Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Yezidi women – Crimes against – Iraq"

Even though almost three years have passed since the black banners of the terror organisation, calling themselves the “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria” (ISIS) were first hoisted throughout the Yezidi heartland of Sinjar, the Yezidi community continues to be targeted by ISIS, militias. 300,000 vegetate in camps as Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) in Iraqi Kurdistan; thousands of others have been killed, are missing, or remain in captivity where they are subjected to unspeakable sexual and physical abuse. With deference for these victims of violence, and without detracting from the collective suffering and trauma of the entire Yezidi community of Sinjar (families, women, men, and children alike), the authors have chosen to focus the present article on the plight and misery of the females; who were, and still are, facing despicable sexual abuses, unfathomable atrocities, and unfettered human rights violations. In doing so, they highlight the views of the fundamentalist Islam practiced by ISIS that encourages sex-slavery, while elaborating on the complacent acceptance of ISIS terror tactics by the local Sunni population of the territories they control. The work goes on to describe how survivors escaped, as well as how they are received and treated by the Yezidi community and state authorities. This discussion includes an overview of the national and international mechanisms available for prosecuting ISIS members for their crimes of genocide against the Yezidi people. The authors further stress that the genocide has contributed to, and even accelerated the process of the Yezidi selfidentification as a unique ethno-religious entity; which, in turn, has produced changes to their religious traditions. These changes will be briefly covered by examining a new approach to the institution of the Kerāfat.

After conquering large swathes of northern Iraq, the Islamic State undertook an aggressive genocidal campaign against the Yezidi people in which they not only executed and enslaved thousands of innocent civilians, but also damaged or destroyed several key Yezidi temples and shrines. Drawing on a small sample of in-depth semi-structured interviews with Yezidi men and women from two regions conquered by the Islamic State, this article documents the effect this wave of persecution has had on these Yezidi individuals. It finds that the attacks by the Islamic State on Yezidis and their heritage sites have caused considerable suffering among the community, in part because of their inability to practise their intangible religious rituals and customs. However, the Yezidi people have also demonstrated remarkable resistance and resilience to the Islamic State genocide in terms of returning to their ancient homelands, reconstructing their heritage sites and the re-emergence of their intangible religious heritage practices. The article concludes by noting that the new insights gleaned from these interviews are a step towards better understanding the relationship between tangible and intangible heritage in the wake of conflict, genocide and mass heritage destruction.

Several questions remain unanswered in light of the heinous crimes against women committed by ISIS in Iraq. This article will examine Iraq's current criminal framework to see if prosecutions for these violations were appropriate in light of international criminal law principles and the security council measures taken after ISIS took control of Mosul and other areas in Iraq in 2014. As an illustration of the kinds of topics we will cover in this paper: Is the Iraqi criminal justice system capable of investigating and holding ISIS accountable? Why did the Iraqi government make a request to the Security Council for help in 2017 if the reaction is positive? In light of what Iraqi women have been subjected to for three years now? While Iraq's criminal framework may have a legislative vacuum or contradiction, why did the Council of Representatives of Iraq not address these issues in its legislative policy, either by amending current legislation or drafting a new law to prosecute crimes like genocide or crimes? Against humanity, in the first place?.

Since 2014, Daesh has been perpetrating mass atrocities against the population of Syria and Iraq, and beyond, and especially, crimes targeting religious minorities in Syria and Iraq. These included atrocities specifically targeting women and girls, including, rape, sexual abuse, and sexual slavery, and many more. Nonetheless, Daesh fighters are not being prosecuted for such crimes against women and girls and their (few) prosecutions are being conducted for terror-related offences only. The paper explores the use by Daesh of rape and sexual violence against minority women and girls. It considers some of the evidence of the use of rape and sexual violence in conflict, and most specifically, in the case study regarding the genocide committed by Daesh. It further examines the necessary changes that need to happen to address the issue. This includes an analysis of what legal measures have been taken to date to bring the Daesh perpetrators to justice, and specifically, for their atrocities perpetrated against women and girls.

