Artículos de revistas: "Women and politics"

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Rao, K. Samba Siva. "Women in Politics." Global Journal For Research Analysis 3, no. 8 (June 15, 2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778160/august2014/208.

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Reddy, E. Pratapa. "Women Empowerment in Politics." Global Journal For Research Analysis 3, no. 8 (June 15, 2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778160/august2014/195.

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3

서지영. "Emerging Subjects:Modern Media and Gender Politics." Women and History ll, no. 12 (June 2010): 189–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.22511/women..12.201006.189.

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.Sunitha, Evelyn Christy, and Vardhini S. "Women in Politics." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 6, S1 (February 8, 2019): 22–24. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2551324.

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Women the term unanimously means the powerful and the strongest gender of the society. Women play a significant role in family and in society. She as a multitasking human being balances both her family and her professional life. The age old society strictly followed the deep rooted patriarchal system which restricted women to step out of their home environment. But as the society tends to change, women realised the urge for gender equality and started to play an inevitable role in all fields of the profession, which led to the emergence of concept named women empowerment and emancipation. Even though women achieved success in different professional fields, when it comes under the banner of politics they are excluded. Women are politically excluded and even woman hesitate to choose politics as their profession. Women, who taste the fruit of success in many professions, still taste bitterness in  politics. This  theoretical  paper  aims  to  throw  light  on  the  political  exclusion  of women. The paper focuses on the challenges for women when they choose politics as their profession. This paper tries toaccumulate the reasons for women’s hesitation towards politics. But still few powerful women politicians are effectively performing in India. This theoretical paper also symbolizes those significant women in politics. 

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5

Marhayani, Dina Anika. "THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN THE POLITICAL ARENA IN THE CITY OF SINGKAWANG." Jurnal PIPSI (Jurnal Pendidikan IPS Indonesia) 2, no. 1 (November 2, 2017): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.26737/jpipsi.v2i1.294.

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Political often a frightening specter especially for women. Election laws require women involved in politic by 30%, meaning that the state has given the opportunity for women to participate in politics. But in fact the involvement of women in politics, especially in Singkawang less than 30%. Least of the women involved in the political scene due to the patriarchal culture conditions that are not offset the ease of access of women in politics, especially in the legislature and the lack of education about the world of politics for women. This study will examine about constraints and strategies in achieving women's political participation with various literary journals. This study is expected to realize gender equality so remove discrimination between men and women

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6

Daulay, Harmona, and Rosmery Sabri. "Meritocracy and Analysis of Pierre Bourdieu in the Recruitment of Female Legislators in Medan and Deli Serdang." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT SCIENCE AND BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION 4, no. 2 (2018): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijmsba.1849-5664-5419.2014.42.1005.

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This study intends to find the current recruitment model for female members of legislative in the concept of meritocracy and the 30% female quota in parliament seat. The issue of money politic, dynasty politic, and woman quota are certainly far from the meritocracy concept that selected legislative members based on their skill and merit in politics. This research also intends to look at the capital in Pieere Bourdieu perversive also serve as an important tool for women legislative candidate to succeed in parliament. The intention of this research is to identify patterns in the current recruitment process in political parties as it relates to capital and the patriarchy system the permeate the world of women politics. This research uses a qualitative paradigm that utilizes the researcher as data miner through the in-depth interview with current women legislative members in Medan and Deli Serdang. Research indicates that there are 3 recruitment patterns for women legislative candidate; they are the close pattern, open pattern and semi-open pattern. Patriarchy system still dominant social political relationship politic experienced by women members of legislative. These conditions include stereotypes, double burden subordination, and marginalization. These gender issues can be seen as advantage or disadvantages for a woman in the political realm. Women members of legislative have several capitals which could be related to Bourdieu concepts such as economic capital, social capital, cultural capital and symbolic capital. Other than that, whether they habitus or not, they win the election. The combination of habitus and four capital of Bourdieu has influenced the existence and dynamics of women in politics (field).

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7

Sari, Desi Purnama. "‘Ulama’s Perceptions of Women Involvement in Politics in South Aceh." al-Lubb: Journal of Islamic Thought and Muslim Culture (JITMC) 2, no. 1 (December 29, 2020): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.51900/lubb.v2i1.8590.

