Literatura académica sobre el tema "Women interior decorators"

Women’s development has been considered the key to the overall development of the nation. The educated women do not want their lives to stay in the four walls of the house. They demand equal respect from their partners. Today in India with growing population we want to take necessary steps to nurture entrepreneurship particularly women empowerment through entrepreneurship. In this process women need to realize their strength, weaknesses, opportunities and threats to come out their potential in order to achieve their goals. Moreover they want new opportunities for self- fulfilment. The opportunities provided to the women of digital era are growing rapidly that the job seekers are turning into creators. They are emerging as designers, interior decorators, publishers, manufacturers and still exploring new avenues of economic participation. This paper highlights the problems and opportunities of women entrepreneurs in India.

It is a deeply rooted belief that women possess a richer colour vocabulary than men (Rich, 1977). According to Lakoff, certain adjectives denoting colour (e.g. mauve) would never be naturally chosen by men unless they were «imitating a woman sarcastically, or a homosexual, or an interior decorator» (1973, p. 49). Are these affirmations adjusted to our present reality? Nowadays, colour is present in almost every economic sector. Consequently, a proficient use of colour vocabulary is expected from professionals, regardless of their gender. Hence, if the differences in colour vocabulary are learnt and highly dependent on the user’s necessities and expectations, then said differences after globalisation and exposure to the Internet should not be so striking. With this objective in mind, this study analyses colour elicitation performed by university students. Both their descriptive capacity and colour lexicon availability are measured depending on students’ colour terms usage. Furthermore, potential reasons for variation are provided.

The burial complex of an armed woman was investigated in 1988 on the outskirts of the town Gorodyshche in Cherkasy region. The design of the burial complex combines features characteristic of both nomadic Scythians and the local forest-steppe population. The funeral inventory of the deceased is made up of objects typical of the Scythians: meat food on a wooden plate, two spears, a set of 11 arrows with bronze arrowheads; a bone cheek-piece and jewelery — gold earrings, a pendant and neck hryvnia tips. By all indications (a specially erected kurhan, the powerful wooden construction, the size and interior of the grave, decorations made of precious metal), the buried woman belonged to a small group of commanders or leaders of a certain fighting unit of the Scythians. It is possible that this Amazon could lead one of the Scythian squads that controlled certain sections of land communications through which trade flows took place. She could also lead a militarized unit of mercenaries who served the local aristocracy. In any case, she was buried as a Scythian warrior. This complex replenishes a small series of 27 graves of the Amazons in the forest-steppe Dnieper region and dates from the first half of the 4th century BC.