Brutality and sexual violence perpetrated by the Islamic State (IS) group against women and girls held in captivity have left traumatic effects on survivors and their communities. In this context, the German federal state of Baden-Württemberg launched a novel ‘Special Quota’ Humanitarian Admissions Programme to receive one thousand vulnerable women and children. They are predominantly from the Yezidi religious minority in Iraq and its autonomous Kurdistan Region. The programme serves as a noble precedent for new and expanded forms of international protection to those affected by conflict-related sexual violence and associated trauma. This article draws, however, on interviews with participants of the programme in order to consider critically the gendered assumptions embedded within its design, implementation and related discourse. Research findings indicate that explicit exclusion of all adult male family members from accompanying the vulnerable “womenandchildren” [1]to Germany is against the wishes and self-perceived best interests of some women survivors. Moreover, women’s inability to maintain family unity compounds their lack of agency to determine the conditions of their own recovery and future within the programme framework.[1] This article borrows the one-word compound term coined by feminist writer Cynthia Enloe to evoke the treatment of women within a conflated conceptual category of diminished personal agency and essentialised vulnerability.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIXelaskirina yên saxmayî. Jinên êzidî, Dewleta Îslamî û bernameya Almanyayê ya qebûlê Wehşet û şideta cinsî ya ji hêla Dewleta Îslamî pêk hatî li hember jin û keçên dîl tesîrên trawmatîk li ser ên xelasbûyî û li ser cemaetên wan hiştiye. Di vê çarçoveyê de, eyaleta Alman a Baden-Württemberg bernameyeke nû “Kotaya Taybet” a Bernameya Însanî ya Qebûlkirinê da destpêkirin da ku hezar jin û zarokên di rewşa hesas de qebûl bike. Ew jî bi piranî ji kêmîneya olî ya êzidiyan pêk tên li Iraqê û li Herêma Otonom ya Kurdistanê. Bername wek pêşengeke hêja ye ji bo awayên nû û berfireh ên vehewandin û parastina navneteweyî ji wan kesan re ku ketine ber şideta seksî ya ji ber şer û trawmayên ji wê çêbûyî. Ev meqale xwe dispêre hevpeyvînên ligel beşdarên bernameyê ji bo ku bi awayekî rexneyî li wan pêşferzên cinsî yên di binyad û dîzayn û tetbîq û gotara wê de. Encamên lêkolîne nîşan didin ku bi eşkereyî rênedana hemû endamên mêr ên malbatê da ligel “jin û zarokên” di rewşa hesas de werin Almanyayê li dijî daxwaz û baştirîn feydeya (bi baweriya wan) hin ji wan jinên xelasbûyî ye. Herwiha, zehmetiya jinan ji bo parastina yekîtiya malbatên xwe kêmasiya bikeriya wan jî xurttir dike ku ew bi xwe karibin biryarê bigrin ji bo şert û mercên qencbûna xwe û dahatûya xwe di nav çarçoveya bernameyê de.ABSTRACT IN SORANIRizgarkrdinî zîndûmawan, jinanî êzdî, Dewlletî Îslamî û programî wergirtinî EllmanîEw weḧşiyet û tundûtîjîye sêksîyey û ke le layen grupî Dewlletî Îslamîyewe le dijî jinan û kiçanî be dîlgraw hatote encam dan, karîgerîy tirawmatîkî le ser zîndûmawan û komellgakanyan be cê hêştûwe. Lem kontêkste da wîlayetî fîdirrallîy Baden Wurtembêrgî Ellmanya programêkî be nawî pişkî taybet (Special Quota) dest pê kird ke brîtîye le prrogramêkî xêrxwazîy bo wergirtin, bo pêşwazîkirdin le yek hezar jin û mindallî brînbar. Zortirînyan ser be kemîney ayînî êzdîn le 'Êraq û herêmî Kurdistanin. Ew prrograme wek despêşxerîyekî nayab şwênî xoy kirdotewe bo brewdan be şêwazî nwêtir û berfrawantirî parastinî nêwneteweyî bo ewaney ke kewtûnete jêr karîgerîy tundûtîjîy sêksî û ew tirawmayey ke bew hoyewe tûşyan bûwe. Le ser binemay çawpêkewtingelî encamdraw legell beşdarbûwanî programeke da em meqaleye be şêweyekî rexnegirane ew grîmane cenderîyane şî dekatewe ke le naw nawerrok û şêwazî cêbecêkirdin û gutarî peywendîdar dan. Encamekanî lêkollînewe derî dexen ke xistinederî tewawî endame nêrînekanî xêzan ke hawşanî "jinan û mindallan"î brînbar birron bo Ellmanya le dijî wîst û pêdawîstîye kesîyekanî hendêk le jine zîndumawekane. Herweha nebûnî twanayîy ewey ke jinekan xêzanekanyan be yekgirtûwîy bihêllinewe, rêga le karabûnyan degirêt le pêkhênanî mercekanî çareserî û dahatûyan le çwarçêwey ew programe da.

