the movement’s motor power throughout Mukhtar’s rebellion, played a major role in the success and failure of this movement. In the process, the presence and influence of the Iranian mawali in the movement has increased. Mukhtar’s high value for the mawali caused the Arab tribal leaders to distance themselves from him. Adnânî and Yemeni chieftains, who wanted to intervene before the threat of Mawali grew, organized a coup attempt against Mukhtar. With the coup, they wanted to take them to the old socio-economic order in Kufa. However, this coup attempt was abandoned by the opposition of the Yemeni Mezhic tribe, also led by Ibrahim b. al-Ashtar an-Nahaî. When the Kufa tribal chieftains, who had taken refuge in Basra after the failed coup attempt, provoked the Zubayris in Basra and the Mukhtar came face to face, Mukhtar’s movement was eliminated before it could proceed to the institutionalization stage. Just as the greatest share in the development and rise of the Mukhtar Movement belongs to the Yemeni tribes and the mawali, the greatest share in the decline of the movement belongs to the Yemeni tribes. The Iranian elements’ discomfort with Arab nationalism in the first century led them to enter into anti-Umayyad opposition movements. Knowing that the Mawali were disturbed by the Arabist attitudes of the Umayyads and the Arab chieftains, Mukhtar took advantage of the opportunity by developing discourses such as “equality”, “justice” and “protection of the oppressed” that would be pleasing to their ears. Due to his fierce need for the mawali, Mukhtar equated the mawali with the Arabs by putting his discourses into practice during his two-year rule. Mawali’s approach to the Mukhtar movement is “a tool that offers them the opportunity to live on an equal status with the Arabs.” Just as the Mukhtar uses the mawali to achieve his own political aims; the Mawali also used Mukhtar’s movement to break the shackles of bondage. The solidarity prevailed by the mutual “win & win” mentality does not make Mukhtar a tireless defender of his mawali rights, nor does it make the mawali a fierce supporter of Prophet Ali. In the developed relationship, the parties have different expectations and interests. In other words, not because the mawali was a Prophet Ali sympathizer, but because they used the Mukhtar movement as a stepping stone and united around the Mukhtar to raise his status. The injustices done by the Umayyads to the children of Prophet Ali made the supporters of Ali; the injustices that were seen by the Arabs brought the mawali closer to Mukhtar.

Yemen witnessed a kind of openness to the outside world after the revolution of 1948 AD and the coup of 1955 AD in Taiz, and Yemenis became aware of the political, economic and social conditions, but Imam Ahmed deceived the people by trying to respond to the people’s demands to form a government of his followers. Mahmoud al-Numan and his colleague Muhammad Mahmoud al-Zubayri were against the republic and Imam Ahmad rebelled against the republic of Egypt. The opposition took advantage of the dispute and asked for help from Egypt. The major countries did not want to change Yemen according to their interests. The Egyptian position was positive for the revolution, but the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was against the republicans and the Imam paid the money to the border tribes to support him. America asked Israel to strike the Egyptian forces, and America’s position was characterized by duplicity, as it supports the monarchy on the one hand and recognizes the revolution on the other hand, for the purpose of weakening it from within. The aggression on Egypt was considered as page of the past, openness to the world, working to improve the economic situation and stabilizing the country Ed and support the production process and achieve the demands of the people.

The founder and imam of Dar al-Hijrah, may God have mercy on him, was the first figure to criticize the Maliki school of thought. According to the testimony of his students at the time, its final form had less hadiths than its original version, which had ten thousand hadiths. And the reason is that he was grammatically correct, as stated in the biographers' and hadith scholars' writings. He was one of the most circumspect in hearing and updating hadiths, thus he left many of them out and waived their inclusion between the two covers of his author, and he also corrected and criticized many of them.Al-Zubayri noted that Malik added al-Muwatta' to over 10,000 hadiths and that he continued to review and remove it year after year until just this remained; if only a small amount remained, he would remove it altogether. Imam Malik, may God have mercy on him, was extremely inquisitive in deduction, but was very critical of the numerous narrations and fatwas, even when he was demanding a fatwa on an issue, he did not provide a ruling on it till after thinking and contemplating, and his response was often with: I do not know. His disciples, the imams of his school of thought, and those who came after them also traveled this route. The Iraqi arguments between them and the villagers with the other competing schools of thought had a significant influence on updating the doctrine's roots, branches, regulations, and traditions, which assisted the Malikis in developing this critical sense. This led to the rise and brilliance of a huge number of scholars in this field, of whom I will highlight the following: Ibn al-Qasim, Sahnun, al-Qadi Abd al-Wahhab, Ibn Abi Zaid al-Qayrawani, al-Asili, alQabisi, Ibn Abd al-Bar, al-Baji, and many others. However, the book of insight and its companion, Imam Abu al-Hasan al-Lakhmi, and his methodology in studying the issues of the madhhab in it, created a milestone, as scholars unanimously agreed that the study of issues in the Maliki school on this method - the method of jurisprudential criticism - did not appear except with this imam Abi al-Hasan al-Lakhmi, who collected criticism. Jurisprudence of both kinds, as he criticizes narrations and sayings in terms of their attribution at times, and in terms of their deduction and graduation on the fundamentals at other times. Imam Al-Lakhmi also rebuked Ibn Rushd, Ibn Bashir and Ibn Yunus, because they believed that Al-Lakhmi’s actions and criticisms did not take into account the regulations considered in graduating the branches from the rules of the doctrine, but the follower of their approach in criticism notices that they followed his example and we re influenced by his way of commenting on the blog.

