Bibliografías temáticas / Zamindars

Literatura académica sobre el tema "Zamindars"

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Publicado: 18 de mayo de 2024

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Zamindars"

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Ramesh, Aditya. "Custom as Natural: Land, Water and Law in Colonial Madras". Studies in History 34, n.º 1 (13 de noviembre de 2017): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643017736402.

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In 1865, the Madras government enacted a legislation, the Irrigation Cess Act, designed to allow it to extract revenue from water as separate as that from land. However, as emphasized by many commentators, this pithy legislation was far from comprehensive in its definition of government powers over water. Faced with resolute opposition from zamindars to any further legislation that would centralize control over water resources as well as powers to levy fees over water use to the government, the Madras state was forced to confront zamindars in court over the interpretation of the Irrigation Cess Act. In 1917, the Privy Council, the highest court in the land, delivered a landmark judgement in resolution of a dispute between the Madras government and the Urlam zamindari. The Urlam case, this article argues, lends a new perspective to historiography on custom and the environment in colonial India. The Privy Council judgement rendered custom a physical, historically reified, and ‘natural’ quality, simultaneously within and outside the encounter between labour and nature.
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Sinha, Jagdish N. "Book review: Tahir Hussain Ansari, Mughal Administration and the Zamindars of Bihar". South Asia Research 41, n.º 2 (28 de mayo de 2021): 313–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02627280211003352.

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Frykenberg, Robert Eric y Chitta Panda. "The Decline of the Bengal Zamindars: Midnapore 1870-1920". American Historical Review 105, n.º 5 (diciembre de 2000): 1719. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652069.

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Rashmi Singh y Dr. Nisha Gupta. "Concern for Human Rights Violation: A Study of Mahasweta Devi". Creative Launcher 8, n.º 3 (30 de junio de 2023): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2023.8.3.11.

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In the literary landscape, Mahasweta Devi stands out as an illustrious writer who, with precision and visceral detail, traces the saga of tribulations and societal marginalization experienced by tribal communities. Upon a comprehensive reading of Devi’s body of work, an observer might be inclined to conceive of her as a metaphorical celestial emissary, descended upon the terrestrial plane with the sole purpose of assuaging the sorrows of the voiceless; those who, being bound by their fear, were rendered unable to raise their voices against the oppressive landlords and zamindars. Devi, in her profound humanity, contemplates deeply on the circumstances of the impoverished dalits and tribals, who were deprived of basic human rights. The balance of power was tipped in favor of the affluent and zamindars, thereby allowing the latter to exploit the disenfranchised at their discretion. The tribal and dalit communities were victims of both physical and sexual harassment, and they were effectively silenced, stripped of their right to protest their own subjugation and oppression. In the context of the societal framework, these communities were marginalised, excluded from the mainstream discourse of life. Devi, with her empathy and indignation, assumed the role of their voice, tirelessly advocating for their plight. She strived to disseminate information about their gruesome conditions through her research papers and books, which subsequently evolved into a form of literature that voiced the experiences of these communities. During her era, the governmental structure was steeply biased against the indigent. Their interests and welfare were disregarded, and policies largely favored the prosperous. Devi’s work serves as a critique of this system, shedding light on the grim reality of social stratification and advocating for an inclusive society that upholds the dignity and rights of every individual. The present research article draws vivid details of the sufferings and marginalization of the tribals as represented by Mahasweta Devi in her works.
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Singh, Praveen. "The colonial state, zamindars and the politics of flood control in north Bihar (1850–1945)". Indian Economic & Social History Review 45, n.º 2 (junio de 2008): 239–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946460804500203.

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Moosvi, Shireen. "The rural moneylender, 1888: The Dufferin Report for west UP". Studies in People's History 6, n.º 2 (5 de noviembre de 2019): 170–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448919875286.

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The published volume of the Dufferin enquiries (1888) reproduces the district reports in the case of only one province, namely the North-Western Provinces and Oudh (now Uttar Pradesh). From this volume, whose copies have become very rare, much information can be obtained about how rural credit was organised at the time. This article extracts information on this subject from three detailed reports based on actual information obtained from the debtors and some moneylenders. Interest rates as high as 37.5 per cent per annum prevailed, except in the forested areas where low rents seem to have brought down the interest rates. It also turns out that usury was a profession which zamindars and other relatively prosperous rural strata, including upper peasants and successful artisans, could also take to, though the central figure remained the village ‘banya’.
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D., Shalini y Alamelu C. "CULTURAL STUDIES IN RUDALI- A PERSPECTIVE OF MAHASWETA DEVI". International Journal of Advanced Research 10, n.º 03 (31 de marzo de 2022): 1011–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/14485.

