Literatura académica sobre el tema "War and Revolution (1794-1815)"

In a self-reflective introduction to what was, sadly, his last publication, an essay collection, John Merriman lamented that the nineteenth century has been forgotten among historians of France. Noting the absence of books on this period in the Fnac bookstore at Les Halles in Paris, he wrote the following: In thinking about French history from 1815 to the present, one thing now seems perfectly clear to me. As time moves relentlessly along, the century between 1815 and World War I is in some ways far less visible than it was when I became a historian.…For years the shelves [of such bookstores] had been organized chronologically: the French Revolution and Napoleon, then the nineteenth century, subdivided, and then the Great War. But the sections now jumped from Napoleon to the Great War! What had happened to the long nineteenth century? (What happened to my books?)…The revolutions of 1830 and 1848, which had so engaged folks like me for quite some time, seemed to have had their day.

Although largely neglected in most histories of the French Revolution, the central government’s persistent budget deficit was a factor of paramount importance. The fiscal crisis inherited from the monarchy defied solution because of the war of attrition fought by economic interest groups. The struggle produced radical changes in macroeconomic policy to shift the burden of adjustment, altering the course of and prolonging the Revolution.

Abstract In the spring of Year II (1794), the future of French society was uncertain. This article looks at the response to the uncertainty of three members of the Committee on Public Safety, who discussed the need to choose between a revolutionary political community and civil war, even as they disagreed about what form the future republic should take.

Founded by William Allen in 1568 as a temporary haven for the English Catholic exiles, the English College at Douai, had given good service to the English Catholic community, but with the turmoil of Revolution, the execution of Louis XVI in January 1793, and the French declaration of war on England the following month, it became clear that the days of the College were numbered. Students, acting on advice from worried parents, made their way home to England as best they could. The story of these years is vividly preserved in a number of contemporary accounts. At first things went on generally as before: Douai was one of the last cities in the northern provinces of France to join the revolution but tension in the town was high. One of the first victims of the mob was the College printer, Charles Derbaix, a leading Douai bookseller who owned ‘The Golden Compasses’ (sub signo Circini aurei), in the Via Scholarum. Together with a local tradesman, accused of illicit dealings in corn, he was taken by the mob and hanged à la lanterne on suspicion of distributing loyalist propaganda.

This study extends recent research on the power transition and hegemonic stability theory to the preindustrial era. It improves on the original power transition theory by relaxing an assumption and by extending the empirical domain. Unlike the original power transition theory, the revised version is not restricted to the period after the industrial revolution and can therefore be applied to the preindustrial era. This study examines the empirical record prior to the industrial revolution to see whether the power transition and hegemonic stability theory holds for that period. The data for 1648 to 1815 indicate strong support for the power transition contention that a rough equality of power between rival sides increases the likelihood of war. That is, when the challenging great power, with its allies' support, catches up with the dominant power, great power war is most likely.

Die Königstreue in den Städten des Rhonetals : Historische Netzwerkstudie der städtischen Amtsträger am Anfang der Restauration (1814-1820) Am Beispiel der zwischen 1815 und 1820 ernannten städtischen Amtsträger versucht diese Studie die politischen Umbrüche der Jahre 1814 und 1815 unter einem anderen Blickwinkel zu untersuchen. Im Rhonetal war die Herrschaft der Hundert Tage Napoleons eine Zäsur nach den letzten Tagen des Kaiserreichs und der Restauration der Monarchie. Die nur schlecht verheilten Wunden der Französischen Revolution wurden wieder aufgerissen. Die Rückkehr der Bourbonen-Monarchie wollte mit der Epoche des Kaiserreichs zwar brechen, die prosopographische Studie zeigt jedoch auf lokaler Ebene eine starke Kontinuität der politischen Klasse. Aber die regionale Unterschiede zwischen dem nördlichen Teil des Rhonetals, das konformistisch und politisch moderat blieb, und dem südlichen Teil der Rhoneregion, wo die Herrschaft der Hundert Tage heftige Antagonismes aus der revolutionären Dekade erweckten, waren groß.