Rape has been used as a tool of war throughout the history of mankind. With the establishment of the International Criminal Court, rape was included in the Rome Statute, being internationally recognized as a war crime, a crime against humanity and a means to commit genocide. The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, in its war to establish the caliphate, has carried out a campaign of sexual violence against women of religious minorities such as the Yazidi. This article examines the evolution of the definition of rape in International Criminal Law and applies the current definition to the crimes committed by ISIS against the Yazidi. The study assesses the elements of the actus reus of genocide and considers that the actions carried out by the Islamic State towards the Yazidi could qualify as a genocide by means of rape.

The importance of research: The heavenly canons and all laws affirm the guarantee of everyone's right to life, but a look at daily practices reveals that a large number of women are killed daily under the background of honor killings. His race and his religion, is considered today a necessity and a priority heavily placed on the collective conscience. The exacerbation of the phenomenon of honor murders, or the liquidation of women who has rebel against family laws, and the pretext that she is an adulterer, is a dangerous indication of underestimating the right of women to life and is a sign of social discrimination practiced on the basis of gender. The phenomenon of the exacerbation of honor murders indicates a crisis of relationships within the family and society, a crisis of relations within the community of women, the continued dominance of some customs over laws in contemporary societies, and the institutionalization of violence against women and their sacrifice. Iraq society is a tribal society and accepts the idea of killing of women as a means of dishonor. However, killings under this concept have increased as a result of the tyranny of tribal values, and they increased even more after the occupation of Iraq on 9/ 4 / 2003 Research objectives: abolishing the legal articles that encourage the killing of women under any pretext, and making the crime of murder under the pretext of washing shame a premeditated murder, like all murders, and subject to its provisions without wearing the garment of a mitigating excuse and allowing the perpetrators to escape from punishment and activating the implementation of international conventions and respecting them. Part of the national legislation for ratification by Iraq. As well as respect for the constitutional texts being the highest in the application. When talking about treating this crime and setting up a solution for it, the law must be the other side, without a law that protects women, clarifies the limits and provisions of this crime, and establishes appropriate punishment for its images in a way that does not allow the perpetrators to escape from punishment, then there will be no benefit from all that was said It is said about violence against women.

In January 2012, the Secretary of State, in accordance with Section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), designated the Islamic State in Iraq Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO). Based on this, the United States could take administrative measures against foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) associated with IS, including women. As of January 2023, the United States had formally repatriated 39 citizens. At least 11 more citizens returned of their own accord outside of formal processes, including two women. To date, 11 adults affiliated with the Islamic State, formally repatriated from Syria and Iraq to the United States, have faced charges for terrorism-related crimes. The aim of this research is to characterize the approach to female terrorist returnees in the United States. The following research problem is central to this article: How does the United States deal with the prosecution and conviction of women returnees involved in the activities of the Islamic State? The author focused research on case studies. Research methods include: analysis, synthe-sis, classification, generalization, and statistical data analysis. Women who are left on their own and remain in camps and prisons in Iraq and Syria can impose the ideology of the Islamic State on others, including their children. It is important not to treat the problem of repatriation, rehabilitation, and reintegration of camp residents shortsightedly and to take a long-term solution.