‘Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr was raised by ‘A’isha in the Prophet’s (s.a.s.) house. Safiyyah, the Prophet’s maternal aunt was his paternal grandmother, ‘A’isha’s sister Asma was his mother, and Abu Bakr his maternal grandfather. ‘Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr’s upbringing and lineage played an important role throughout his life and future career as caliph. Although ‘Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr was undeniably close to ‘A’isha, a very reliable source for the sunna and the traditions of the Prophet, his loyalty to the teachings of the Prophet and particular-ly the warning to those who attribute to the Prophet what he had not said that they would be sent to hell determined his choice of only 33 hadith to transmit. His love for the house of the Prophet and his grandfather Abu Bakr made him a staunch defender of the office of caliphate when he saw it abused by Mu‘awiyah and his son Yazid. ‘Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr ruled over Hijaz and the Eastern provinces from Mecca for nine years. The people of Iraq, Hijaz, and a large part of Syria paid him homage as caliph. After his death in 692 A.D., the caliphate of ‘Abd al-Malik b. Marwan was confirmed. In this paper I will deal with the life and career of ‘Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr and show how the Prophet’s teachings were reflected in his character and behaviour.

Settlement is the activity of voluntary or compulsory mass relocation from one place to another, the material of which is human beings. In the history of humanity, factors such as religious, political, military, and economic factors have been effective in the voluntary or forced settlement of human communities from one place to another. Our paper focuses on the reasons, nature, and consequences of the settlement policy of the Umayyad State, which constituted a breaking point in Islamic history in many respects, reached the widest borders of the Muslims during its period, and at the same time, positively or negatively affected the Islamization process of the Turks in particular. There is no study that specifically deals with the settlement policy of the period in question. Our aim with this study is to reveal the primary purpose, structure, and functioning of the settlement policy, which was an essential part of the conquests in the Umayyad period, as well as its consequences in Central Asia. A correct understanding of the settlement policy in question will serve the important purpose of understanding the purpose and results of the conquest policy in the Umayyad period and taking lessons from it. The methodology of the study is based on the sources of siyar, mughazi, general Islamic history, and futuh written in the first period of Islamic history, as well as modern studies in this field. In the context of the subject, the following main observations are made: The increase in conquest movements during the Umayyad period enabled the intensification of settlement activities. This process coincides with the period of powerful caliphs such as Mu'awiya b. Abū Sufyan, 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan and al-Walīd b. 'Abd al-Malik. In the caliphates of the other caliphs, conquests and, thus settlement policies were not on the agenda due to reasons such as political turmoil, throne fights, and economic crises. The settlement policies put into practice differed in terms of their objectives. Foremost among these objectives was to ensure the permanence of the cities created as a result of the conquests by settling troops in them, to ensure the security of the country, to prepare the ground for the spread of Islam, and to maintain order in the country. The settlement policy of the Umayyads was mostly military in character. The primary purpose of the settlement policy in this period was to prepare the ground for the conquests that would develop later and to acquire land. The results of the aforementioned policy had different outcomes according to regions or geographies. In the caliphate of Mu'awiya, Zīyad b. Abīh, the governor of Basra, settled more than 50,000 people from the people of Kufa and Basra-who were likely to be from the tribes of Kinde and Yazd-as well as soldiers and their families in Khorasan. During the reign of 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan, during the governorship of Qutayba b. Muslim in Khorasan, expeditions were organized to Bukhara. Arab immigrants were settled in this peacefully conquered city. The city of Samarkand was also conquered by war and opened for settlement to Muslims. In Khorasan, under Umayyad rule, rebellion movements were observed when there was a change of caliph, a weakness of authority - Abdullah b. Zubayr's struggle for power. In this framework, it is possible to say that the Umayyads implemented a settlement policy with military characteristics in this region. Within the framework of this policy, the fact that Khorasan was a military base for the conquests of the Māwarā al-Nahr region, where the Turks lived, prevented the settlement activity from producing permanent and positive results. In particular, territorial dominance, the desire to obtain booty, and the negative policy towards the mawālīs prevented the Turks here from converting to Islam in masses. The settlement policy in Africa and Andalusia, on the other hand, was effective in the conquest of nearby geographies.

