Literatura académica sobre el tema "Voto strategico"

Una lontana genesi e una scarsa adozione Come funziona I difetti logico-formali Il voto strategico Il coordianmento strategico dei partiti Strategia e processo di formazione del Governo La proporzionalistà del STV Inplicazioni politiche del STV in EIRE: numero di partiti, stabilità del governo e sottorappresentazione dei partiti radicali Come classificarlo?

La riforma elettorale tra speranze e scetticismoAl tempo della campagna in favore dell'adozione del principio maggioritario di rappresentanza in Italia, la speranza di molti era che il nuovo sistema elettorale potesse produrre effetti simili a quelli delle democrazie anglosassoni cui intendeva ispirarsi, ossia che strutturasse la competizione partitica in termini bipolari – se non bipartitici – e favorisse quindi l'alternanza dei governi.Sebbene siano trascorsi ormai più di tre anni da allora e, soprattutto, abbiano avuto luogo due elezioni, è ancora presto per dire se le nuove regole abbiano prodotto gli effetti desiderati. La transizione politica italiana è un processo ancora lontano dall'approdo finale e non consente ad oggi valutazioni definitive. Certo è che i sistemi elettorali introdotti nel 1993 sono stati caricati da molti di attese taumaturgiche, nonostante i moniti lanciati dal mondo scientifico sulla necessità di una modifica ben più incisiva dell'architettura istituzionale del sistema politico italiano. Qualunque sistema elettorale, infatti, costituisce di per sésolouna struttura di vincoli e di opportunità, dunque di vincoli più o meno stringenti e di opportunità che possono essere colte o meno. Inoltre, riguardo all'effettiva configurazione della normativa elettorale approvata dal Parlamento nell'agosto del 1993, la cautela sulle prospettive del cambiamento muoveva dalla considerazione che le nuove regole incarnavano entrambi i principi maggioritario (pur prevalente) e proporzionale di rappresentanza, quindi due logiche distinte di competizione e di voto sulla combinazione delle quali era difficile fare previsioni.

Abstract Viene esaminato, dal punto di vista probabilistico, il potere di voto, nell’ambito del sistema parlamentare svedese del secolo scorso.Nella prima metà del secolo decimonono, la Camera della Nobiltà, nella quale era applicato il metodo di votazione doppiamente indiretto, fornisce esempi interessanti di situazioni in cui un gruppo di persone determinato e coesivo esercita una sproporzionata influenza sul risultato delle elezioni in un’assemblea. I casi esaminati sono due: quello degli «Indipendenti», che nel 1823 formarono un gruppo del tipo «caucus»; e il caso in cui nel 1840 l’opposizione riportò una sorprendente vittoria sui governativi, malgrado questi ultimi godessero della maggioranza in Parlamento.Appare dal primo caso che, sebbene il potere d’influenzare i risultati si riduca con la suddivisione in piccoli gruppi, tuttavia le minoranze organizzate sono in grado di ricorrere a scambi di voti e altri tipi di comportamento strategico che possono ampiamente compensare tale effetto. Nel secondo caso, la vittoria dell’opposizione à probabilmente dovuta ad una distribuzione ad essa favorevole dei votanti all’interno dei sottogruppi.Rimangono alcuni quesiti che dovrebbero essere esaminati alia luce delle moderne teorie del voto, come quello degli effetti distorsivi del metodo di voto indiretto adottato dalla Camera e quello dei problemi strategici che deriverebbero qualora fosse consentita la vendita di voti prima delle elezioni.

IntroduzioneIn un passaggio frequentemente citato, Giovanni Sartori definisce il sistema elettorale «il più specifico strumento manipolativo della politica» (1968, 273; 1996, 11). In questo articolo, mi propongo di verificare le più tipiche «manipolazioni» attribuite al maggioritario o alla rappresentanza proporzionale, quelle sul sistema partitico. Al riguardo, è ancor oggi utile partire da Duverger (1954), il quale distingueva oltre cinquanta anni fa effetti psicologici ed effetti meccanici. Gli effetti psicologici entrano in causa prima, o al momento, del voto, condizionando la decisione degli elettori di votare o meno e, in caso affermativo, per quale partito. In questo, evidentemente, ha un plausibile peso la percezione che ogni sistema fornisce incentivi, o pone vincoli, a certi comportamenti, ed esige, quindi, una misura di adattamento alla sua logica di funzionamento. Date le alte soglie di rappresentanza associate ai sistemi maggioritari, l'adattamento si manifesta empiricamente sotto forma di voto strategico, cioè con la tendenza degli elettori a votare «utilmente», disertando i partiti senza possibilità di vincere e concentrandosi sui più forti.

The random utility model (RUM) of voting behavior can account for strategic voting by making use of proxy indicators that measure voter incentives to vote strategically. The contribution of this article is to propose a new method to estimate the RUM in the presence of strategic voters, without having to construct proxy measures of strategic voting incentives. Our method can be used to infer the counterfactual sincere vote of those who vote strategically and provides an estimate of the size of strategic voting. We illustrate the procedure using post-electoral survey data from Spain. Our calculations indicate that strategic voting in Spain is about 2.19%.

This paper studies decentralized vote trading in a power sharing system that follows the rules of strategic market games. In particular, we study a two-party election in which prior to the voting stage, voters are free to trade votes for money. Voters hold private information about both their ordinal and cardinal preferences, whereas their utilities are proportionally increasing in the vote share of their favorite party. In this framework, we prove generic existence of a unique full trade equilibrium (an equilibrium in which nobody refrains from vote trading). Moreover, we argue that vote trading in such systems unambiguously improves voters' welfare. (JEL C72, D71, D72, D82)

The aim of the diploma thesis is to analyse and evaluate the marketing strategy of VOYO.cz and recommend improvements of the current strategy. Theoretical part is divided into three chapters. The first chapter deals with the basic concept of marketing and the definition of marketing process. Second chapter defines the process of marketing planning and the third chapter offers basic theoretical approaches for the formulation of product, pricing, promotional and distribution strategy, which are applied in the practical part. The practical part describes the company CME and CET 21 and subsequently includes the analysis of VOYO.cz strategy in terms of 4Ps. Based on the findings there are recommendations offered in the last chapter to improve the current marketing strategy.