The issue is considered, which aims to establish the connection between violence against women and armed conflict and to determine the different degrees of severity of this crime in international law and in national criminal legislation.The analysis of modern international relations shows that humanity has not yet managed to get rid of wars and other armed conflicts, which are mostly armed conflicts of a non-international nature. This is evidenced by the events in the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Afghanistan, Iraq, Liberia, and the Caucasus, and since 2014 Ukraine has not been an exception, the international armed conflict on whose territory since February 24, 2022 has grown into a full-scale war waged by the Russian Federation on the scale of which Europe has not knew since the Second World War.Modern international relations are characterized by a change in the nature of the conflict, the emergence of a number of new categories and situations, an increase in the number of victims among the civilian population, and the increasing internationalization of armed conflicts of a non-international nature. In this regard, the question of the qualification of various manifestations of genocide is extremely relevant, especially in the conditions of the ongoing full-scale war unleashed by Russia.Special attention is paid by the author to the provisions of the statute of the International Criminal Court and the statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, which essentially form the modern doctrine of criminal responsibility for war crimes and the crime of genocide.It is worth noting that violence against a woman appears as a war crime in most cases when participants in a military conflict commit acts that constitute the crime of rape for personal purposes, but as soon as these acts appear within the policy or plan of the leadership, they are committed by order of the command and for the purpose of intimidation, in the context of ethnic cleansing, inflicting severe psychological trauma, extermination of a certain group of people united by any features that are common to such a group and identify it, we can clearly speak about the presence of a crime against humanity in the actions of criminals and genocide. We must also state that violence against women was and remains an integral element of armed conflict, and unlike the precedent of the terrible rampant violence witnessed by the world community in the former Yugoslavia, which became known mainly thanks to the work of the Tribunal, other armed conflicts do not give us such the completeness of consideration of the scale of violence against women, since these crimes are ignored, and due to the lack of an effective mechanism for bringing criminals to justice, we do not have the ability to assess the full scale of crimes committed against women during the conflict. There is hope that this situation will change, since the IСС is functioning, which should effectively resolve such situations.This article actually confirms the relevance of the application of international humanitarian law in national legislation and points to significant gaps that cannot be filled without the help of international law as a whole.With his work, the author tries to draw the attention of domestic legislators to the problems of implementing international humanitarian law into the national law of Ukraine, and to single out the most important directions in this area.

The World Economic Forum in its report, The Global Gender Gap Index 2020, ranked Pakistan at 151th position out of 153 countries just above Iraq and Yemen. Women form almost 50% of Pakistan’s total population yet the laws generally lag in properly addressing crimes that violate or deprive the rights of women and girls in the country. Even the laws designed to address issues related to gender-based violence like the “The Protection Against Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, 2010” lacks in its purview by not granting protection to women who work in informal workplaces. Despite the Constitution of the country granting rights to each citizen irrespective of their gender and status, discrimination and violence against women and girls is pretty pertinent in Pakistan. This paper takes into account the harrowing situation of gender parity in Pakistan by discussing statistics from different reports and studies while illuminating the gap between rhetoric and implementation on state level. And in that context argues that the state should move to ‘securitize’ the issue of ‘Gender (In)security’, given that it concerns a large portion of its population. Gender Security is also an extremely important factor in achievement of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The paper also puts forth recommendations for all three pillars of the state i.e., executive, parliament and judiciary for the addressal of these issues.