AbstractOur ideas of what 17th century Dutch interiors looked like have been conditioned by the hundreds of paintings of interiors by Dutch genre painters. Even restorations and reconstructions in our own time (fig. 1) are influenced significantly by them. It is therefore of vital importance to our knowledge of the history of Dutch interior decoration to realise what we can or cannot believe, and to compare these genre interiors with other sources such as probate inventories, building specifications, plans, conditions of sale, contemporary descriptions such as travellers' reports, etc. It is the combination of these different types of information that enables them to supplement and correct each other. Since the fixed interior fittings are not usually mentioned in probate inventories, it is even more important to weigh all the available evidence by critical analysis. The scope of this article allows me to discuss only a few of the many features; I shall therefore restrict my comments to the fixed decorations and closely associated features. This discourse is therefore in part a comment on Peter Thornton's book Seventeenth Century Interior Decoration in England, France and Holland, who made extensive use of Dutch genre paintings but, unfortunately, could not compare them with inventories of Dutch burghers (other than with the published inventories of the princes of the House of Orange) or with other written Dutch sources. The main starting point is a well-known picture by Emanuel de Witte in the Museum Boijmans Van Beuningcn in Rotterdam, of which a second version is kept in Montreal (fig. 2-3); hardly any other genre interior has been so consistently used as a prototype for a Dutch 17th century interior. The room in the foreground shows a woman sitting at a virginal, a common feature in Dutch houses of the period, while on the left a man is sleeping in a bed; during this period, wealthier people were only just starting to differentiate between living-rooms and bedchambers, and a combination of the two functions was still quite common. The ceiling, however, shows that the tie-beams do not run parallel to the façade as they ought to, but perpendicular to it. This is clearly an instance of artistic licence, so that the horizontal lines of the beams can close off the composition at the top. Behind this room is the entrance hall, with two more rooms behind. An enfilade of this kind is out of the question in a Dutch house at that time, even in a country house. Here the artist has allowed the emphasis on the perspective view and spatial relationships within the painting to prevail over reality, a common feature in most other Dutch genre interiors (fig. 4). Floors with intricate patterns of contrasting marble slabs are a predominant element in these perspective paintings. They can be seen in most genre pictures from the middle and third quarter of the 17th century. However, very few such floors actually survive. There is a rare example, dating from 1661, in the museum 'Our Good Lord in the Attic' at Amsterdam (fig. 6). At that time Amsterdam was a port of transit for marble and stone from Italy and other countries. Travellers reported seeing patterned marble floors in Amsterdam, although most floors of this kind arc likely to have been in official or public buildings. Their prevalence in the residences of burghers is open to question. Only a few building specifications describe them, while explicit references to expensive wooden floors in rich houses have been found. For instance, in one of the most luxurious Amsterdam residences, the mansion of the Bartolotti family, only two such floors were added between 1649 and 1664, in which latter year the rooms in question were particularised in the inventory as 'stone' chambers. This specific indication is in itself proof of how rare marble floors were, for such designations occur only sporadically in inventories of the period (e.g. of the Trippenhuis). In the elaborate descriptions of his important commissions between 1637 and 1670 (fig. 7) the architect Philips Vingboons always mentions marble floors when there are any: altogether, he describes 'Italian' floors four times. They are however quite plain, consisting solely of white slabs; only in two instances was the white marble relieved by blue or red strips specially cut for this use. The fact that this prominent architect dwells so proudly on this feature demonstrates how exceptional it was; elsewhere he invariably speaks of Prussian deals. Several designs by the architect Pieter Post for interiors of burgher houses survive, some even with patterns for marble floors. Again, though, they are very simplc (fig. 8-9), the more elaborate ones being meant for an entrance hall (fig. 10). And we know from the records that wooden floors were preferred for a house which Post built in Dordrecht, even in the reception rooms. Similarly, a third well-known architect, Adriaen Dortsman, designed stone and marble floors only for the basement and corridors of the house he built for Jan Six in 1666 (fig. 11) - not, however, for the main rooms. Examples like these, moreover, apply to the houses of the absolute upper class in Amsterdam, the richest city in Holland. Marble and stone floors were in fact largely confined to halls and corridors, as in the palace Huis ten Bosch built by Pieter Post (fig. 12-13). Of the other palaces belonging to the Prince of Orange, only Rijswijk was famous for its marble floors in most of the rooms (fig. 14). The rooms in the two earliest 17th-century dolls houses, dating from the 1670s, do not have marble floors either, except for the entrance hall (fig. 15); a slightly later one has a marble floor in the hall and the best kitchen, but also in the lying-in chamber (fig. 16). These Amsterdam dolls houses again clearly indicate a preference for wooden floors in reception and living rooms. The rarity of marble floors in living rooms is understandable, since they struck cold and were uncomfortable to dwell on. In the front halls, where marble or stone floors were much more common, there was usually a wooden platform (called a zoldertje) for people to sit on (fig. 19). All this is borne out by one quantitative source: a series of the conditions of sale pertain ing to houses in the city of Haarlem over a period of sixty years. Although they concern the second half of the 18th century, a considerable number of 17th-century interior features were still preserved. No fewer than approximately 5000 different houses are described in this source: by then nearly all larger houses had marble entrance halls and corridors, most of them dating from the 18th century; however, a total of no more than nine living rooms arc mentioned as having marble or stone floors! All these considerations lead to the conclusion that, although marble floors did exist in the houses of Dutch burghers, they were