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<p>This research aims to reveal how women are involved in politics in South Aceh, factors influencing Ulama’s opinions about the women involvement in politics, and also their perceptions about the involvement. Method used in this research was qualitative (field research), through interviews and observations, then literature research (library research). Dataobtained in the field were interpreted through descriptive analysis. The results show several things. Firstly, the women involvement in South Aceh politic had developed, such as serving as a member of Parliament, candidates, secretary, and chief of the committee. Secondly, ulama’s perceptions about the involvement of women in politics are that some Ulama allow women participated in politics. Nevertheless, women must maintain their identity as a Muslim. On the other hand, some ulama reject women involvement in politics because many obstacles would be faced by women who are less firm in the leadership and decision making. Thirdly, a fewfactors that cause the differences in ulama’s perception of women’s involvement in South Aceh politics are due to differentinterpretations of al-Qur’an verses and hadith. Other reasons are that some Ulamado not know about politics, and some are related to their educational level and their knowledge.</p>

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8

Ajala, Aderemi Suleiman, and Olarinmoye Adeyinka Wulemat. "FROM KITCHEN TO CORRIDOR OF POWER: YORUBA WOMEN BREAKING THROUGH PATRIARCHAL POLITICS IN SOUTH-WESTERN NIGERIA." Gender Questions 1, no. 1 (September 20, 2016): 58–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-8457/1545.

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Since the 1990s, a number of socio-cultural agencies have played a significant role in the rise of Yoruba women in civil politics. Amongst these are the increasing value of monogamy and womenâ€™s greater access to Western education; the culture of first ladies in government; and female socio-economic empowerment through paid labour. Despite their increasing participation, women are still marginalised in elective politics. Using the ethnographic methods of key informant interviews, observation and focus group discussions and a theoretical analysis of patriarchy, this article examines gender relations in Yoruba politics and in the nationalist movement in south-western Nigeria. The rise of Yoruba women in politics in south-western Nigeria is discussed, along with the factors influencing womenâ€™s participation in civil politics. The study concludes that patriarchal politics still exists in the Yoruba political system. Factors inhibiting the total collapse of patriarchal politics in south-western Nigeria include the nature of Yoruba politics; women being pitted against women in politics; gender stereotypes and household labour. Thus, to make Yoruba politics friendlier to all, it would be desirable to create more political openings for women.

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9

Partini, NFN. "Women’s Political Participation in the Practice of Citizenship in Indonesia." Jurnal Perempuan 19, no. 2 (March 1, 2014): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v19i2.77.

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Women’s participation in politics is the manifestation of the citizenship right fulfillment. Women as well as vulnerable groups as citizens have the right to improve their existence in politics. The rights that attach to women as citizens hopefully can make them not only as the vote-getter or political parties’ participants but also as those being elected and exercise policy. Politic is genderless but politic system is constructed mostly by men. And women are lacking confidence within this culture of politic. It then deteriotes the stigma that women are unable and having no capacity to compete with men. Although women are legal citizens but the culture of politic is neither friendly to women nor conducive to feminine traits. The electoral process in citizenships system hopefully does not only create the man-represented view, but also a transformation process between the political party and the women platform.

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Vohlídalová, Marta, and Hana Maříková. "Who's Afraid of Women in Politics? Attitudes towards the Political Participation of Women." Gender a výzkum / Gender and Research 19, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 26–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/25706578.2018.19.1.404.

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11

Nwapa, Flora. "Women in Politics." Présence Africaine 141, no. 1 (1987): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/presa.141.0115.

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12

Mikhailov, Sergei. "Women and Politics." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 7, no. 1 (1998): 157–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-1998-7-1-157-161.

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Clots-Figueras, Irma. "Women in politics." Journal of Public Economics 95, no. 7-8 (August 2011): 664–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2010.11.017.

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14

Iwamoto, M. "Women and Politics." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 54 (2003): 15–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku1953.54.0_15.

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15

Smith, Hilda L. "Women and Politics." Eighteenth-Century Studies 39, no. 3 (2006): 405–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecs.2006.0012.