The plight of women and girls in Iraq predates the U.S-led invasion in 2003. Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) is strongly linked to the widespread use of violence within the country, be it in the state’s relationship with society or in relationships within society itself. Lawlessness and recurring armed conflicts have undermined the mechanisms in place for protecting women, which were already inadequate and unable to protect them in peacetime, amid a widespread ‘victim-blaming’ mentality. Conflicts in Iraq not only fostered an enabling environment for violence, but also saw various parties use SGBV against women and girls as a means for imposing political agendas and a justification for the destruction of their adversaries. Discrimination, a lack of gender equality and equity, and the stereotyping of gender roles in relation to family, society, and the law, are among the main factors that fuel the existence and persistence of sexual violence, both in peacetime and in war. Some forms of SGBV against women and girls that had, in general, been previously tolerated in Iraqi society have been criminalized in recent years. The heinous crimes committed by ISIS against women and girls in the vast areas under the group’s occupation raised international attention and were widely denounced. This led to increased documentation of sexual violence against women and girls, as evidenced by the monitoring of sexual violence crimes and violations in the reports of local organisations and local media outlets and news agencies. Nevertheless, efforts by Iraqi government institutions to document and categorise SGBV are wanting. Victims face stigma, blame, and discrimination by their families, society, and those working in referral system institutions, which further undermines access to justice, reparations, and protection. One of the main reason for the persistence of SGBV is the reluctance of victims and survivors to come forward and report these types of violations

The crime of genocide is one of the most serious crimes against humanity as it affects the life، freedom، rights or humanity of a group of people، and these crimes collectively constitute what are called humanitarian crimes. The crime of genocide is considered relatively recent at the international level، as it did not appear in its current form until after World War II. Here، the talk about Anfal is a talk about campaigns of executions، mass killings and organized extermination according to all standards. This means that Anfal was the first step to annihilate the Kurdish community. The destruction of villages in Kurdistan and the displacement of the population into the open to get rid of their identity forever. The strategy of the Anfal operations campaigns was to destroy all the defensive capabilities of the Kurdistan community. Anfal، according to international standards of crimes، falls within the framework of genocide (genocide). In this research، some descriptive statistical methods were used، such as graphs، circuit diagrams، graphs، and some statistical analyzes to obtain acceptable and accurate results. In managing affairs and responsibilities، that is، targeting this group to paralyze those minorities of women in general and men in particular proves and embodies the concept of genocide in its true meaning in terms of reproduction and the management of public and private responsibilities. The Anfal community، whose numbers were approximately 182،000، where the number of victims was more than 70،000 victims، and the percentage of them can be observed in the conclusions paragraph. This also indicates the concept of genocide، and this in itself is another evidence of the extermination of a young and active age group in society.

The research aims to define the domestic violence that is committed against women, and to indicate the effects that can result from it, and to clarify its forms, and how the Iraqi legislator confronted this type of violence, which is considered the most dangerous. As it affects the family and threatens its entity and stability, and the harmful effects which may be resulting from that on society. And we have determine the topic of research in the Act of Combating Domestic Violence in Kurdistan Region, because it‘s the only special legislation issued in Iraq until now against the crimes of domestic violence, and we will discuss its provisions to identify if it succeeded in combating that crime or not? Some of its results is: the Act of Combating Domestic Violence didn't give enough protection for women against violence, and included contradictions between its provisions on the one hand, and between the legal and constitutional provisions on the other hand, as well as its dereliction in regulating many necessary maters, and as a result of this incomplete regulation, This law does not suitable for execution, and needs to be modified to be more effective in confronting these crimes.