This study aims to provide basic data for clothing education by exploring Aurinasian culture and its clothing practices. The content focuses on culture and clothing in the pre-Upper Paleolithic period, the characteristics of Arinasian culture, and Arinasian clothing. The study was conducted through a comprehensive literature review. The findings revealed that, first, pre-Upper Paleolithic cultures evolved into Oldowan, Acheulean, and Mousterian cultures based on stone tool development. In the case of clothing, Homo erectus used a waist cover, while Neanderthals wore capes and loose top and bottom garments. The evidence suggests that Neanderthals began coloring the human body and interior with fur coverings. Additionally, it was found that Homo sapiens wore accessories such as ostrich egg beads and shell necklaces as social symbols. Second, the Aurinacian culture, dating between 43,000 and 24,000 years ago, marked the initial stage of the Upper Paleolithic and spanned mainly from Western Europe to Siberia. This period was marked by cultural innovation, featuring advanced stone and bone tools as well as exquisite artworks like the Chauvet Cave paintings, the first Venus and flute, and the Lion Man. Third, Arinasian clothing is presumed to be based on leather for both men and women, with coloring, fringe, and bead decoration. Men wore pullover shirts and pants, while women wore simple dresses. Jewelry items included pendants, beads, ivory rings, and necklaces made of animal teeth or shells. Accessories were found to have not only aesthetic value but also served as expressive symbols representing group membership, social status, and wealth. The study suggests that the Aurinacian period was characterized by transitioning toward a clothing concept that introduced decorations to simple clothes. Moreover, this era marked the establishment of clothing as a social symbol, reflecting not only belonging but also status and wealth.

Vanda Juhansoo. Artist or Eccentric Woman?Estonian Museum of Applied Art and Design18.01.–01.03.2020, Tartu City Museum 19.06.–26.09.2021.Exhibition curated by: Andreas Kalkun (Estonian Literary Museum)and Rebeka Põldsam, graphic design: Stuudio Stuudio. Vanda Juhansoo (1889–1966) was by education a porcelain painter and furniture designer; she was, however, known as a textile and craft artist, traveller, polyglot, notable art teacher, interior decorator, advocate of women’s craft, soroptimist and gardener. Sometimes she was also known as the ‘Witch of Valgemetsa’. She graduated from the Central School of Applied Arts Ateneum in Finland, which makes her one of the first Estonian women artists with a higher education at the beginning of the 20th century. Even though Vanda Juhansoo specialised in ceramics and furniture design, as a student she received the most recognition (as well as travel grants) for her embroidery. From then on, Vanda spent her next thirty summers travelling in Europe. Between 1912 and 1945, she exhibited her ceramics, embroidered doilies and curtains in various places, including the first ever Estonian women artists’ show in 1939. Vanda Juhansoo worked with the Kodukäsitöö limited company, that had been established in 1927 with the aim of reducing unemployment among women. Alongside craft and women’s magazines, the Kodukäsitöö was the most significant promoter of women’s craft in Estonia, regularly organising exhibition-sales and taking Estonian craft to international shows. Unfortunately, most of Vanda Juhansoo’s oeuvre was so ephemeral that there is very little trace of it now. The Karilatsi Open Air Museum near Vanda’s home in Valgemetsa and the collection of the Estonian National Museum hold items given to the museum by Vanda’s cousin’s family, which Vanda herself most likely wore – these are made to fit her petite size and there are photos of Vanda wearing these garments. Her signature style used floral motifs embroidered onto the thin textiles she wove herself. Like a painter, she spent hours embroidering, casting ethnographic patterns aside when creating her original designs. Even though the Estonian National Museum has exhibited Vanda Juhansoo’s embroidered cardigans as examples of Estonian folk art, these are, in fact, clearly original artistic designs. After World War II, Vanda stopped exhibiting and publishing her patterns in craft magazines. Instead, she committed herself to teaching drawing and supervised a number of children’s art classes in Tartu that produced many wellknown artists. The memory of Vanda has largely been kept alive by her students, who remember her as a particularly bright and optimistic person. In addition to her embroidery, Vanda’s original style remained visible as she expressed it in her memorable multicoloured hair nets and abundant jewellery, as well as in the striking Valgemetsa summer house and garden. The curators tried to trace back and recreate some of the wonderful world that Vanda created all around herself with her designs, handicraft, paintings, photos and memories from museums, archives, and from people who knew her. Looking at the life, work and legacy of Vanda Juhansoo, the exhibition asked: What were the choices for women artists in Estonia at the beginning of the 20th century? Why are Vanda’s works found mainly in the collections of ethnographic memory institutions rather than in art museums? Why did Vanda become the so-called ‘Witch of Valgemetsa’ and not a recognised applied artist? In the present review, the reception of the exhibition is summarised and juxtaposed with the few studies on Vanda Juhansoo’s textile work from the perspective of craft studies and the history of applied art.