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16

Hamilton, Cynthia. "Women in politics." Women's Studies International Forum 12, no. 1 (January 1989): 129–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(89)90092-7.

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17

Russo, Luana, and Min Reuchamps. "Women and Politics." Politics of the Low Countries 5, no. 3 (December 2023): 219–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/plc/.000066.

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Cottenet‐Hage, Madeleine. "Women in politics." Sites: The Journal of Twentieth-Century/Contemporary French Studies revue d'études français 4, no. 1 (March 2000): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10260210008456011.

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Opuene Hart, Akietuwopiribie, and Ere Akie Hart LLB. "Women and Politics." International Journal on Integrated Education 8, no. 3 (September 30, 2025): 122–40. https://doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v8i3.5411.

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This study investigates the role of women in politics in developed and developing countries, focusing on the challenges and opportunities that have shaped their political engagement over time. It explores the historical context, theoretical underpinnings, and contemporary issues that influence the participation of women in political processes across the globe. The study is anchored in the Gender and Development (GAD) Theory, which emphasizes addressing systemic gender inequalities in political, social, and economic structures. Through a qualitative research approach and content analysis of secondary sources, this study examines how the socio-cultural, economic, and political factors have either facilitated or hindered women's political involvement. The findings reveal that while historical barriers like patriarchal systems and colonialism significantly hindered women's political engagement, contemporary advancements such as women's suffrage movements, feminist advocacies, gender quotas, and increased political activism have provided significant opportunities for women in politics across the globe, with more participation in developed countries. Despite these advancements, the study highlights persistent challenges, including gender-based violence, economic disparities, and cultural norms in developing countries, and family responsibilities, economic disparities in developed countries that limit women’s full participation in governance. The conclusion underscores the transformative impact of women in political institutions, particularly in developed countries like the USA, UK, Germany, France, etc., and developing countries like Rwanda, where women hold a significant portion of legislative seats. The study recommends continued support for gender-inclusive policies, educational programs, and financial resources to empower more women to participate in politics. The study calls for broader structural reforms and cultural shifts to ensure that women can compete on equal footing with men in the political sphere.

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20

Marwah, Sofa. "Reading Women Participations on Populism Politics." Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 4, no. 2 (July 25, 2019): 255–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v4i2.17053.

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This paper aims to elaborate on women participation on politic populist development and expansion of support by the strength of women's groups as representatives of civil society. This study uses literature study methods to discover various data related to women's figures and women's group dedication in the context of civil society, sourced from journal and preliminary study results. The results of the study indicate that women participate in the practice of populism associated with men in cultivating the issues of populism and are received by the general public. Even women's contribution to society tends to be closer to welfare issues that are echoed in populist politics. When the populism politics need to expand in the context of the wider society, women are also present and have been there for a long time dedicating their lives on social welfare issues. The implication, it is necessary to see women contributions are as important as men in the practice of populist politics, not only at the level of the political elite but also in the life of the wide society. Women's groups are able to fill spaces that are not filled by the state, i.e. socio-economic spaces, wherever women are.

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21

Mahmad Robbi, Ahmad Akram, Saidatolakma Mohd Yunus, and Mohamad Faiq Mohamad Sharin. "Muslim Women in Politics." AL-BURHĀN: JOURNAL OF QURʾĀN AND SUNNAH STUDIES 7, no. 2 (December 10, 2023): 162–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/alburhn.v7i2.322.

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This study aims to identify the practice of Muslim women in politics according to Shari‘ah principles and Malaysian perspective on their involvement as this country has adopted democracy which allows women to get involved in politics. Generally, there are at least two opinions found in the literature where there are scholars who have decisively opposed women from positioning themselves in politics i.e: head of a state and others permit their grant for women to involve in politics. This study is applying the qualitative methodology in which the authors tend to get information directly from the primary sources as well as the secondary booked by both traditional and modern scholars related to the field of this study. All the information gathered in the books does seem important to the authors as it denotes the idea of the topic clearly from the illustrated interpretations. As a result, the authors find that there is no harm for Muslim women to involve in the political area. Despite the permission, Malaysia still struggling to empowering women’s will as noted in National Women’s Policy Malaysia which to provide encouragement for women’s involvement in politics by targeting 30 percent of their involvement. Keywords: Women, politics, shari‘ah, Malaysia, involvement.