El objetivo general de la investigación es conocer si las estrategias del marketing político funcional de promoción y producto que se utilizaron para las elecciones presidenciales del Perú en el año 2016, tuvieron influencia en la preferencia de los electores entre 18 y 25 años de los NSE B-C en relación a los programas que utilizaron los cinco primeros candidatos políticos. Continuando con la misma línea los objetivos específicos de la investigación se centran en identificar si el uso de los medios tradicionales, redes sociales, imagen del candidato, atractividad y carisma del político inciden en la preferencia de los electores jóvenes antes mencionados. La investigación desarrolla las variables funcionales propias del marketing en un contexto político, resaltando los elementos de promoción y producto. Una vez analizado estas variables y su relación con el marketing político se procede al diseño de instrumentos que comprueben si existe vínculo con la decisión de voto del segmento. De esta forma se empieza a ejecutar herramientas cualitativas y cuantitativas que esclarezcan los objetivos e hipótesis. Entre las conclusiones centrales de la tesis resalta la fácil adaptación de las estrategias funcionales propias del marketing empresarial en el ámbito político. Ya que el producto puede ser graficado por el candidato, la marca representa al nombre del partido político y la promoción se apoya en la teoría comunicativa. Finalmente con respecto a los cinco candidatos se concluye que todos ellos cuentan con ideologías, posturas y propuestas diferentes lo que proporcionó diversas opiniones en el segmento objeto de estudio.
The general objective of the research is to know if the strategies of political marketing linked with promotion and product that will be used for the presidential elections of Peru in 2016, had an influence on the preference of voters between 18 and 25 years of the NSE BC in relation to the programs used by the first five political candidates. Continuing along the same lines, the specific objectives of the research focus on identifying whether the use of traditional media, social networks, candidate image, attractiveness and charisma of the politician affect the preference of the young voters identified above. The research develops the functional variables of marketing in a political context, highlighting the elements of promotion and product. Once these variables and their relationship with political marketing have been analyzed, proceed to the design of instruments that verify whether there is a link with the voting decision of the segment. In this way, qualitative and quantitative tools are used to clarify the objectives and hypotheses. Among the central conclusions of the thesis highlights the easy adaptation of the functional strategies of business marketing in the political field. Since the product can be graphed by the candidate, the brand represents the name of the political party and the promotion is supported by communicative theory. Finally, with respect to the five candidates, it is concluded that they all have different ideologies, positions and proposals, which provides different opinions in the segment under study.
Tesis

-Analysis of the complete ovidian recurrences of colo-cultus-incultus grouped in 8 thematic areas. - Evaluation of ovidian female model – and of his persuasive arms – configured in terms of a balanced union between ars/cultus and natura/forma. - Evaluation of ovidian male model - and of his persuasive arms: It seems that this male model recovers past models of genuine uirilitas. -Stressing the re-conquest strategy, based on the lack of cultus, made by Ovid using the topos of relicta. - Stressing, in the exile works, of the application of relicta’s topos to the poet himself, in order to heroize the exile, through the identification with Arianna.
-Analisi di tutte le ricorrenze ovidiane di colo-cultus-incultus raggruppate in 8 sezioni tematiche. -Valutazione del modello femminile ovidiano – e delle sue armi suasorie - configurato in termini di equilibrato connubio di ars/cultus e natura/forma. -Valutazione del modello maschile – e delle sue strategie suasorie -, che sembra recuperare modelli di autentica uirilitas. - Messa in luce della strategia di ri-conquista data dall’assenza di cultus attraverso il recupero, operato da Ovidio, del topos della relicta. - Messa in rilievo, negli epistolari dall’esilio, dell’applicazione del topos della relicta allo stesso poeta, nel processo di eroicizzazione dell’esule, attraverso un’identificazione con Arianna.

The objective of this study is to investigate how the phenomenon called the strategic vote is manifested in the legislative elections in France and Sweden. In order to gain knowledge in this domain of study, recent studies and well-established theories within the political science have been observed. The theory of the psychological factor, composed by the French political scientist Maurice Duverger lays the basis of the theory of the strategic vote, which is the central theory for this thesis, mostly defined by Gary W. Cox in Making votes count: strategic coordination in the world’s electoral systems (1997). The main question of research is as follows: “How does the strategic vote manifest itself amongst the voters in the legislative elections of the proportional electoral Swedish system and the majority electoral French system?” The following questions are follow-up questions to complement the main one: “Which are the effects of the strategic vote?” “Which are the differences in the French and Swedish legislative elections that are revealed throughout the interviews?” and “Is the validity of votes under the influence of the phenomenon of the strategic vote questionable?” The method used to obtain answers to the questions above is qualitative interviews with two groups of respondents: one group of respondents of French nationality and another group with respondents of Swedish nationality. The results of the study show that strategic voting in France is mostly due to the two-ballot system that is applied in the French electoral system, where the second ballot is the source to most of the strategic voting in France. The Swedish voters, however, first and foremost vote strategically by reason of the electoral threshold of 4 % that is employed in the Swedish electoral system. The effects of the strategic voting in the concerning states, found in this study are identical: an overrepresentation of the bigger political parties and an underrepresentation of the smaller political parties. Differences in the legislative elections of the countries, France and Sweden, which were revealed during the interviews are differences in electoral participation due to the structure of elections on the various levels, such as municipal, regional and legislative and so forth. The third follow-up question, being of a more philosophical nature, lead to two positions: an idealist and a realist one. Through the results found in this study, the idealist position is the preferred position, in order to respect and achieve the democratic ideals on which the democratic states France and Sweden are based.