Vanda Juhansoo. Artist or Eccentric Woman?Estonian Museum of Applied Art and Design18.01.–01.03.2020, Tartu City Museum 19.06.–26.09.2021.Exhibition curated by: Andreas Kalkun (Estonian Literary Museum)and Rebeka Põldsam, graphic design: Stuudio Stuudio. Vanda Juhansoo (1889–1966) was by education a porcelain painter and furniture designer; she was, however, known as a textile and craft artist, traveller, polyglot, notable art teacher, interior decorator, advocate of women’s craft, soroptimist and gardener. Sometimes she was also known as the ‘Witch of Valgemetsa’. She graduated from the Central School of Applied Arts Ateneum in Finland, which makes her one of the first Estonian women artists with a higher education at the beginning of the 20th century. Even though Vanda Juhansoo specialised in ceramics and furniture design, as a student she received the most recognition (as well as travel grants) for her embroidery. From then on, Vanda spent her next thirty summers travelling in Europe. Between 1912 and 1945, she exhibited her ceramics, embroidered doilies and curtains in various places, including the first ever Estonian women artists’ show in 1939. Vanda Juhansoo worked with the Kodukäsitöö limited company, that had been established in 1927 with the aim of reducing unemployment among women. Alongside craft and women’s magazines, the Kodukäsitöö was the most significant promoter of women’s craft in Estonia, regularly organising exhibition-sales and taking Estonian craft to international shows. Unfortunately, most of Vanda Juhansoo’s oeuvre was so ephemeral that there is very little trace of it now. The Karilatsi Open Air Museum near Vanda’s home in Valgemetsa and the collection of the Estonian National Museum hold items given to the museum by Vanda’s cousin’s family, which Vanda herself most likely wore – these are made to fit her petite size and there are photos of Vanda wearing these garments. Her signature style used floral motifs embroidered onto the thin textiles she wove herself. Like a painter, she spent hours embroidering, casting ethnographic patterns aside when creating her original designs. Even though the Estonian National Museum has exhibited Vanda Juhansoo’s embroidered cardigans as examples of Estonian folk art, these are, in fact, clearly original artistic designs. After World War II, Vanda stopped exhibiting and publishing her patterns in craft magazines. Instead, she committed herself to teaching drawing and supervised a number of children’s art classes in Tartu that produced many wellknown artists. The memory of Vanda has largely been kept alive by her students, who remember her as a particularly bright and optimistic person. In addition to her embroidery, Vanda’s original style remained visible as she expressed it in her memorable multicoloured hair nets and abundant jewellery, as well as in the striking Valgemetsa summer house and garden. The curators tried to trace back and recreate some of the wonderful world that Vanda created all around herself with her designs, handicraft, paintings, photos and memories from museums, archives, and from people who knew her. Looking at the life, work and legacy of Vanda Juhansoo, the exhibition asked: What were the choices for women artists in Estonia at the beginning of the 20th century? Why are Vanda’s works found mainly in the collections of ethnographic memory institutions rather than in art museums? Why did Vanda become the so-called ‘Witch of Valgemetsa’ and not a recognised applied artist? In the present review, the reception of the exhibition is summarised and juxtaposed with the few studies on Vanda Juhansoo’s textile work from the perspective of craft studies and the history of applied art.