The present study has investigated the massacre committed by the Iraqi army in 1933 against the defenseless Assyrians in the village of Simele, located 16 km west of the city of Dohuk. A few days before the massacre, the Iraqi government asked the Assyrians in the neighboring villages to gather in Simele to come under the protection of the police station and Iraq’s flag. Most of the books and previous studies on modern and contemporary history of the Assyrians as well as the attempts of the Iraqi government to hide the truth have been reviewed. A study carried out by the English inspector in Mosul, Lt. Col. Ronald Stafford, entitled “The Tragedy of the Assyrians”, Mr. Odisho Barzana’s book “Hardship Years : The Battle of Derbon and the Tragedy of Simele”, and Abd Al-Razzaq al-Hasani’s book “The History of the Iraqi Ministries” are considered the most reliable sources on that massacre. Both Stafford and Barzana participated in the events and are considered eyewitnesses, but Al-Hasani’s book represents the viewpoint of the official Iraqi government. He recorded the government’s statements on the events, and thus moved away from the facts. It is worth mentioning that the Al-Hassni has lived the era, but his book is only an official document on the formation of the Iraqi governments in the royal era, their actions and the most prominent events in Iraq. Nevertheless, the book is of a great importance in which a researcher can extract useful information from it. The testimonies of women and boys or girls who witnessed the horrifying massacre with their own eyes are important documents that reveal the untold story and refute the government’s story about what really happened in Simele. The League of Nations recorded these testimonies and kept them in a special file. After studying and investigating the aforementioned and many other sources, it was crystal clear that what happened in Simele was premediated. Accordingly, the massacre is to be considered crimes against humanity in general and Genocide, in particular. Consequently, the Iraqi Council of Representatives (the Parliament) and the Iraqi government should recognize the massacre of Semeil as a crime against humanity and that the Iraqi army and the government were involved in that crime. Moreover, they should offer an official apology to the victims and their relatives who remained alive, and that they compensate the families of the victims who witnessed the massacre with their own eyes. Indeed, the prophecy of W. A. Wigram and E. T. A Wigram was fulfilled when they indicated in their book “The Cradle of Mankind” that massacres could actually take place and the perpetrators would not be punished if the slaughterers were strong and ferocious enough (The Cradle of Humankind: p. 338 ). Unsurprisingly, the failure to hold the Iraqi government accountable for its crimes against humanity at that time encouraged the successive Iraqi governments in Iraq to commit other crimes against humanity, especially against the Kurds. The crimes reached its climax in the Anfal (genocide) operations committed against the Kurds in 1988. Moreover, the crimes of the terrorists against the Iraqi people in general, and the Yazidi Kurds, in particular in August 2014 have also to considered crimes against humanity as well. The terrorists of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) invaded the lands of the Yazidi Kurds, killed their men, enslaved their women and children, and made their money their booty in front of the civilized world and still thousands of Yazidis are still missing.

Genocide of Yazidis by the Islamic State IS has received wide attention by the international media outlets. The Islamic State has killed thousands of civilians, captured and raped hundreds of women. Despite the delay in the Western political stand, specifically the German stand, regarding ISIS’s occupation of the Yazidi areas, German media had an active role in shedding light on the crimes committed by ISIS and determining its danger to the future of peaceful coexistence in Nineveh Governorate, which is a center for religious and ethnic minorities in Iraq. This paper sheds light on the characteristics of the German media coverage (Tagesschau 24 TV channel and website of Der Spiegel magazine 2014 - 2021) towards the Genocide of Yazidis, starting with the entry of the Islamic State to their areas, the kill of thousands of civilians and the taking of women as slaves, raping and selling them in the slave market in the city of Mosul. In the paper, we use the descriptive method to understand the media texts that dealt with the genocide of Yazidis. describe a sample of the news, reports, interviews and articles. The paper concluded that the coverage of the Tagesschau 24 TV channel and website of Der Spiegel magazine for the genocide of Yazidis was extensive to a large extent. The media coverage of the two institutions revealed the relationship between mismanagement and political chaos in Iraq and the success of the Islamic State IS in occupying the Yazidi areas. There was sympathy for the Yazidis who were exterminated because of their religious affiliation.