La fin du VIIe siècle est marquée par une longue guerre civile entre Ibn al-Zubayr et les Umayyades. Ibn al-Zubayr parvint à s’imposer durant une décennie sur une partie majeure de l’empire islamique. Cette expérience politique zubayride est le cœur de cette recherche doctorale. Loin des évidences et des simplifications, cette partie vise à montrer que la révolte d’Ibn al-Zubayr ne fut pas le fait d’un seul homme, il convient également de prendre en considération sa dimension collective et de l’inscrire dans le cadre plus large de la construction de l’empire islamique, de la genèse d’un État patrimonial umayyade, de la périphérisation de l’Arabie, et de l’affrontement entre différents groupes à l’intérieur de la communauté des croyants. Dans un second temps, notre recherche étudie la genèse et l’affirmation de l’autorité califale et impériale acquise par Ibn al-Zubayr à la fin du VIIe siècle. Bien que de nombreuses recherches aient en effet bien souligné certains éléments qui permettent de mieux cerner les référents à partir desquels Ibn al-Zubayr a promu son autorité califale, le sujet reste largement sous étudié. Notre recherche permet de jeter un nouveau regard sur la figure du calife mecquois et son statut nouveau d’imām de la communauté des croyants dans différentes sphères, qu’il s’agisse de l’idéologie et de la conception du califat, de la justice ou encore de la direction du pèlerinage musulman. Une troisième et dernière partie de cette thèse porte plus précisément sur le gouvernement des territoires. L’enjeu de cette partie vise avant tout à analyser la « construction impériale » zubayride. Notre réflexion consiste surtout à mettre en lumière la façon dont les territoires qui étaient précédemment sous domination umayyade furent gouvernés en contexte zubayride. Une large place est accordée à l’histoire sociale, aux pratiques militaires et à la construction d’un pouvoir patrimonial zubayride au cœur de la province d’Irak. Tout au long de cette partie, nous avons tenté de ne pas perdre de vue le contexte de la fin du VIIe siècle, lequel mit les Zubayrides devant la nécessité de gouverner les territoires de l’empire à l’épreuve des défis posés par la seconde fitna
The end of the 7th century is marked by a long civil war between Ibn al-Zubayr and the Umayyads. Ibn al-Zubayr managed to impose himself for a decade over a major part of the Islamic empire. This Zubayrid political experience is the main subject of this doctoral research. Far from obviousness and simplification, we aim to show that the rebellion of Ibn al-Zubayr was not the fact of a single man. It is also necessary to take into account its collective dimension and to include it in the framework larger part of the building of the Islamic empire, the peripherization of Arabia, and the struggle between different groups within the community of believers. Secondly, our research studies the genesis and the assertion of Ibn al-Zubayr’s caliphal and imperial authority. This part allows to understand his new status of imām of the community at the end of the 7th century. A third and final part of this thesis deals more specifically with the government of the Islamic empire. The aim of this part is above all to analyze the Zubayrid "imperial construction"

A statistical analysis of an early Arabic text, Nasab Quraysh of al-Zubayri (d.c. 850), is used to examine the rise of concubinage during the first period of Islamic history. Using basic prosopographical and statistical techniques, the author argues for a sharp rise in reliance on concubinage by elite Arab families following the appearance of Islam during the seventh century CE. Contrary to what is often claimed, concubines and their progeny enjoyed a significant presence in elite Arab families well before the Abbasid era, and there is little evidence to suggest that either mothers or their offspring were discriminated against on a systematic basis. The value of new methods of reading medieval Arabic texts is emphasized in an effort to reconstruct the history of gender and slavery in Islamic history.