AbstractIn 1623 the Lutherans formed a community in Gouda. They appointed a minister, Clemens Bijleveld from Essen, and held their services in private houses at first. In 1640 'Dc Drie Tafelkaarsen', a house on the Lage Gouwe, was converted into a permanent church for them. Thanks to the Groot Protocol, in which the minutes of the church administration were recorded from this donation until the end of the eighteenth century, it is possible to reconstruct the history of the community. The manuscript also documents important gifts of works of art and church furnishings. In 1642 and 1643 seven large paintings were donated. As we know, Luther did not object to depictions which served to illustrate the Word of God as preached in the sermon. The Dutch Lutheran churches, although more austerely furnished than, say, their German or Norwegian counterparts, were certainly more richly decorated than they are today. The Lutheran church in Leiden houses the most intact ensemble of works of art. Of the seven aforementioned paintings in Gouda, one was donat ed by the preacher himself. It is by the Gouda painter Jan Duif, who depicted Bijleveld as a shepherd (fin. I). The iconography and the biblical captions show that he was presenting himself as a follower of Christ in his quality of a teacher. Two figures in the background, likewise gowned, might be Bijleveld's successors: his nephew (minister from 1655 to 1693) and his nephew's son, both of whom were called Clemens Bijleveld. They were probably added to the panel after the latter's premature death in 1694. The other six paintings were donated bv members of the community and churchwardens. In some of them the donors can be identified with characters in the illustrated episodes from the bible. From the spinsters of the parish came a work depicting the parable of the wise and foolish virgins; the churchwardens, evidently seeing themselves in the guise of the apostles, gave a pedilavium. The widow Hester Claes van Hamborg donated a painting of Simon in the Temple (in which the widow Anna figures prominently), and Catharina Gerdss Rijneveld, probably also widowed, gave Elijah and the widow of Zarephath. The unmarried men of the community presented a painting with a more general subject, the Last Judgment, perhaps intended to be hung above the pulpit. The wealthy Maria Tams gave a work described as 'cen taeffereel of bort van de christ. kercke' la scene or panel of the Christian church]. Exactly what it depicted is unclear. The same Maria Tams was a generous donor of church furniture. She presented a brass chandelier, two brass lecterns (fig. 4), a bible with silver fittings and a clock to remind the preacher of the limited time allotted to his sermon. Important gifts of ecclesiastical silver were made from 1655 on. The most striking items are an octagonal font of 1657 (fig. 5) and a Communion cup of 1661 (fig. 6), both paid for by the proceeds of a collection held among the unmarried men and women of the parish. The decorations on the font include a depiction of Christ as the Good Shepherd. There is also shepherd on the lid of the Communion cup. This element (in view, too, of the indication of the shepherd 'als 't wapen van de kerk' [the church arms] in the Groot Protocol) came to occupy a special place in the imagery of the Lutheran community. More space was required for the growing congregation, In 1680 there was an opportunity to purchase from the municipal council St. Joostenkapel, a mediaeval chapel used as a storeroom at the time. The building, situated on the river Gouwe which flows through the old town centre, was ready for the inaugural service in 1682. It was given ten staincd-glass windows, the work of the Gouda glass painter Willem Tomberg. The glass (along with six of the seven paintings) was sold during the course of renovations in 1838, but thanks to the later secretary of the community, D.J. van Vreumingen, who madc drawings of them and copied the inscriptions, we have an approximate idea of how they looked. Their original positions can also be reconstructed (fig. 13). The windows were largely executed in grisaille, except for the second and eighth, which were more colourful. The seven side-windows with scenes from the life of Christ and the Passion (figs. 8-11) were presented by the minister, his wife and other leading members of the community. The inscriptions on these windows referred to the bible passages they illustrated and to the names of the donors. The three windows at the front were donated by the Gouda municipal council (window 10, fig. 12) and the sympathetic Lutheran communities of Leiden and Essen (windows 8 and 9, figs. 11 and 12). The depiction on the window from Leiden was a popular Lutheran theme: John's vision on Patmos. The candle-stick featuring in this vision was a symbol (as in a print of 1637, for instance) for the Augsburg Confession, on which the Lutheran church was founded. In the eighteenth century occasional additions were made to the inventory, but the nineteenth century was a period of growing austerity. However, the Groot Protocol and Van Vreumingen's notes facilitate the reconstruction of the seventeenth-century interior to a large extent. The iconography of the works of art collected in the course of the years underlined the community's endeavour, in following the teachings of its earthly shepherd, to live according to the Holy Word.