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22

Kazi, Seema. "Women, Gender Politics, and Resistance in Kashmir." Socio-Legal Review 18, no. 1 (January 2022): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.55496/hezv9979.

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This article focuses on Kashmiri women and the gender politics underpinning the August 5, 2019 revocation of Article 370 in Kashmir. Reclaiming Kashmiri women’s property rights was among the justifications cited by the state for revoking Kashmir’s autonomy. Paradoxically, however, most analyses centered on its political implications. Kashmiri women’s opinions regarding the revocation, the state’s use of the women’s rights argument to justify the same, or Kashmiri women’s rights and experiences in the wake of the revocation were seldom the subjects of discussion or analysis. Beginning with a brief overview of Kashmiri women’s role in the Kashmiri struggle, I juxtapose the State’s claim as defender of Kashmiri women’s property rights against the legal and factual position of women’s property rights in Kashmir prior to the revocation, demonstrating the contradiction between the two. I subsequently foreground the gendered, misogynist sub-text of nationalist rhetoric unleashed in the wake of the revocation. The convergence between hyper-nationalist, masculinist claims to Kashmir’s territory on the one hand, and to Kashmiri women’s bodies on the other, is highlighted. This particular dimension, I maintain, symbolises the gendered edge of the Indian State’s policy of colonial and ethnic domination in Kashmir. In the final section, I use local Kashmiri reportage on Kashmiri women’s views, subjective experience, and collective resistance to contest (a) constructs of the apolitical, victimised, agency-less Kashmiri Muslim woman, and (b) state claims to Kashmiri, especially Kashmiri women’s endorsement of the revocation. Kashmiri women’s resistance, I conclude, is part of a Kashmiri struggle underpinned by the universal principles of justice and liberty; it symbolises the need for a just and peaceful resolution to Kashmir’s tragedy.

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23

Oyaro, Kwamboka. "More women in politics." Africa Renewal 31, no. 2 (October 24, 2017): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/8bcc9e81-en.

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Bailey, Jutta, and Gerd Breuer. "Brecht: Women and Politics." German Quarterly 60, no. 4 (1987): 685. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/407349.

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Rupp, Leila J., Louise A. Tilly, and Patricia Gurin. "Women, Politics, and Change." Contemporary Sociology 20, no. 5 (September 1991): 734. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2072224.

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Boris, Eileen, Nancy F. Cott, Elisabeth Israels Perry, and Susan Ware. "Women, Politics, and Feminism." American Quarterly 41, no. 1 (March 1989): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2713208.

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Tickamyer, Ann R., Louise A. Tilly, and Patricia Gurin. "Women, Politics, and Change." Social Forces 70, no. 3 (March 1992): 837. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2579763.

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28

de Almeida, Maria Antnia Pires. "Women in Portuguese politics." Portugese Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2009): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/pjss.8.2.177/1.

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Moon, Katharine H. S., and Chunghee Sarah Soh. "Women in Korean Politics." Pacific Affairs 67, no. 4 (1994): 613. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759594.

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Wright, J. H. "English Women Writing Politics." Eighteenth-Century Life 34, no. 3 (September 27, 2010): 81–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00982601-2010-016.

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31

Murdie, Amanda, and Dursun Peksen. "Women and Contentious Politics." Political Research Quarterly 68, no. 1 (December 23, 2014): 180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912914563547.

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Rafferty, Agnes. "Women Eucharist and Politics." Feminist Theology 23, no. 3 (May 2015): 304–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0966735015587170.

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Boak, Helen. "Women in Weimar Politics." European History Quarterly 20, no. 3 (July 1990): 369–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149002000303.

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34

Nam, Jeono-Lim. "Women in Korean Politics." Women's Studies International Forum 18, no. 3 (May 1995): 376–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(95)80082-z.

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35

Gehr Livezey, Lois. "Women, Power, and Politics." Process Studies 17, no. 2 (1988): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/process19881726.

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36

Brown, Alice. "Editorial: Women in Politics." Scottish Affairs 5 (First Series, no. 1 (November 1993): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.1993.0066.