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Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo geral identificar informações estratégicas que configuram os modelos de aeroportos e aerotrópoles, a fim de verificar a confluência de conhecimentos de Ciência da Informação e Administração nas ações estratégicas de natureza interdisciplinar entre as duas áreas. É uma investigação exploratória, pois se realiza em área na qual há pouco conhecimento acumulado e sistematizado. A revisão de literatura foi sistematizada tanto na conceituação e aprofundamento de aerotrópole, como na conceituação da disciplinaridade e da interdisciplinaridade, alicerçando gestão estratégica da informação e inteligência competitiva, bem como outros aspectos da informação entre as duas disciplinas. Ainda com relação aos meios de investigação, teve caráter quali-quantitativo, pelo uso de entrevistas semi-estruturadas, observação e questionários pela internet. Os principais resultados revelaram uma diferença de perspectiva entre os respondentes que trabalham no desenvolvimento e condução de aerotrópole e os que tem conhecimento ou se relacionam com aerotrópole, quanto ao mapeamento do ambiente e uso de informações estratégicas, nos setores Aeroporto, Cidade Aeroportuária e Aerotrópole/Cidade. Os resultados da pesquisa levaram à proposição de um portal para aerotrópole visando aumentar a sistematização e disponibilização de informações.
This research has as a general objective the identification of strategic information that forms the models of airports and aerotropolises, in order to ascertain the coming together of knowledge in Information Science and Administration in strategic actions of interdisciplinary nature between these two areas. It is an exploratory investigation, since it is carried out in an area where there is little accumulated and systematized knowledge. The review of literarure was systematized in the conceptualization and deepening of the idea of the aerotropolis, as well as in the conceptualization of the disciplinarity and interdisciplinarity of the subject, consolidating the strategic management of information and competitive intelligence, together with other aspects of information between the two disciplines. Still in relation to the means of investigation, this study presents a quali-quantitative character, by the use of semi-structured interviews, observation, and questionnaires via internet. The main results reveal a difference in perspective between the group that answered and work in the development of an aerotropolis and those who know or relate themselves with an aerotropolis, as regards the environmental mapping and the use of strategic information, in the sectors: Airport, Airport City, and Aerotropolis/City. The results of this research led to the proposal of a site for aerotroplis aiming at the increase of systematization and availability of information.

Many studies have focused on whether or not different kinds of strategies used towards radical right parties give them more or less electoral support and power. This study, however, sets out to center the MP’s subjective views on how the strategies and different approaches are being used and experienced in parliamentary committees in the Swedish Riksdag. The purpose of the study is to gain new and more detailed information of the motivations used for the strategies from the MPs subjective views of the Swedish Democrats (SD). The different types of strategies studied are excluding strategies such as ignore, cordon sanitaire, demonise and defuse. The including strategies which are examined are adapt and collaborate. Vote technical disidentification is a theoretical contribution to strategies being used from this study and shows how MPs blame other parties for voting more on SD than their own. Semi- structured interviews with MPs from five parties, including SD, in three different parliamentary committees with a total number of 15 participants, which are used as the material. The result of the study suggests that there are some differences in the approaches of the different MPs, and the difference lies mostly in between and within parties and not so much among the different committees. The MPs have some differences in their subjective conception of the SD where some have a tough approach against them while others have a softer understanding to them socially but none except for one MP want formal collaboration with them. In broad terms, the political right has some tendencies to use inclusion strategies and the political left uses the exclusion strategies more broadly and not the inclusion at all, according to the result. Informal approaches to take distance from SD, used more by the political left. The perception of the strategies and approaches being used differs a lot from between the MPs from SD and the rest of the MPs in the study. A more hard, unfair and undemocratic is the perceptions of the MPs from SD of the strategy and approaches while the others do not see them as commonly used.

Facebook is rapidly changing Australia’s political media landscape. Young voters’ growing reliance on Facebook for the consumption of political news has corresponded with politicians’ increasingly prudent use of social media; suggesting that Facebook will play a defining role as an influential political arena to access future generations of voters. It is therefore important for electioneers and political scientists to understand which electioneering strategies used over Facebook are the most effective at influencing the Australian youth vote. This thesis takes a post-positivist approach to research to examine this causal relationship; using the experimental method to isolate and test the effects of extant online electioneering strategies on the voting habits of young Australians. It employs web-based crowdsourcing services to recruit participants into the experiments, and in doing so encounters sample size problems which prevent it from drawing conclusions against hypotheses. While the thesis is unable to evaluate the causal relationship between online electioneering strategies and youth voting habits, by learning from the sampling issues encountered in the study it makes an important contribution towards our understanding of experiments in Australian political science. Additionally, considering problems in the study were caused by sampling issues rather than the methodological design, the thesis is able to offer a robust methodology for future post-positivist research into this area.