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This paper analyses the culture of Ganju community and highlights social exclusion and oppression by the high-class people of the same village in the work of the social activist Mahasweta Devis, Rudali,. In this novella, Mahasweta Devi brings out how the marginalised community and economically down-trodden people are oppressed by the higher-class people in the same village. Through the female protagonist, she portrays the sufferings inflicted by the society on the down-trodden women who are abandoned by their families. She depicts the practise of a particular community which becomes her identity in society which subjugates her. Not only that, it also discusses about the subjugation of men by the zamindars in the village for their needs, which was also one of the reasons for the tragic life of women belonging to their family. The novella also focuses on the beliefs, practices and the culture of the Community and the social and economic aspects as well.
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D., Shalini y Alamelu C. "CULTURAL STUDIES IN RUDALI- A PERSPECTIVE OF MAHASWETA DEVI". International Journal of Advanced Research 10, n.º 03 (31 de marzo de 2022): 1011–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/14485.

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This paper analyses the culture of Ganju community and highlights social exclusion and oppression by the high-class people of the same village in the work of the social activist Mahasweta Devis, Rudali,. In this novella, Mahasweta Devi brings out how the marginalised community and economically down-trodden people are oppressed by the higher-class people in the same village. Through the female protagonist, she portrays the sufferings inflicted by the society on the down-trodden women who are abandoned by their families. She depicts the practise of a particular community which becomes her identity in society which subjugates her. Not only that, it also discusses about the subjugation of men by the zamindars in the village for their needs, which was also one of the reasons for the tragic life of women belonging to their family. The novella also focuses on the beliefs, practices and the culture of the Community and the social and economic aspects as well.
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GHOSH, GAUTAM. "Nobility or Utility?Zamindars, businessmen, andbhadralokas curators of the Indian nation in Satyajit Ray'sJalsaghar (The Music Room)". Modern Asian Studies 52, n.º 2 (11 de diciembre de 2017): 683–715. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000482.

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AbstractThe Bengalibhadralokhave had an important impact on Indian nationalism in Bengal and in India more broadly. Their commitment to narratives of national progress has been noted. However, little attention has been given to how ‘earthly paradise’, ‘garden of delights’, and related ideas of refinement and nobility also informed their nationalism. This article excavates the idea of earthly paradise as it is portrayed in Satyajit Ray's 1958 Bengali filmJalsaghar, usually translated asThe Music Room.Jalsagharis typically taken to depict, broadly, the decadence and decline of aristocratic ‘feudal’ landowners (zamindars) who were granted their holdings and, often, noble rank, such as ‘Lord’ or ‘Raja’, during Mughal or British times, representing the languid past of the nobility, and the ascendance of a restless business-oriented class that represents an emerging present and possible future. Thezamindarsare shown as pursuing aesthetic and spiritual delight, ecstasy, and edification through soirées. These soirées are produced for those among the nobility who are sufficiently cultivated and cosmopolitan to appreciate the finer things in life, such as the classical music and dance showcased in this film. The businessmen, too, aspire to host such exceptional events, but are too crass to do so properly and, moreover, they are motivated by a desire to accrue prestige, thus using soirées as a means to an end, rather than to experience aesthetic and spiritual elevation as an end in itself. I argue that the film calls on thebhadralokto value aesthetic cultivation and to actively counter its evanescence. The film thus beckons and authorizes thebhadralokto sustain the value of the timeless past, including nobility and refinement. Yet thebhadralokare also expected to embody and expand a new, progressive, and utilitarian spirit that would modernize India. With the aristocrats gone, and the entrepreneurs eager to assume authority, the film charges thebhadralokto construct a nationalism in which the immortal, character-building values of classical art, for example, can yet be sutured to utilitarian progressivism. I argue that the film conveys this even though it does not explicitly portray or even mention thebhadralok, or feature uniquely Bengali music and art. Accordingly, this article does not focus on the actual aesthetic and political practices ofbhadraloknationalism. The aim is to shed light on one genealogy through which thebhadraloksanctioned themselves as India's stewards along these lines.
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Ranjan, Rahul. "Politics of Symbolism: The Making of Birsa Munda’s Statue in Post-colonial Jharkhand, India". Bandung 7, n.º 1 (13 de marzo de 2020): 130–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21983534-00701007.