Zusammenfassung Die Französische Revolution spielt in der Geschichte der Sprachsituation in Belgien, die im Überblick dargestellt wird, eine große Rollo. Die französische Herrschaft (1795-1815), unter der das Gebiet Belgiens erstmals in seiner heutigen Form vereint und der Wille nach Integration in das revolutionäre Frankreich stark war, bewirkte, daß auch nach der Unabhängigkeit (1830) einem zentralistischen, auf der Vormachtstellung des Französischen beruhenden Staatsmodell gehuldigt wurde. Es wird gezeigt, wie u. a. durch das wachsende ökonomische Übergewicht Flanderns der Weg zur Sprachengleichheit und zur Föderativstruktur des belgischen Staates frei wurde.

xii, 116 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.
The following essays address the impact of special interest groups on economic decision making processes. The hypothesis of the first essay is that there exists a dynamic relationship between politicians and lobby groups. Politicians may choose to support "projects" proposed to them by lobbies because they yield clear economic benefits. However, governmental support may continue after these benefits have been exhausted, implying a cost to society and yielding rents to the lobbies. A theoretical framework is developed to model the incentives a government might have to behave in a manner consistent with the hypothesis. In this structure despite the fact that they support projects from which all economic rents have been extracted, politicians are rationally reelected. In the second chapter I examine how structural changes in the US steel industry affect the voting behavior of House Representatives on trade related bills. The hypothesis is that Representatives face opposing incentives after the PBGC bailed out the pension plans of major steel firms. Representatives have an incentive to vote less for protectionist policies, because the bailout makes the steel firms more competitive. But the Representatives also have an incentive to yield to the demands of affected steel workers, who favor more protection after the bailout. The data set underlying this study is a panel including votes on trade related bills over 9 years. The results obtained using fixed effects techniques support the hypothesis. In the third chapter, I develop a theoretical model of the dissolution of countries. I model a society with two different groups of citizens, who have different preferences over public goods, to analyze under which political regime the dissolution of these groups into separate countries is most likely. Differentiating between revolutions and civil wars allows me to look at the effects of both forms of political violence. I find that while the threat of a revolution can induce oligarchies to increase the franchise, the threat of a civil war can induce a. country to dissolve peacefully. The model predicts that peaceful dissolution is more likely in democracies, whereas oligarchies are more likely to risk civil war to stay united.
Committee in charge: Christopher Ellis, Co-Chairperson, Economics; Bruce Blonigen, Co-Chairperson, Economics; Glen Waddell, Member, Economics; Michael Dreiling, Outside Member, Sociology

Although it has long been portrayed as the nation’s ‘moat defensive’, recent examinations of Anglo-French rivalry during the long eighteenth century have revealed that the English Channel was, in reality, a highly permeable and vulnerable maritime border territory. Within this context, the Channel Islands assumed a strategic and tactical significance which was vastly disproportionate to their physical size, population or resources; emerging as what Morieux terms ‘a lynchpin of control' over local shipping and trade. Although a great deal of research has been already undertaken – particularly in relation to the Channel Islands’ role as a base for commerce-raiding and intelligence gathering – much of this has covered the entire long eighteenth century. However, it was only during the Great French War that the British government embraced the military potential of the Channel Islands to the fullest; not only exploiting the inhabitants’ knowledge of the seas and intimacy with her ‘enemies’, but also transforming the archipelago into a chain of offshore fortresses. In addition, prior scholarship has often focused on individual aspects of the Channel Islands’ involvement in the Great French War; while local historians have tended to embrace the ‘Great Man’ approach, examining the period through the lens of the careers of local commanders. Consequently, this thesis seeks to provide a more complete picture of the Channel Islands’ role within Britain’s military and naval strategy; integrating an examination of local defence and security with several of already well-covered topics. Moreover, in light of the fact that existent scholarship has often centred upon ‘Great Men’, it is hoped that the thesis shall serve to better demonstrate the extent to which the celebrated achievements of Don, Doyle and D’Auvergne rested upon the efforts of a number of ‘unsung heroes’.