المستلخص:الفساد الاداري والمالي في الع ا رق وأثره الاقتصادي والاجتماعي (اسبابه، انواعه، مظاهره، وسبلمعالجته). تعد ظاهرة الفساد الاداري والمالي من الظواهر الخطیرة التي تواجه البلدان، وعلى الاخصالدول النامیة، اذ اخذت تنحر في جسم مجتمعاتها، بدأت بالامن وما تبعه من شلل في عملیة البناءوالتنمیة الاقتصادیة والتي تنطوي على تدمیر الاقتصاد والقدرة المالیة والاداریة وبالتالي عجز الدولة علىمواجهة تحدیات اعمار أو اعادة اعمار وبناء البنى التحتیة، وت ا زید الاهتمام بقضیة الفساد منذ النصفالثاني من ثمانینات القرن الماضي، نظ ا ر" لطبیعة الاثار السلبیة للفساد وعلى التنمیة الاقتصادیةوالاجتماعیة، لقد تضمن البحث تحدید مفهوم الفساد الاداري والمالي وتحدید مظاهره واسبابه واثارهوانواعه والمعالجات والحلول للفساد الاداري والمالي في الع ا رق، مع بیان أهم المناهج الفكریة التي تعنيبد ا رسته فضلا" عن الجهات المسؤولة على مكافحته في الع ا رق. أما الغرض من البحث هو التوصل الىجملة من الاستنتاجات والتوصیات التي تؤید ان الفساد الاداري والمالي ظاهرة قدیمة اصابت الجهازالاداري في الع ا رق منذ تأسیس الدولة الع ا رقیة في القرن الماضي و ا زدت حدنها بعد عام 1968 لكنها2003 . ومن اهم التوصیات التي نوصي بها هي أهمیة /4/ اصبحت اكثر وضوحا" بعد احداث 9تطویر قوانین مكافحة الفساد باستم ا رر وفرض العقوبات الصارمة على مرتكبي ج ا رئم الفساد ومعاقبةالمنحرفین من كبار المسؤولین. ومهما تعددت مكونات الفساد وأسبابه فان نتائجه تصب في وعاء واحدإلا وهو الهدر الاقتصادي للموارد المادیة والمالیة للمجتمع.ونخلص من كل ما تقدم ان مسؤولیة خلق بیئة نظیفة من أفة الفساد هي مسؤولیة تضامنیة تعاونیة لایمكن أن تحقق اغ ا رضها الا بتظافر جهود الدولة والمواطن، ومؤسسات المجتمع المدني .الكلمات المفتاحیة : الفساد الاداري والمالي، الآثار الاقتصادیة والاجتماعیة.96AbstractFinancial and administrative corruption in Iraq and economic and socialimpact (its causes, types, manifestations, and ways to treat). is the phenomenonof financial and administrative corruption of dangerous phenomena facingcountries, particularly developing countries, as it took the slave women in thebody of their communities, began to security and the subsequent paralysis inconstruction and economic development process, which involves thedestruction of the economy and the financial and administrative capacity andhence the state deficit to meet the challenges of reconstruction or thereconstruction and rebuilding of the infrastructure, and the increased attentionto the issue of corruption since the second half of the eighties of the lastcentury, because of "the nature of the negative effects of corruption and theeconomic and social development, has The research includes defining theconcept of financial and administrative corruption and to identifymanifestations, causes, effects and types of processors and solutions to thecorruption of administrative and financial in Iraq, with an indication of themost important intellectual curriculum, which means his studies as well as "allthose responsible to combat in Iraq. The purpose of the research is to reach anumber of conclusions and recommendations supports that the administrativeand financial corruption old phenomenon hit the administrative apparatus inIraq since the founding of the Iraqi state in the last century and increasedHdnha after 1968 but became more pronounced "after the events of 9/4/2003 0,and the most important recommendations that we recommend is the importanceof the development of anti-corruption laws constantly and the imposition ofstrict sanctions against the perpetrators of crimes of corruption and punishdeviants senior Almaolin. and no matter how many components of corruption,its causes, the results are in one pot, but it is economic waste material andfinancial resources of the community.We conclude from all of the above that the responsibility to create a cleanenvironment from the scourge of corruption is the responsibility of cooperativesolidarity can not achieve its objectives, but Ptzafar efforts of the State and thecitizen, and civil society institutions .Key words: administrative and financial corruption, economic and socialeffects.