Satellite Formation Flying (SFF) is a key technology for several future missions, since, with respect to a single spacecraft, it allows better performances, new capabilities, more flexibility and robustness to failure and cost reduction. Despite these benefits, however, this new concept poses several signicant design challenges and requires new technologies. The Guidance, Navigation and Control (GNC) system is a key element in the SFF concept since it must be reliable in coordinating all the satellites fying in formation during each mission phase, guaranteeing formation integrity and preventing from formation evaporation, and, at the same time, efficient in using the limited on board resources. Model Predictive Control (MPC), also referred to as Receding Horizon Control, is a modern optimal control technique that seems to be suitable for these purposes because of its three main features: model-based control scheme, constraints handling ability and replanning nature. The final aim of my Ph.D. activities was to develop and test MPC strategies for SFF applications. This task was accomplished by means of both computer simulations and experimental tests conducted on both the MIT Synchronized Position Hold Engage & Reorient Experimental Satellites (SPHERES) testbed and the SFF Hardware Simulator under development at the Center of Studies and Activities for Space "Giuseppe Colombo" (CISAS), University of Padova. MPC capabilities were first tested in computer simulations in carrying out a formation acquisition maneuver for two space vehicles, taking into account two scenarios: a Leader-Follower (LF) formation and Projected Circular Orbit (PCO) formation. The performances of the MPC-based controller were compared with those of a Linear Quadratic Regulator (LQR) based controller in the presence of active constraints on the maximum control acceleration, evaluating also the effects of the gravitational harmonics J2 and J3 and atmospheric drag perturbations on the proposed maneuvers. Simulation results of both scenarios showed that, with similar performances in tracking the same reference state trajectory in terms of settling time, the MPC controller is more efficient (less delta-v requirement) than the LQR controller also in the perturbed cases, allowing a delta-v requirement reduction by 40% in the LF formation scenario and by 30% in the PCO formation scenario. The next activity concerned the development of some guidance and control strategies for a Collision-Avoidance scenario in which a free-flying chief spacecraft follows temporary off-nominal conditions and a controlled deputy spacecraft performs a collision avoidance maneuver. The proposed strategy consists on a first Separation Guidance that, using a computationally simple, deterministic and closed-form algorithm, takes charge of avoiding a predicted collision. When some safe conditions on the relative state vector (position and velocity) are met, a subsequent Nominal Guidance takes over. Genetic Algorithms are used to compute a pair of reference state trajectories in order to place the deputy spacecraft in a bounded safe or "parking" trajectory, while minimizing the propellant consumption and avoiding the formation evaporation. The performances of a LQR and a MPC in tracking these reference trajectories were compared, showing how a MPC controller can reduces the total delta-v requirement by 5 - 10% with respect to a LQR controller. MPC capabilities were then evaluated on the MIT SPHERES testbed in simulating the close-proximity phase of the rendez-vous and capture maneuver for the Mars Orbital Sample Return (MOSR) scenario. Better performances of MPC with respect to PD in executing this maneuver were conrmed both in a Matlab simulator and in the MIT SPHERES software simulator, with a total delta-v requirement reduction by 10-15 %. The proposed MPC control strategy was then tested using the SPHERES Flat Floor facility at the MIT Space System Laboratory. The last part of my research activities was devoted to the SFF Hardware Simulator of the University of Padova. My contributions to this project dealt with: (a) conclusion of the designing, building and testing of the five main subsystems of the hardware simulator; (b) software development for the hardware simulator and its Matlab software simulator; (c) preparatory experimental activities aimed at characterizing the thrust force performed by the on board thrusters and estimating the hardware simulator inertia properties; and (d) test of attitude control maneuvers with the use of predictive controllers. In particular, three main tests were carried out with the hardware simulator moving at one degree of freedom about the yaw axis. The first one aimed at tuning a Kalman Filter to properly estimate the yaw axis angular velocity using a double-integrator as dynamic model and angular position measurements provided by the yaw quadrature encoder. With the use of a simple Kalman Filter, the yaw angular position and velocity could be estimated with an error less than 0.1 ° and 0.1°/s, respectively. In the second test, an explicit MPC was used to perform a 170° slew maneuver of the hardware simulator attitude module about the yaw axis. The final target angular position was reached with an error less than 0.5° in 20 s. In the third test, a 3 degrees of freedom attitude reference trajectory was first computed using pseudospectral optimization methods for a repointing maneuver with active constraints on the attitude trajectory. The state trajectory was then projected along the satellite z-Body axis and tracked in the hardware simulator using an explicit MPC. Experimental results showed that with an explicit MPC the reference trajectories can be tracked with an error less that 1.5° for the angular position and less than 1°/s for the angular velocity, both in dynamic conditions. The final target state was reached with an error less than the estimation accuracy. The SFF Hardware Simulator is a ground-based testbed for the development and verification of GNC algorithms that in the present configuration allows the development and testing of advanced controls for attitude motion and in its final form will enable the derivation of control strategies for Formation Flight and Automated Rendezvous and Docking.
Il volo in formazione tra satelliti è una tecnologia fondamentale per molte missioni future, poiché, rispetto ad un satellite singolo, permette migliori prestazioni, nuove capacità, maggiore flessibilità e robustezza alle avarie e riduzione dei costi. Nonostante questi benefici, tuttavia, questo nuovo concetto pone svariate sfide progettuali e richiede nuove tecnologie. Il sistema di Guida, Navigazione e Controllo (GNC) è un elemento chiave per il volo in formazione, poiché deve essere affidabile nel coordinare tutti i satelliti che volano in formazione durante ciascuna fase della missione, garantendo l'integrità della formazione e prevenendo l'evaporazione della stessa, e, allo stesso tempo, efficiente nell'utilizzo delle limitate risorse di bordo. Il Model Predictive Control (MPC), chiamato anche Receding Horizon Control, è una moderna tecnica di controllo ottimo che sembra essere adeguata a queste finalità per le sue tre principali caratteristiche: schema di controllo basato su modello, abilità nel gestire i vincoli e ripianificazione. L'obbiettivo finale delle mie attività di dottorato è stato quello di sviluppare e testare strategie di controllo MPC per applicazioni di volo in formazione. Questo obiettivo è stato raggiunto sia mediante simulazioni al computer sia attraverso test sperimentali condotti e sul sistema Synchronized Position Hold Engage & Reorient Experimental Satellites (SPHERES) del MIT e sul simulatore hardware per volo in formazione che è in fase di sviluppo al Centro di Ateneo di Studi ed Attività Spaziali "Giuseppe Colombo" (CISAS) dell'Università di Padova. Le capacità del controllo MPC sono state dapprima testate mediante simulazioni al computer nell'eseguire una manovra di acquisizione di formazione per due veicoli spaziali, prendendo in considerazione due scenari: una formazione Leader-Follower (LF) e una formazione Projected Circular Orbit (PCO). Le prestazioni del controllore MPC sono state confrontate con quelle di un controllore LQR in presenza di vincoli attivi sulla massima accelerazione di controllo, valutando inoltre gli effetti perturbativi delle armoniche gravitazionali J2 e J3 e dell'attrito atmosferico sulle manovre proposte. I risultati delle simulazioni per entrambi gli scenari hanno mostrato che, per simili prestazioni nel seguire la stessa traiettoria di stato di riferimento in termini di tempo di assestamento, il controllore MPC è più efficiente (minor requisito di delta-v) rispetto al controllore LQR anche nei casi con perturbazioni, permettendo una riduzione del requisito di delta-v totale del 40% nello scenario LF e del 30% in quello PCO. L'attività successiva ha riguardato lo sviluppo di alcune strategie di guida e controllo per uno scenario di Collision-Avoidance in cui un satellite chief non controllato segue temporaneamente condizioni non nominali e un satellite controllato deputy esegue una manovra di anti-collisione. La strategia proposta consiste in una prima Separation Guidance che, utilizzando un algoritmo semplice, deterministico e in forma chiusa, ha lo scopo di evitare una collisione prevista. Quando vengono soddisfatte alcune condizioni di sicurezza sullo stato relativo (posizione e velocità), subentra una successiva Nominal Guidance. Gli Algoritmi Genetici sono usati per calcolare una coppia di traiettorie di stato di riferimento al fine di collocare il satellite deputy in una traiettoria chiusa "di parcheggio", minimizzando il consumo di carburante ed evitando l'evaporazione della formazione. Le prestazioni di un controllo LQR e di uno MPC nel seguire queste traiettorie di riferimento sono state messe a confronto, dimostrando come un controllo MPC può ridurre il requisito totale di delta-v del 5 - 10% rispetto ad un controllo LQR. Le capacità del controllo MPC sono state valutate anche nel sistema SPHERES del MIT nel simulare la fase di prossimità della manovra di rendez-vous and capture per lo scenario Mars Orbital Sample Return (MOSR). Migliori prestazioni del controllo MPC rispetto al controllo PD nell'eseguire questa manovra sono state confermate sia in un simulatore Matlab che nel simulatore software di SPHERES del MIT, con una riduzione del requisito totale di delta-v del 10 - 15%. La strategia di controllo MPC proposta è stata poi testata nella SPHERES Flat Floor facility presso lo Space System Laboratory del MIT. L'ultima parte dell'attività di ricerca si è concentrata sul simulatore hardware per il volo in formazione dell'Università di Padova. Il mio contributo a questo progetto ha riguardato: (a) la conclusione delle fasi di progettazione, costruzione e test dei cinque principali sottosistemi del simulatore hardware; (b) lo sviluppo di software per il simulatore hardware e del suo simulatore software in Matlab; (c) alcune attività sperimentali preparatorie finalizzate a caratterizzare la spinta prodotta dai razzetti di bordo e stimare le proprietà d'inerzia del simulatore hardware; e (d) il test di manovre di controllo d'assetto con l'utilizzo del controllo predittivo. In particolare, sono stati eseguiti tre principali test con il simulatore hardware in moto ad un grado di libertà attorno all'asse di yaw. Il primo test è stato finalizzato al tuning di un Filtro di Kalman per stimare in modo opportuno la velocità angolare di yaw usando un doppio integratore come modello dinamico e misure della posizione angolare fornite dall'encoder di yaw. Utilizzando un semplice Filtro di Kalman, è stato possibile stimare la posizione e la velocità angolare con un errore inferiore a 0.1° e 0.1°/s, rispettivamente. Nel secondo test, è stato utilizzato un controllo MPC esplicito per eseguire una manovra di ri-orientazione di 170° del modulo d'assetto del simulatore hardware attorno all'asse di yaw. La posizione angolare obiettivo è stata raggiunta con un errore inferiore a 0.5° in 20 s. Nel terzo test, una traiettoria d'asseto di riferimento è state dapprima calcolata utilizzando metodi di ottimizzazione pseudospectral per una manovra di ripuntamento con vincoli attivi sulla traiettoria di stato. La traiettoria di stato è stata poi proiettata lungo l'asse z-Body del satellite ed inseguita nel simulatore hardware utilizzando un controllo MPC esplicito. I risultati sperimentali hanno dimostrato che con un controllo predittivo esplicito le traiettorie di riferimento possono essere inseguite con un errore inferiore a 1.5° per la posizione angolare e inferiore a 1°/s per la velocità angolare, entrambi in condizioni dinamiche. Lo stato finale obiettivo è stato raggiunto con un errore inferiore all'accuratezza di stima. Il Simulatore Meccanico per il volo in formazione costituisce un banco di prova per lo sviluppo e la verifica in laboratorio di algoritmi di GNC; nella configurazione attuale il simulatore permette lo sviluppo ed il test di controlli avanzati per il moto d'assetto, mentre nella sua configurazione finale consentirà di sviluppare strategie di controllo per Formation Flight e Automated Rendezvous and Docking.