La thèse de doctorat d'Armando Pepe s’intitule « Conflit civil dans le sud de l’Italie à l’aube du Risorgimento : le cas de la Terre de Labour (1806-1825) » et vise à enquêter sur la lutte contre le brigandage tant à l’époque napoléonienne, pendant la Décennie française, qu’au cours de la première Restauration Bourbon.En ce qui concerne la période napoléonienne, apparaissent de nombreux brigands, certains connus, comme Fra’ Diavolo, d’autres moins connus sinon inconnus, comme Vincenzo Matera, de Viticuso, les cousins Saltarelli, de Castelforte, et les frères Giannantonio, originaires de Guardiaregia, dans le Comté du Molise, mais fortement opérationnels des deux côtés des montagnes du Matese.Aux brigands s’opposèrent des hommes tenaces, comme le capitaine Antonio Acciaioli, commandant des gardes civiques provinciales du district de Venafro, tué dans une embuscade avec seize gardes par Vincenzo Matera, Benedetto Panetta et d’autres brigands.De nombreux soldats d’origine corse participèrent activement à la lutte contre le brigandage, dont le major Natale Amici, engagé dans les zones montagneuses de la Terre de Labour, notamment dans la chaîne des Mainarde.Les journaux de guerre de 1806 du général français Antoine Girardon, restitués pour la première fois en transcription, constituent la suite de ceux, datant de 1799, déjà publiés par Critelli et Segarini. Le général Girardon contracta le paludisme dans les marais de Minturno et mourut en 1806.On voit explicitement dans la thèse le rôle joué par l’Armée française dans la lutte contre le brigandage et les directives données par le ministre Antoine-Christophe Saliceti, qui a suivi la situation au quotidien.Non moins intéressantes sont les initiatives prises après le retour de la dynastie des Bourbons sur le trône pour réprimer le brigandage, notamment dans les zones frontalières avec l’État pontifical, où opérait la bande de Michele Macaro, connu sous le nom de « Mezzapenta ».La thèse se déroule en six chapitres en plus des conclusions.Par commodité, la division en chapitres est rapportée : 1) Chapitre I, Le Royaume de Naples entre la Révolution et la Restauration (1799-1825) ; 2) Chapitre II, Brigands de l’époque napoléonienne dans la zone de juridiction de la Commission Militaire de Castellone (Nord de la Terre de Labour, 1806) ; 3) Chapitre III, Les actions de brigandage de l’époque napoléonienne dans la zone de juridiction de la Commission militaire de Capoue (Sud de la Terre de Labour, 1807-1810) ; 4) Chapitre IV, Une tentative de coordination entre États : extraditions de brigands et enjeux diplomatiques avec l’État pontifical et avec le Premier Empire français (1806-1811) ; 5) Chapitre V, Les bandes de brigands de l’époque napoléonienne dans la zone de juridiction de la Commission militaire de Capoue (1807-1810) ; 6) Chapitre VI, Le brigandage pendant la deuxième Restauration des Bourbons (1815-1825).Viennent ensuite les conclusions. La thèse est accompagnée de cinq cartes géographiques, de 215 annexes, presque toutes inédites, et d’index des noms de personnes et de lieux
Armando Pepe’s doctoral thesis is entitled «Civil conflict in Southern Italy at the dawn of the Risorgimento: the case of Terra di Lavoro (1806-1825)» and aims to investigate the fight against brigandage both in Napoleonic, during the French Decade, and during the first Bourbon Restoration.As regards the Napoleonic period, numerous brigands appear, some known, such as Fra’ Diavolo, others less known if not unknown, such as Vincenzo Matera, from Viticuso, the Saltarelli cousins, from Castelforte, and the Giannantonio brothers, from Guardiaregia, in Molise earldom, but strongly operational on both sides of the Matese mountains.The brigands were opposed by tenacious men, such as Captain Antonio Acciaioli, commander of the provincial civic guards of the Venafro district, killed in an ambush together with sixteen guards by Vincenzo Matera, Benedetto Panetta and other brigands.Many soldiers of Corsican origin actively participated in the fight against banditry, including Major Natale Amici, who were engaged in the mountainous areas of Terra di Lavoro, especially in the Mainarde chain.The war diaries of 1806 of the French general Antoine Girardon are returned in transcription for the first time, which constitute the sequel to those, dating back to 1799, already published by Critelli and Segarini. General Girardon contracted malaria in the Minturno marshes and died in 1806.We can explicitly see the role played by the French army in combating brigandage and the directives given by the minister Antoine-Christophe Saliceti, who monitored the situation daily.No less interesting are the initiatives taken upon the return of the Bourbon dynasty to the throne to repress brigandage, particularly in the border areas with the Papal State, where the group of Michele Macaro, known as «Mezzapenta», operated.The thesis is divided into six chapters in addition to the conclusions.For convenience, the division into chapters is reported: 1) Chapter I, the Kingdom of Naples between the Revolution and the Restoration (1799-1825); 2) Chapter II, Brigands of the Napoleonic era in the area of jurisdiction of the Military Commission of Castellone (North of Terra di Lavoro, 1806); 3) Chapter III, The brigandage actions of the Napoleonic era in the area of jurisdiction of the Military Commission of Capua (South of Terra di Lavoro, 1807-1810); 4) Chapter IV, An attempt at coordination between states: extraditions of brigands and diplomatic issues with the Papal State and with the First French Empire (1806-1811); 5) Chapter V, The groups of brigands of the Napoleonic era in the area of jurisdiction of the Military Commission of Capua (1807-1810); 6) Chapter VI, Brigandage during the second Bourbon Restoration (1815-1825).Then the Conclusions follow. The thesis is accompanied by geographical maps, 215 appendices, almost all unpublished, and indexes of places and names of person