This paper challenges the notion that early interior decorators relied solely on aesthetic criteria to guide their decisions during the design process by suggesting that the selection of certain design motifs and ornamentation were, in fact, vehicles for criticizing particular characteristics of late 19th and early 20th century American society. Two early interior decorators are used as case studies. The first is America’s first self-proclaimed interior decorator, Elsie de Wolfe, who consciously embraced 18th century France as a means of expressing her desire to be an independent, powerful, modern woman of the twentieth century. The second, Dorothy Draper, an interior decorator who pioneered the area of commercial design, sought to bring a level of equality to the growing separation of class. She attempted to elevate people’s experience through her designs by introducing palatially-scaled, aristocratic ornamentation to her public projects.

This thesis argues that women were seminal to the development of interior design as a discipline and profession in Sydney, Australia. Covering the period from the 1920s to the 1960s, this study identifies Thea Proctor, Nora McDougall, Margaret Lord, Phyllis Shillito and Mary White as foundational leaders who progressively advanced interior design in Sydney through individual and collective understandings of design. Focussing on their contributions to this development, this study explains complex interrelationships between women and modernity in interior design. This emergence of the discipline and profession in Sydney situates the initiatives of these five women at a transitional phase of the field???s global development when ???interior decoration??? is challenged by modern attitudes and artistic theories of ???design???. Working as individuals, Proctor and her successors advance the profession???previously characterised as a ???natural??? pursuit for women of ???taste??? and ???style??????by their artistic, rational and practical approaches to interior design. At a time when no distinct discipline exists in Sydney, the women offer instruction and forge new directions by reformulating previous overseas traditions: incorporating a wide-range of aesthetic and theoretical conceptions of design, demonstrating common and different approaches to practice, and integrating changes in requisite knowledge and skills in response to their times. The women???s programs are conventional and progressive, common and diverse, universal and particular in content and meaning. Working within a variety of settings, the women importantly establish professional jurisdiction situating interior design in a modernist context. Significantly, their contributions challenge past readings that have diminished the early women of interior design, and at the same time, embody all the conflicts, ruptures, paradoxes and contradictions that are cental to modernity. This research redresses the lack of institutional history of interior design in Sydney and links theories of modernism and modernity to issues of gender and profession to explain the women???s significant contributions to interior design at a critical juncture of the field???s development. As such, their stories and legacy of design in Sydney contribute to a wider picture of women and modernity in interior design.

Later Victorian interior design manuals presented design as a way of rescuing home life and, by extension, society and the nation, from the forces of capitalism and commodity culture. They treat the suburban home, not as a terrible modern malaise, but rather the solution to a national problem, so long as a reading, thinking, and vigorously practicing female interior decorator is present to work, decorate, and design. A surprising number of texts argue explicitly that for women’s decorating to have its full moral and social regenerative effect, women need to become professional, paid interior designers.

Abstract This chapter considers the buildings constructed by and for Catholics between 1830 and 1914, examining the range of building types and architectural styles that facilitated and reflected the rapid expansion of the Church during this period. In looking beyond traditional architectural readings of the Catholic built environment, it draws from social and religious histories and also from fresh critical approaches to material and spatial culture. Questions of agency and authority are examined and particular attention is paid to women, who have frequently been overlooked as significant patrons, designers, and decorators of Catholic architecture. This inclusive narrative is presented through four key themes that aim to shed light on the diverse strands of Catholic culture: architectural revivals and innovations, adaptations and restorations; funding and patronage; and sacred interiors.