Que traduit la hausse de la participation aux élections présidentielles françaises de 2007 et américaines 2008 ? À partir d’enquêtes électorales française, américaine et canadienne, notre étude met en lumière les changements d’attitudes politiques des citoyens survenus ces dernières années et la pratique croissante d’une participation intermittente et sélective. Ces changements qui résultent de logiques d’individualisation ont permis aux individus de s’extirper de contraintes d’appartenance sociale et de s’affranchir d’allégeances partisanes. Leur jugement se fonde désormais sur une évaluation des critères de l’offre électorale. L’individualisation des valeurs en politique se traduit notamment par une évolution du sens du vote et une hiérarchisation des scrutins. Les électeurs ne se délaissent pas les élections, ils choisissent simplement de participer autrement. Plus instruits, plus autonomes et plus critiques, ces citoyens prescrivent des changements profonds de l’offre. Afin de rallier le plus grand nombre de suffrages, les candidats se voient contraints d’adapter leurs dispositifs stratégiques aux évolutions des comportements politiques des citoyens : structuration des partis, modernisation des campagnes électorales, militantisme à « la carte », nouvelles formes d’engagement politique, usage de l’Internet. Tout est fait pour que le citoyen individualisé trouve dans ces manières de faire la politique les bonnes raisons de voter
What does the increase of the voter turnout in the 2007 French and the 2008 American presidential election mean? With the French, American and Canadian surveys, we highlight the changes in the political attitude of the citizens occurred in recent years. The voters are now practicing an intermittent and selective voting. This changing political behavior reflects a growing individualization values in politics. They are making their mind up from an assessment of the electoral issues positions, an evolution of the meaning of the vote and, a priorization of elections. Voters are not leaving the polling stations, they are only choosing to participate in different way. More educated, autonomous and critical, the citizens require deep changes in the political evaluations. So, by winning number of votes, candidates have to adapt their strategical plan of actions by including the individualized behavior of the citizens : structuring the political party, modernizing the electoral campaigns, promoting a membership “à la carte”, developing new forms of political engagement, and using the Internet. Everything is done to increase the individualized citizens vote