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Rener, Tanja. "Yugoslav Women in Politics." International Political Science Review 6, no. 3 (July 1985): 347–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251218500600308.

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According to its normative principles, the delegate system ensures the working people's direct presence in the assemblies (communal, provincial, republican, and federal), as well as a functional linkage of short- and long-term interests of individual sections of society and of society as a whole. This lends special interest to women's participation in the delegate system. This article examines the findings of research conducted in Slovenia, particularly concerning the special social status according to women active in the delegate system, the nature of their participation, as well as their attitudes to active political participation. Now that Yugoslavia is undergoing a crisis, pressure is brought to bear on women to yield their places on the labor market to men and—although the principle of sex equality is given much prominence in the country's life—to concentrate on traditional women's roles.

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Zarkov, Dubravka. "Women, feminism and politics." European Journal of Women's Studies 24, no. 1 (January 25, 2017): 3–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506816681124.

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Aidaraliev, Amantur, and Kamilya Kelgenbaeva. "MOSLEM WOMEN IN POLITICS." Alatoo Academic Studies 22, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 234–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17015/aas.2022.223.28.

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Nowadays in the Kyrgyz Republic, while there has been notable progress in gender equality in public institutions, inequality between women and men persists in politics. According to international surveys, the majority of the population of Kyrgyzstan believes that only third of Kyrgyzstani people want to see more women in politics, while the rest prefer to see more in education and social fields. To explore the problem from the root, the authors discuss what is the equality of men and women in front of Creator (GOD); give examples of self-realized influential Muslim women in world politics, as well as the factors influencing the participation of Kyrgyz women in rural government.

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김영선. "Reproduction Policy and Gender Cultural Politics in 1960s and 70s’ North Korea." Women and History ll, no. 21 (December 2014): 183–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.22511/women..21.201412.183.

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기계형. "Everyday Life and Gender Politics: Zhenotdel in early Soviet Russia, 1919-1923." Women and History ll, no. 8 (June 2008): 121–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22511/women..8.200806.121.

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Roy, Smritikana. "Gender Analysis Through Education and Literature." Galore International Journal of Applied Sciences and Humanities 7, no. 1 (March 30, 2023): 52–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.52403/gijash.20230108.

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What keeps the journey going is the coexistence of men and women in a community. A woman can find the best way to define and make her presence feel is by having the equality of access to a leading education, participating in politics, and being empowered. In addition to running her household, pursuing a career, raising her children, etc., she participates in politics to broaden the scope of her social participation. Feminists have outlined the status of women, their place in society, and the challenges they face in a variety of contexts. By looking at the roles which women play and the problems they encounter, the current essay seeks to explore how women are portrayed in culture. Keywords: Social Study, Women in Literature, Women in Art, Portrayal of Indian Women, Women in Politics

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Davies, Sharyn Graham, and Nurul Ilmi Idrus. "Participating in Parliamentary Politics: Experiences of Indonesian Women 1995�2010." Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 3, no. 1 (December 5, 2018): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jissh.v3i1.47.

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This article concerns itself with womens participation in politics and, more specifcally, the representation of women in elected legislatures, in Indonesia between 1995 and 2010. The article gives readers a brief overview of the various ways that Indonesian women participate in politics. Examples are given of women being traditional rulers, having political authority, exercising power, becoming presidents and cabinet ministers, participating in protest movements, and being elected to parliament. The article then moves to focus more specifcally on the election of women to the Indonesian parliament. The article analyses positive developments that have occurred in the past decade to facilitate womens entry to parliamentary politics. Although numerous positive developments have indeed taken place, the article argues that women are still hindered in their attempts to get elected to parliament. Drawing on indepth interviews, literature reviews, statistical analysis, and long-term ethnographic research, the authors identify some of the factors limiting womens election, including the restrictive limited model of womanhood advocated in Indonesia, declining cronyism, the ineffectiveness of the thirty per cent quota, the reputation politics has of being dirty, the in?uence of religion, and the large sums of money candidates need to support their election campaigns.

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Burbank, Stephen, and Sean Farhang. "Politics, Identity, and Class Certification on the U.S. Courts of Appeals." Michigan Law Review, no. 119.2 (2020): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.36644/mlr.119.2.politics.