After conquering Belgium and the Rhineland in 1794, the French Army of the Sambre and Meuse faced severe logistical, disciplinary, and morale problems that signaled the erosion of its capabilities. The army’s degeneration resulted from a revolution in French foreign policy designed to conquer the natural frontiers, a policy often falsely portrayed as a diplomatic tradition of the French monarchy. In fact, the natural frontiers policy – expansion to the Rhine, the Pyrenees, and the Alps – emerged only after the start of the War of the First Coalition in 1792. Moreover, the pursuit of natural frontiers caused more controversy than previously understood. No less a figure than Lazare Carnot – the Organizer of Victory – viewed French expansion to the Rhine as impractical and likely to perpetuate war. While the war of conquest provided the French state with the resources to survive, it entailed numerous unforeseen consequences. Most notably, the Revolutionary armies became isolated from the nation and displayed more loyalty to their commanders than to the civilian authorities. In 1797, the Sambre and Meuse Army became a political tool of General Lazare Hoche, who sought control over the Rhineland by supporting the creation of a Cisrhenan Republic. Ultimately, troops from Hoche’s army removed Carnot from the French Directory in the coup d’état of 18 fructidor, a crucial benchmark in the militarization of French politics two years before Napoleon Bonaparte’s seizure of power. Accordingly, the conquest of the Rhine frontier contributed to the erosion of democratic governance in Revolutionary France.