Le choix social repose sur l’étude de la prise de décision collective, où un ensemble d’individus doit convenir d’une solution commune en fonction des préférences de ses membres. Le problème revient à déterminer comment agréger les préférences de différents agents en une décision acceptable pour le groupe. Typiquement, les agents interagissent dans des processus de décision collective, notamment en collaborant ou en échangeant des informations. Il est communément supposé que tout agent est capable d’interagir avec n’importe quel autre. Or, cette hypothèse paraît irréaliste pour de nombreuses situations. On propose de relâcher cette hypothèse en considérant que la possibilité d’interaction est déterminée par un réseau social, représenté par un graphe sur les agents. Dans un tel contexte, on étudie deux problèmes de choix social : le vote stratégique et l’allocation de ressources. L’analyse se concentre sur deux types d’interaction : la collaboration entre les agents, et la collecte d’information. On s’intéresse à l’impact du réseau social, modélisant une possibilité de collaboration entre les agents ou une relation de visibilité, sur la résolution et les solutions de problèmes de vote et d’allocation de ressources. Nos travaux s’inscrivent dans le cadre du choix social computationnel, en utilisant pour ces questions des outils provenant de la théorie des jeux algorithmique et de la théorie de la complexité
Social choice is the study of collective decision making, where a set of agents must make a decision over a set of alternatives, according to their preferences. The question relies on how aggregating the preferences of the agents in order to end up with a decision that is commonly acceptable for the group. Typically, agents can interact by collaborating, or exchanging some information. It is usually assumed in computational social choice that every agent is able to interact with any other agent. However, this assumption looks unrealistic in many concrete situations. We propose to relax this assumption by considering that the possibility of interaction is given by a social network, represented by a graph over the agents.In this context, we study two particular problems of computational social choice: strategic voting and resource allocation of indivisible goods. The focus is on two types of interaction: collaboration and information gathering. We explore how the social network,modelingapossibilityofcollaboration or a visibility relation among the agents, can impact the resolution and the solution of voting and resource allocation problems. These questions are addressed via computational social choice by using tools from algorithmic game theory and computational complexity

Vote buying is an electoral campaign violation that occurs in many countries, which undermines the integrity of elections and is detrimental to democratic governance. Many factors beyond electoral politics drive vote buying. Such factors influence the ‘supply side’ (political actors’ decisions to engage in vote buying), the ‘demand side’ (voters’ willingness to participate in vote buying) or both. This Primer outlines what vote buying is (and what it is not) and analyses the drivers behind the practice. It provides insights into vote-buying strategies and practices before considering options for policy interventions to effectively counter the practice. It also offers an analytical framework for a strategic approach to support such efforts to stakeholders seeking to gain comparative insights into vote buying and mitigation.

This chapter develops and tests hypotheses about the implications of different kinds of strategic behaviour on the part of voters at the individual, regional, and party levels. Whereas some voters try to avoid wasting their vote on unviable parties, others deviate from their preferred small party to make it more likely that the more preferred of the large parties can assume the prime ministership in a potential government. Some voters deviate from their most preferred party in order to balance the overall direction of policies by having ideologically different governments at different levels of governance. Overall, the chapter cautions against a naïve approach that assumes that voters are voting strategically if they vote for different parties in different levels of election, because the electoral context, election campaigns, the number and the type of parties that compete in each election are different.

This chapter details the strategies involved in a 1951 campaign by a coalition of small property owners and anti-tax proponents who sought to halt creation of public housing through a ballot referendum. Leading the coalition is long-time civic activist and savings-and-loan official William Pieplow. Pieplow's elevation of individual rights was tempered by a belief in “public virtue”—a willingness to sacrifice private to public interests, a characteristic championed in the early days of the nation's founding as essential for republican government. Although the referendum campaign received some support from the national housing and builder associations, which vehemently opposed the 1949 Housing Act, the movement Pieplow and his cohorts spearheaded was a genuinely grassroots expression, one that sought to defend against the perceived loss of individual rights that would result from the provision of public housing.