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Birsa Munda, Adivasi leader (Indigenous people) led a rebellion at the end of the 19th century against the dikus (outsiders) popularly known as Birsa Ulgulan (tumult, rebellion). The movement targeted British officials, zamindars, and missionaries. One of the immediate effects of the movement emerged in the form of protectionary legislation (Chota Nagpur Tenancy Act) and later played an influential role in the making of Jharkhand. In the contemporary social and political landscape, the presence of Birsa Munda in the form of the built environment such as statue is indelible and offers an exciting opportunity to understand the new aesthetic turn. In particular, the author investigates two statues in Jharkhand. These statues that function as “sites of memory” play a significant role in political mobilisation and vote-bank politics. It also offers a possibility to understand the relationship between the state, elites and subalterns. The paper builds upon ethnographic materials collected during the fieldwork and devices a conceptual tool of “material-memory” to offer the specific role of Birsa’s memory as medium of doing memory politics.
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Tesis sobre el tema "Zamindars"

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Ahmed, Akabbar Ali. "Zamindars of western Assam : their contribution to the socio-cultural development of the region : 1765-1956". Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1502.

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Karim, S. M. Rabiul. "Rajshasi zamindars : a historical profile in the colonial period (1765-1947)". Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1230.

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Panda, Chitta. "Decline of the Bengal Zamindars : Mindapore 1870-1920". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.385598.

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Gopal, Kusum. "Popular resistance to Zamindari oppression in eastern U.P., northern India, 1920-60". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1995. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28903/.

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This study examines popular politics in Uttar Pradesh with specific reference to Gorakhpur, Basti and Azamgarh bewtween 1920-60. The focus is on the politicisation of the kisans, ordinary men and women who were numerically the largest section of rural society. It is argued that their world views and political aspirations were informed by clearly defined notions of social justice and power relations, themselves based on particular problems stemming from the nature of julum, one of its meanings being the tyranny of the zamindars. This thesis makes extensive use of oral sources, utilising social anthropological tools and places greater weight on folk wisdom, local customs and cosmological beliefs. The social construction of gender is important to this study. It is argued that kisans' politics made no fundamental change to the pre-existing system of gender relations, because gender was not the object of protest. It is also argued that their political aspirations remained largely independent of official Congress politics: the kisans were not passive victims, but actively resisted and manipulated elements of elite domination by pronouncing their own goals. Although all kinds of popular associations with the environment, myths, legends and customs were used to mobilise the kisans, they realised their political identities not within the framework of the nationalist discourse, but against it. The Congress was forced to espouse the kisans' demand for outright land ownership and promise the abolition of zamindari in its bid to take over office. This study concludes by stating that the historical weight and energy of these popular movements decisively influenced the government and compelled it to adopt a socialist agenda.
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Pouchepadass, Jacques. "Croissance agricole et societe dans l'inde coloniale : le district de champaran (bihar), 1860-1950". Paris 7, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA070070.

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L'objet de ce travail est une investigation detaillee, a partir d'une etude de cas, de la genese historique du sous-developpement agraire au bihar (inde) au dernier siecle de l'epoque coloniale. L'approche adoptee consiste a etudier comment se developpe, dans ce milieu economique et humain concretement defini, l'interaction entre la societe hindoue de la caste, l'etat colonial et le marche, avec les consequences qui en decoulent du point de vue de la croissance. Dans le champaran, comme ailleurs au bihar, on voit apparaitre vers cette epoque des densites demographiques tres elevees. Mais cette evolution ne s'accompagne d'aucun progres significatif des techniques agricoles. L'absence de capital, et la necessite de produire d'abord pour se nourrir, empechent la plupart des paysans d'intensifier par des moyens plus performants, ou de se tourner davantage vers le marche. Cette situation met en cause la structure socio-politique locale. L'etat colonial a prive les grands zamindars du district d'une partie de leurs prerogatives seigneuriales. Mais il n'a pas modernise en profondeur les conditions sociales de la production agricole. La legislation agraire d'inspiration liberale qu'il elabore profite surtout a l'elite des paysans aises de haute caste, qui sont les mieux places pour en tirer parti. Seule cette elite dispose de surplus commercialisables, et d'un acces satisfaisant au marche cerealier. Elle jouit aussi d'une position preponderante sur le marche des facteurs de production (terre, travail, credit)
The object of the present study is a detailed investigation into the historical factors of agrarian underdevelopment in a district of bihar (india) during the last century of british rule. The basic aim has been to show how caste society, the colonial state and the market interacted in the specific socio-economic set-up of north bihar to produce a distinct pattern of agricultural stagnation. The density of rural population in champaran reached very high figures during this period. But the technology of agriculture remained, with few exceptions, unchanged. Due to lack of capital, and to the imperatives of subsistence agriculture, most peasants were unable to resort to more sophisticated means of intensification, or to take better advantage of the available market opportunities. This situation was closely related to the local socio-political structure. The colonial state succeeded in divesting the bigger zamindars of some of their seignorial prerogatives. But it failed to modernize in depth the social framework of agriculture. The agrarian legislation framed by liberal minded officials benefitted mainly the well-off high-caste peasant elite, who was best placed to make efficient use of it. This village elite produced true marketable surpluses, enjoyed a satisfactory access to the grain market, and largely controlled the land, labour and credit markets
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Reddy, Reddy Prasad B. "Anti-zamindari struggles in Andhra rural politics during the 1930s and 1940s". Thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/1017.