La distinction de l’ami et de l’ennemi comme facteur déterminant du politique – théorie de Carl Schmitt – a été développée par son élève, traducteur et introducteur Julien Freund, qui précisa « l’essence du politique » par deux autres facteurs : les distinctions du commandant et du commandé, du public et du privé. Le moment de fondation ou de refondation du politique (le kairos grec) est la « situation exceptionnelle » dont la qualification est l’œuvre du souverain. Freund apporte à cette conception schmitienne deux éléments objectifs : la guerre civile et la guerre étrangère faisant de la crise politique la mise en danger de mort de la collectivité, soit la conjugaison du péril intérieur et de l’insécurité extérieure. Correspondent seules à cette définition la Grande Révolution et la Révolution nationale. Le retour en France de l’ennemi (non de la guerre) est la « reprise » (Kierkegaard : la chose du passé surgissant telle qu’en elle-même l’a changée la nouvelle situation) du conflit à la fois étranger et civil de 1954-1962, conflit qui amena la réforme de la loi fondamentale (référendum d’octobre 1958), la décision de la situation exceptionnelle (application de l’article 16, permettant l’incarnation du commandement pour la première fois depuis 1944) et l’installation du régime (référendum d’octobre 1962). L’assimilation de l’Epuration à la « Terreur jacobine » occulte la remise en vigueur des lois révolutionnaires par l’État français, des lois de la Restauration par le pouvoir gaullo-communiste. Tandis que les auteurs contre-révolutionnaires avaient décrit dans la Révolution une œuvre providentielle de régénération nationale, les théories politiques subversives d’illustres « révolutionnaires » et leur mise en pratique (par leurs eux-mêmes) contredisent l’action et le bilan du jacobinisme illibéral : patriotisme de Brissot, fédéralisme de Cloots, communisme de Babeuf. Une dialectique révolutionnaire-conservatrice (réaliste) rencontre donc en miroir une dialectique réactionnaire-progressiste, impolitique en ce sens que son but est le dépassement, l’anéantissement ou l’implosion d’une collectivité politique donnée, la Nation. Robespierre, sous cet angle, incarna donc la tendance conservatrice de la Révolution. La victoire inaugurale de l’oligarchie par un coup de force parlementaire (Thermidor) passe par la délégation du pouvoir souverain, de la députation vers l’armée (stratocratie). Au bout d’une génération, la monarchie de Juillet consacre l’alliance structurelle de l’Ordre et du Mouvement. C’est le coup d’État de 1851 qui ressuscite le suffrage universel ; puis le second Empire reviendra sur l’héritage libéral de 1789 au temporel (abolition des corporations, interdiction des coalitions) comme au spirituel (constitution civile du clergé) en dotant l’Église et en autorisant les syndicats (1864). S’institutionnalise après la guerre étrangère (franco-prussienne) puis civile (Commune) un « nouvel Ancien régime » (Pierre Leroux) dont la gauche constituera l’aile active ; la droite, l’aile passive. En 1939, le gouvernement décidant de la guerre contre l’avis du Parlement, ce qui restait de République est renversé de fait ; le congrès réuni à Vichy, par son vote du 10 juillet 1940, reconquiert paradoxalement la souveraineté en la déléguant. L’histoire du régime de Vichy doit donc être revue à cette lumière, comme celle du gaullisme (dissidence de la Tradition) et de la résistance communiste (dissidence de la Révolution) ; ces deux dernières forces, réunies à partir de 1941, reconstitueront le mouvement réactionnaire-progressiste. Les mémoires de la Révolution française et de la Révolution nationale sont battues en brèche sous les coups d’un libéralisme toujours plus hégémonique, altérant le Peuple, la Constitution, le politique lui-même. Le régime libéral renvoie dos à dos jacobinisme et maurrassisme dans le même enfer mémoriel
The distinction of the friend and the enemy as the determining factor of politics – a theory of Carl Schmidt – has been developped by his pupil, translator and introducer Julien Freund who indicated besides two other factors of the "essence of politics" : the distinction of the commanding one and the commanded one and that of the public sphere and the private sphere. The act of fundation or refundation of politics (the greek kairos) is the ‘exceptional situation’ and its qualification is the sovereign’s task. Freund adds to this Schmittian approach two objective elements : civil war and foreign war changing the political crisis into the danger of death for the collectivity, that is the combination of the internal threat with that from abroad. The only events in the History of France that do correspond to this definition are the Great Revolution and the National Revolution. The enemy coming back in France (and not war coming back) is the ‘resumption’ (Kierkegaard : the thing from the past appearing as the situation changed it in itself) of the internal and external conflict of 1954-1962, a conflict that led to the reform of the fundamental law (referundum of October 1958), the decision to decree the exceptional situation (application of section 16 of the Constitution enabling the incarnation of the command for the first time since 1944) and the installation of the regime (referendum of October 1962). The assimilation of the épuration légale (French : “legal purge”) to the "Jacobin Terror" hides the reinstatement of revolutionary laws by the French State and that of the laws of the Bourbon Restoration by the Gaullo-communist power. While counterrevolutionary authors had described in the Revolution a providential work of national regeneration, the subversive political theories of illustrious "Revolutionaries" and their application (by themselves) contradict the action and the results of illiberal Jacobinism: Brissot’s patriotism, Cloots’ federalism, Babeuf’s communism. A revolutionary-conservative (realist) dialectic thus meets in mirror a reactionary-progressive dialectic which can only be impolitic in the sense that its goal is the overcoming, the annihilation or the implosion of a given political community, the Nation. Robespierre, from this angle, thus embodied the conservative tendency of the Revolution. The inaugural victory of the oligarchy by a parliamentary coup (Thermidor) involves the delegation of the sovereign power from deputyship to the army (stratocracy). At the end of a generation, the July monarchy consecrates the structural alliance of the Order and the Movement. It was the coup d'etat of 1851 that revived universal suffrage; the Second Empire was then to reconsider the liberal heritage of 1789 in the temporal field (abolition of fund, prohibition of coalitions) as well as in the spiritual field (civil constitution of the clergy) by endowing the Church and authorizing labor unions (1864). After the foreign (Franco-Prussian) and then civil (Commune) wars, a "new Ancien Regime" (Pierre Leroux) was institutionalised, with the left as active wing and the right as the passive wing. In 1939, as the government declared war against the opinion of Parliament, what remained of the Republic was overthrown de facto; the congress at Vichy, by its vote of July 10, 1940, paradoxically reconquered sovereignty by delegating it. The history of the Vichy regime must therefore be reviewed in this light, like that of Gaullism (dissent of Tradition) and communist resistance (dissent of the Revolution); these last two forces, united from 1941, would reconstitute the reactionary-progressive movement. The memories of the French Revolution and the National Revolution are undermined by the blows of an ever more hegemonic liberalism altering the People, the Constitution, politics itself. The liberal regime refers back to back Jacobinism and Maurrassism in the same memorial hell