While the previous chapter considered diversity from the perspective of vote correlation, this chapter explores the positive effects of diverse search strategies and dividing epistemic labour. First, we consider searches on ‘rugged landscapes’ to point out the value of diverse localized search. The second section is premised on the assumption that voter competence declines the more options voters face. We show several strategies to address this. One is to consider fewer options at a time, another to let subgroups propose and the whole group dispose, yet another to let experts reduce the agenda. A different way to respond is to disaggregate the problem along several dimensions and vote on each dimension separately.

AbstractOver the last fifteen years, the European Parliament (EP) has served as an important actor in the assessment and design of the politically contested relationship between the EU and Turkey in general, and Turkey’s extended accession talks in particular. In the event of a successful completion of Turkish accession negotiations, the EP will also be responsible for taking the final decision on Turkish accession to the EU. Based on data made available by VoteWatch Europe with regard to the voting behavior of Members of the EP on all Turkey-related files since 2005, we show how the EP’s support for Turkey’s accession to the EU has changed over time. Our findings reveal that the EP has gradually developed from a strong advocate of Turkey’s EU membership to the only EU institution formally closing the ‘accession door’ for Turkey. At the same time, EP resolutions on the country reports on Turkey have collected numerous arguments for the importance of a new strategic partnership—representing majority-winning new narratives on the future trajectory of EU–Turkey relations. These arguments should not be wiped away in an increasingly politicized environment. Vote-seeking and closing the door to accession without identifying possible alternatives for cooperation would be politically and geo-strategically shortsighted.

Vote buying, the offer of particularistic rewards to voters in exchange for electoral support at the ballot box, is the form of clientelism that has been analyzed most extensively in previous studies. Chapter 7 documents the presence of this clientelistic strategy in East European elections. It documents important differences between vote buying and clientelistic strategies that politicize state resources relating to the types of brokers used in these exchanges, the goods offered to voters, and the identity of the voters targeted by these strategies. It is shown that the use of this strategy creates opportunities for candidates to send voters signals about their personal attributes and policy position, which lower the political audience costs incurred by candidates who use this strategy.

This chapter illustrates how the conditional mean of precinct vote counts' second digits can respond to strategic behavior by voters in response to the presence of a coalition among political parties. The digits in vote counts can help diagnose both the strategies voters use in elections and nonstrategic special mobilizations affecting votes for some candidates. The digits can also sometimes help diagnose some kinds of election fraud. The claim that deviations in vote counts' second digits from the distribution implied by Benford's law is an indicator for election fraud, generally fails for precinct vote counts. This chapter shows that such tests routinely fail in data from elections in the United States, Germany, Canada and Mexico, countries where it is usually thought that there is negligible fraud.

This chapter focuses on a case of nationwide proportional representation. In Israel, all members of the 120-seat Knesset are elected in a single nationwide district under closed party lists. Due to this electoral system design, the geographic location of votes does not matter for a party’s overall seat total, and candidates have almost no incentive to develop a personal vote. The chapter finds strong support for the expertise model in how the Labor Party assigns members to legislative committees, but relatively little support in the Likud Party. Both parties exhibit strong issue ownership tendencies.

In the post–La Guardia era, New York City women politicians experienced some successes but also many frustrations. The “glass ceiling” prevailed: many seemed on their way to higher and more prominent posts, only to be thwarted in the end. Although their quest for power in the early postsuffrage era remained unfulfilled, their story was not all disappointment. Contrary to the stereotypes about woman suffrage—that too few women voted to make a difference, that women voted just as their husbands did, or that women failed to win political office (as if it was their fault)—New York women voters gradually increased their numbers, voted independently from men, and often chose sides with women’s policy agendas in mind. Despite enduring biases against them, hundreds entered partisan political arenas, drawing strength, example, and tactics from their suffrage-era networks and forming strategic coalitions across racial, class, and ideological lines to achieve specific goals.

Iterative voting is a social choice mechanism that assumes all voters are strategic, and allows voters to change their stated preferences as the vote progresses until an equilibrium is reached (at which point no player wishes to change their vote). Previous research established that this process converges to an equilibrium for the plurality and veto voting methods and for no other scoring rule. We consider iterative voting for non-scoring rules, examining the major ones, and show that none of them converge when assuming (as most research has so far) that voters pursue a best response strategy. We investigate other potential voter strategies, with a more heuristic flavor (since for most of these voting rules, calculating the best response is NP-hard); we show that they also do not converge. We then conduct an empirical analysis of the iterative voting winners for these non-scoring rules, and compare the winner quality of various strategies.

In parliamentary elections, parties compete for a limited, typically fixed number of seats. We study the complexity of the following bribery-style problem: Given the distribution of votes among the parties, what is the smallest number of voters that need to be convinced to vote for our party, so that it gets a desired number of seats. We also run extensive experiments on real-world election data and measure the effectiveness of our method.

We introduce an end-to-end model for participatory budgeting grounded in social choice theory. Our model accounts for the interplay between the two stages commonly encountered in real-life partici- patory budgeting. In the first stage participants pro- pose projects to be shortlisted, while in the second stage they vote on which of the shortlisted projects should be funded. Prior work of a formal nature has focused on analysing the second stage only. We in- troduce several shortlisting rules for the first stage and analyse them in both normative and algorith- mic terms. Our main focus is on the incentives of participants to engage in strategic behaviour during the first stage, in which they need to reason about how their proposals will impact the range of strate- gies available to everyone in the second stage.