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Libros sobre el tema "Zamindars"

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editor, Grover Amrita, Chaudhary, Anju Grover, 1945- editor y Dua, J. C., 1944- editor, eds. Zamindars and jagirdars in the Mughal age. Delhi: Originals, 2012.

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Midnapore District: Company, raiyats & zamindars, 1760-1885. Kolkata: K.P. Bagchi & Co., 2008.

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The decline of the Bengal zamindars: Midnapore, 1870-1920. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996.

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Zamindars and patnidars: Study of subinfeudation under permanent settlement. Burdwan: University of Burdwan, 1985.

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Kumari, B. Anjani. History and contribution of the zamindars in Visakhapatnam region (A.D. 1611-1949). New Delhi: Gyan, 2017.

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Zamindars and revenue farmers of Eastern Uttar Pradesh: From Mughal to colonial rule. New Delhi: Anamika Publishers & Distributors, 2004.

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Karkhanas of the Mughal zamindars: A study in the economic development of 18th century Rajputana. Jaipur: Publication Scheme, 2002.

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Zamindārs of Bengal: Case study of selected Rangpur zamindārs, 1793-1950. Dhaka: Gatidhara, 2011.

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9

Directorate, Bihar State Archives, ed. Old zamindari records of Bihar. Patna, Bihar: Directorate of Bihar State Archives, 2014.

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Jeyaraj, S. Varghese. Zamindari system in Tamilnadu--Madurai. Chennai: Pavai Publications, 2009.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Zamindars"

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"Zamindars and Maliks:". En The Limited Raj, 155–78. University of California Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.2430464.13.

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"VII". En The Struggle of My Life, traducido por Ramchandra Pradhan, 200–280. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199480364.003.0007.

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This section deals with the foundation of the Western Patna Kisan Sabha, which was formally launched during 1928. Subsequently Sahajanand helped get the Bhumihar Brahmin Mahasabha dissolved. Once again, he plunged into the freedom struggle and was imprisoned. He decided to keep himself aloof both from freedom movement and the Kisan Sabha on account of the hypocrisy of the some of the jailed freedom fighters. However, attempts on the part of zamindars to raise a fake Kisan Sabha and the so-called United Party provoked him to revive the existing Kisan Sabha as a militant organization. What gave further boost to his anti-zamindari approach was their atrocious behaviour towards peasants in the wake of the Bihar Earthquake of 1934. The section ends with a brief description of his final call to end the Zamindari system.
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"The Rise of the Zamindars". En Property, Land, Revenue, and Policy, 283–98. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315276762-18.

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Singh, Surinder. "The World of the Zamindars". En The Making of Medieval Panjab, 509–77. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003005421-8.

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"Nazims of Bengal and the large zamindars". En Land and Local Kingship in Eighteenth-Century Bengal, 27–44. Cambridge University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511563348.005.

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"Zamindars and the transition to Company rule". En Land and Local Kingship in Eighteenth-Century Bengal, 172–93. Cambridge University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511563348.012.

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Gardner, Katy. "Blood and Land". En Global Migrants, Local Lives, 65–97. Oxford University PressOxford, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198279198.003.0003.