Rape had an indelible effect on the American Revolutionary era. Using trial testimonies and depositions, newspapers, and literary sources, this thesis argues that there was a level of continuity between peacetime and wartime rape characterized by the assaulters’ modus operandi and rape’s ideological exploitation. Eighteenth-century Anglo-American society dictated that rape, or “carnal knowledge of a woman forcibly against her will,” was only a crime against virtuous white women. The gendered and racialized ways pre-revolutionary society identified and prosecuted rape influenced how rapists conducted their assaults. Women had to prove their sexual morality, that penile penetration and male ejaculation occurred, and that they sought help immediately after the assault to prosecute their attackers. During the war, rape became an important metaphor. Wartime publishers and propagandists used reports and victim testimonies as evidence of British immorality and to justify political independence. The rape of America subsumed individual atrocities. The nationalization of women’s sexual virtue continued into the new Republic. Artists and writers memorialized the Revolution through explicitly sexualized narratives and sentimental novels that emphasized female sexual morality. Women’s sexual virtue was linked with the stability of the Republic. This thesis utilizes a diverse historiography to highlight the intersectional correlations between rape and eighteenth-century patriarchal power in America.
Graduate
2022-08-26

This work, the way its name suggests it, is intent on the theme of process of achievement of the Latin American states' independence of Spain and Portugal, and on situating of this process in the context of the events of this time in further world's parts, and mainly in the context of the policies of single powers which had, or could have, some interests in the said spaces. Likewise the name itself suggests, its chief interest is intent primarily on the period of the years 1815-1826. While in Europe the Napoleonic Wars had definitively ended, and a new order here was creating, according to principles of the Vienna Congress, and under the supervision of the Holy Alliance, Spanish America had gone through first phase of her own wars of liberation, and it could seem, on the beginning, the situation here was coming anew to profit of the Spanish monarchy, recuperating from the precedent years of the French rule and the war with French intruders. However, the struggle of independence of single Hispanic-American states was continuing, like the Portuguese Brazil reached for own independence of colonial metropolis as well. In the Spanish America's case, Spain, really isolated, despite the negative attitudes of the Holy Alliance's monarchical governments towards the development in her oversea possessions, and...