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This Article draws on novel data and presents the results of the first empirical analysis of how potentially salient characteristics of Court of Appeals judges influence class certification under Rule 23 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure. We find that the ideological composition of the panel (measured by the party of the appointing president) has a very strong association with certification outcomes, with all-Democratic panels having dramatically higher rates of procertification outcomes than all-Republican panels—nearly triple in about the past twenty years. We also find that the presence of one African American on a panel, and the presence of two women (but not one), is associated with procertification outcomes. Our results show that, contrary to conventional wisdom in scholarship on diversity on the Courts of Appeals, the impact of diversity extends beyond conceptions of “women’s issues” or “minority issues.” The consequences of gender and racial diversity on the bench, through application and elaboration of certification law, radiate widely across the legal landscape, influencing implementation in such areas as consumer, securities, labor and employment, antitrust, insurance, product liability, environmental, and many other areas of law. In considering possible explanations for our findings on the procertification preferences of women and African Americans, we note that class action doctrine, as transsubstantive procedural law, traverses many policy areas. As strategic actors, it would be rational for judges to take into consideration how class-certification doctrine in a case that does not implicate issues on which they have distinctive preferences might affect certification in cases that do. Alternatively, or in addition, our results may be the first evidence that transsubstantive procedural law affecting access to justice is itself a policy domain in which women and African Americans have distinctive preferences. In either case, the results highlight the importance of exploring the effects of diversity on transsubstantive procedural law more generally. Our findings on gender panel effects in particular are novel in the literature on panel effects and the literature on gender and judging. Past work focusing on substantive antidiscrimination law found that one woman can influence the votes of men in the majority (mirroring what we find with respect to African Americans in class-certification decisions). These results allowed for optimism that the panel structure—which threatens to dilute the influence of underrepresented groups on the bench because they are infrequently in the panel majority—actually facilitates minority influence, whether through deliberation, cue taking, bargaining, or some other mechanism. Our gender results are quite different and normatively troubling. We observe that women have substantially more procertification preferences based on outcomes when they are in the majority. However, panels with one woman are not more likely to yield procertification outcomes. Panels with women in the majority occur at sharply lower rates than women’s percentage of judgeships, and thus certification doctrine underrepresents their preferences relative to their share of judgeships and overrepresents those of male judges.

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45

Zine, Jasmin. "Muslim Women and the Politics of Representation." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 4 (October 1, 2002): 1–22. https://doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i4.3034.

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This paper examines the politics of knowledge production as itrelates to Muslim women in western literar y traditions and contemporaryfeminist writing, with a view to understanding thepolitical, ideological, and economic mediations that have historicallyframed these representations. The meta-narrative of theMuslim woman has shifted from the bold queens of medieval literatureto colonial images of the seraglio's veiled, secluded, andoppressed women. Contemporary feminist writing and popularculture have reproduced the colonial motifs of Muslim women,and these have regained currency in the aftermath of9/1 l.Drawing upon the work of Mohja Kahf, this paper begins bymapping the evolution of the Muslim woman archetype inwestern literary traditions. The paper then examines how somecontemporary feminist literature has reproduced in new waysthe discursive tropes that have had historical currency inMuslim women's textual representation. The analysis is attentiveto the ways in which the cultural production of knowledgeabout Muslim women has been implicated historically by therelations of power between the Muslim world and the West.

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Zine, Jasmin. "Muslim Women and the Politics of Representation." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 4 (October 1, 2002): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i4.1913.

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This paper examines the politics of knowledge production as it relates to Muslim women in western literary traditions and contemporary feminist writing, with a view to understanding the political, ideological, and economic mediations that have historically framed these representations. The meta-narrative of the Muslim woman has shifted from the bold queens of medieval literature to colonial images of the seraglio's veiled, secluded, and oppressed women. Contemporary feminist writing and popular culture have reproduced the colonial motifs of Muslim women, and these have regained currency in the aftermath of9/1 l. Drawing upon the work of Mohja Kahf, this paper begins by mapping the evolution of the Muslim woman archetype in western literary traditions. The paper then examines how some contemporary feminist literature has reproduced in new ways the discursive tropes that have had historical currency in Muslim women's textual representation. The analysis is attentive to the ways in which the cultural production of knowledge about Muslim women has been implicated historically by the relations of power between the Muslim world and the West ...