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Abstract Social hierarchy in rural Bangladesh is generally understood in terms of people’s access to land. During the years of British rule in East Bengal, a rural household’s economic and social position was largely determined by this. Whether a household were zamindars, raiyats, or taluk dar had vast influence on the degree of political power they possessed, their access to other material resources, and the ‘symbolic capital’ (Bourdieu, 1977: 171-82) they could command.
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Chatterji, Bankimchandra. "Chapter 1 ". En Debī Chaudhurānī, 190–213. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195388367.003.0006.

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Abstract “the leaseholder”: ijārādār. (from the Persian word, izārā, meaning “lease”). Hara- ballabh didn’t pay his dues directly to the government. His estates were leased to him by Debisingh, who allegedly extorted a large proportion of the revenue they yielded, only to pay a proportion of this himself to his political masters. This was often the practice at the time. Burke referred to this practice in his speech of February 18th, 1788 (see endnotes under ch.8, Part I). Mr. Kumud Ranjan Biswas, a retired Indian Administrative Service officer who is an expert on the history of land tenure, writes (private communication, 12.07.2007): “[In Bengal, toward the end of the Mughal emperor, Aurangzeb’s reign in the early 1700s] land was settled with different kinds of people. Some chieftains held it directly under the central authority, calling themselves Rajas, and others held it on izara (a Persian word meaning lease) from the provincial governor. These izaradars often sub-leased parts of their holdings to people who came to be known as talukdars and by various other names. Debi Chaudhurani’s father-in-law, Haraballabh, must have been one such talukdar under one of the most infamous and oppressive izaradars, Debi Singh. There were disputes among these people over the extent of their geographical jurisdictions, each one trying to encroach upon the others’ holdings. This was because their boundaries were not precisely demarcated. Moreover, the izaradars and talukdars had their own private armies called paiks and barkandazes. Taking advantage of the lawlessness of the time, these landholders, both superior and subordinate, committed widespread depredations. [At that time] the Permanent Settlement of 1793 was yet to be introduced [by the British]. So the izaradars, zamindars [Bengali: jamidar] and talukdars were not the zamindars under the Permanent Settlement Regulation. After the Permanent Settlement came into force all landholders immediately under the government were uniformly called zamindars. There were sublease-holders under them called by various names—talukdars, pattanidars etc.” Bankim does not clarify these time-bound distinctions.
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Ansari, Tahir Hussain. "Introduction". En Mughal Administration and the Zamindars of Bihar, 13–21. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429331633-1.

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Ansari, Tahir Hussain. "Conclusion". En Mughal Administration and the Zamindars of Bihar, 259–68. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429331633-10.

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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Zamindars"

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Turaga, Vasanta Sobha. "Fading urban memories: status of conservation of historic Samsthan/Zamindari Palaces in Small and medium town master plans in Telangana, India". En Post-Oil City Planning for Urban Green Deals Virtual Congress. ISOCARP, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/wzuc7012.

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‘Public memores’ are an imporant aspect in preserving a place’s culture and heritage. Actions of the government and society many times define/redefine identities of places, impacting collective memory of people in perceiving places. Conscious efforts are required to make and keep public memories alive. Insensitive and uninformed Urban Planning can lead to erasing history and heritage not just physically but from public memories as well. This Paper discusses the issues of Fading Urban Memories by taking case studies of two historic towns in the South Indian State of Telangana. Most of the Small & Medium Towns in Telangana, India, developed over the last two centuries from their historic core areas of the Capitals of erstwhile Samsthans/Zamindaris, land revenue admistration units/sub-regional authorities under the British and the Princely States’ Rulesin India till Independence in 1947. These Samsthans/Zamindars/ Jagirdars were ‘Chieftains’ of their own territories and ruled from ‘Palaces’ located in their Capital city/town. The palaces and historic areas of old Samsthan/Zamindari settlements represent local histories whose significance, memory, heritage needs to be preserved for posterity. Gadwa and Wanaparthy were two such towns, which developed mid-17 Century onwards becoming present day Municipalities of different Grades. The Department of Town and Country Planning, Govt. Of Telangana, prepares Master Plans for development of Municipalities. The surviving Fort/Palaces is marked by their present land use in the development plans, unrecognized for thier heritage status, thus posing threat to heritage being erased from collective Urban memory. The case studies presented in this paper are from the ongoing doctoral research work being done by the author at School of Planning and Architecture, Jawaharlal Nehru Architecture and Fine Arts University, Hyderabad, on the topic of ‘Planning for Conservation of Samshtan/Zamindari Palaces of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh’.
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