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47

Ogunbodede, Nife Elizabeth. "Making Women Count: an Appraisal of Women-centered Policies of Nigeria Political Parties." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 8, no. 2(23) (September 5, 2023): 417–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2023.8.2.417.

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This article examines the effectiveness of various policies and strategies aimed at promoting women’s participation in politics in Nigeria, implemented by advocacy groups, international organizations, political parties, and the Nigerian government. Despite the legal right of women to engage in politics and governance, cultural beliefs have hindered their active involvement in politics, leading to inadequate representation of women in politics. By liberal feminist theory, the study evaluates women’s responses to these initiatives, the challenges encountered in implementing them, and how political parties can enhance their effectiveness. The article suggests that legislative reform is necessary to enable women to achieve equal status to men in society, which will boost women’s political participation. Furthermore, it argues that Nigeria’s political parties have not done enough to encourage women’s participation in politics. Hence, political parties should establish a welcoming and inclusive environment accommodating women’s needs. To achieve this, political parties should organize party meetings at convenient and accessible times and places for women, eliminate obstacles that impede women’s par-ticipation in politics, develop gender-sensitive training programs to enhance women’s confidence and skills, and establish mentoring programs to support potential women candidates in navigating the political landscape.

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48

Bilal, Hazrat, Shaista Gohar, and Ayaz Ali Shah. "Role of Pakhtun Women in Politics: A Case Study of Begum Zari Sarfaraz." Global Social Sciences Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2021): 470–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2021(vi-i).47.

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An effort has been made to revisit the political participation of Pakhtun women in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa former NWFP. The active role in the politics of Pakhtun women was quite difficult due to socio-cultural constraints. In such circumstances a woman from the elite class emerged on the political scene of NWFP; Begum Zari Sarfaraz who not only participated in the independence movement of Pakistan but also participated in politics after the creation of Pakistan and had rendered great services for women folk as members of national and provincial assemblies. The paper shed light on her opposition to One Unit. The paper also investigates the reason that why she quit politics. There is hardly any literature on the role of Begum Zari Sarfaraz in the politics of Pakistan.

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49

Parwati, Theresia, and Kuspuji Istiningdiah. "PARTISIPASI DAN KOMUNIKASI POLITIK PEREMPUAN DI LEGISLATIF MENURUT KACAMATA POLITISI PEREMPUAN DI INDONESIA." Interaksi: Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi 9, no. 2 (January 21, 2021): 119–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/interaksi.9.2.119-129.

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Today, women political participation is still low in number. It causes the shortness of women representation in policy and decision making. In fact, the representation of women has not been heard fully in the public space. Many women's voices have not been conveyed. This article examined woman’s political participation and communication in the political area in Indonesia. The main problems of this research were why the participation of women in politics in formal institutions relatively low and how the communication role in that matter. This research used descriptive qualitative method by interviewing 18 women politicians in legislative on June 26th until July 4th online. The research findings show the lack of women participation as the representative. The low representation of women in direct political participation was influenced by various internal and external factors. They included women’s unwillingness to plunge directly into the world of practical politics, patriarchy cultural factors, and incapability of women to solve lots of real-problems. It is why we still need the right step to create equality and access to women in the political scope.

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50

Richards, Patricia. "Women and Politics in Chile." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 3 (September 2007): 804–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907071016.

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Women and Politics in Chile, Susan Franceschet, Boulder CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2005, pp. x, 203.The Pinochet dictatorship in Chile (1973–1990) was marked by a high degree of women's activism focusing on human rights, economic survival and feminism. Many women expected that their active role during the dictatorship would lead to a new way of doing politics and greater inclusion of women in the political process once democracy was restored. But despite the recent election of Michelle Bachelet as president of Chile, Chilean women continue to be vastly underrepresented in political party leadership and elected office. In this clearly written and cogently argued book, Susan Franceschet addresses the important question of the marginalization of women from Chilean politics under democracy.

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