Employing a collective case study approach, I intend to assess the degree in which the PARC principles for successful social media strategies have been implemented in two Romanian PR Awards winning campaigns, at the medical services section, in 2017 (Votez pentru sănătate/ I vote for health - Asociaţia Română a Producătorilor Internaţionali de Medicamente, Golden Award for Excellence, and Laboratorul Central – arta diagnosticelor precise/ Central Laboratory – the art of precise diagnostics - Regina Maria Reţeaua Privată de Sănătate, Silver Award for Excellence). The four PARC principles that I will take into account refer to: participatory (interaction with users), authentic (engaging in conversation), resourceful (providing audience with helpful information) and credible (valuable and trustworthy information). Besides the four PARC principles, offline engagement will be also considered since it may generate viral effects. The research questions will focus on the online strategies used in the campaigns, the use of authentic and credible digital story telling for medical services, the degree to which offline engagement is activated in the awareness campaigns, and the extent to which online and/or offline engagement involve the sharing of content on medical services. The findings of this study revealed two main aspects: a) the target audience’s degree of participation throughout the public campaigns for medical services under analysis does not depend on the number of posts, but on the content of posts and on the political situational context; b) Romanian health-care organizations should be more aware of the advantages of the social media role of a community-builder.

Our aim in this research is to discuss the correspondence with the Ottoman State during the Crimean War, as well as the opposition of Sheikh Shamil, with whom the Russians encountered during their invasion of the North Caucasus. Crimea is a Turkish country, has historically been a place of invasion by various foreign forces due to its geographical location and strategic location. The growing appetite of the Tsarist Russian Empire, the main purpose of which was to capture Istanbul and the right to vote in the straits, led to the beginning of the Crimean War. The Russian leadership began the war, by taking advantage of the privileges granted by the Ottomans to Christians Catholics in Jerusalem, the Armenians in Anatolia and the Greek Greeks. Although the Ottomans ended their relations with the Russians, but the Russian army went on a new offensive. Despite the fact that they did not openly declare war, they captured Eflak (Romania) and Bogdan (Moldova). On October 4, 1853, the Ottoman State declared war on Tsarist Russia. On the other hand, as far as the interests and power of the Ottoman State in Crimea were weakened, the Turkish rulers approached the Russians and over time fell victim to the Russian leadership's plan. Key words: North Caucasian, Ottoman, Russia, Sheikh Shamil, Crimean War

Anahtar sözler: Kuzey Kafkas, Osmanlı, Rus, Şeyh Şâmil, Kırım Savaşı Correspondence between the Ottomans and Sheikh Shamil during the Crimean War: in the light of archival documents Summary Our aim in this research is to discuss the correspondence with the Ottoman State during the Crimean War, as well as the opposition of Sheikh Shamil, with whom the Russians encountered during their invasion of the North Caucasus. Crimea is a Turkish country, has historically been a place of invasion by various foreign forces due to its geographical location and strategic location. The growing appetite of the Tsarist Russian Empire, the main purpose of which was to capture Istanbul and the right to vote in the straits, led to the beginning of the Crimean War. The Russian leadership began the war, by taking advantage of the privileges granted by the Ottomans to Christians Catholics in Jerusalem, the Armenians in Anatolia and the Greek Greeks. Although the Ottomans ended their relations with the Russians, but the Russian army went on a new offensive. Despite the fact that they did not openly declare war, they captured Eflak (Romania) and Bogdan (Moldova). On October 4, 1853, the Ottoman State declared war on Tsarist Russia. On the other hand, as far as the interests and power of the Ottoman State in Crimea were weakened, the Turkish rulers approached the Russians and over time fell victim to the Russian leadership's plan. Key words: North Caucasian, Ottoman, Russia, Sheikh Shamil, Crimean War

Anahtar sözler: Kuzey Kafkas, Osmanlı, Rus, Şeyh Şâmil, Kırım Savaşı Correspondence between the Ottomans and Sheikh Shamil during the Crimean War: in the light of archival documents Summary Our aim in this research is to discuss the correspondence with the Ottoman State during the Crimean War, as well as the opposition of Sheikh Shamil, with whom the Russians encountered during their invasion of the North Caucasus. Crimea is a Turkish country, has historically been a place of invasion by various foreign forces due to its geographical location and strategic location. The growing appetite of the Tsarist Russian Empire, the main purpose of which was to capture Istanbul and the right to vote in the straits, led to the beginning of the Crimean War. The Russian leadership began the war, by taking advantage of the privileges granted by the Ottomans to Christians Catholics in Jerusalem, the Armenians in Anatolia and the Greek Greeks. Although the Ottomans ended their relations with the Russians, but the Russian army went on a new offensive. Despite the fact that they did not openly declare war, they captured Eflak (Romania) and Bogdan (Moldova). On October 4, 1853, the Ottoman State declared war on Tsarist Russia. On the other hand, as far as the interests and power of the Ottoman State in Crimea were weakened, the Turkish rulers approached the Russians and over time fell victim to the Russian leadership's plan. Key words: North Caucasian, Ottoman, Russia, Sheikh Shamil, Crimean War

Qualification of good and badlog data is essential for both single well and multi-well interpretation and workflows. We use a combination of machine learning methods, each using single or multiple input curves to identify sections or samples of bad data. To automatically identify samples or sections with bad data, using rule-based and/or statistical methods can be powerful but not sufficient. The human brain can recognize patterns in curves or curve relationships that are difficult and perhaps impossible to identify by rules alone. Machine learning can be used to mimic human strategies in a way that can potentially match and even exceed the human brain in accuracy but with the efficiency of computer processing. In this work we have focused on identification of badlogs in three types of well logs - bulk density, compressional slowness, and shear slowness. The motivation behind this selection is that these logs usually undergo a detailed manual quality control over the full coverage of the logs in the process of generating continuous logs for geophysical studies. The objective has been to let the machine learn from and mimic this manual quality control in order to assist petrophysicists in this process. What is good enough data might vary between different companies, measurements, workflows, petrophysicists and lithostratigraphic units. Different strategies can be used to apply the result of quality control. One can remove the section with bad data, one can mark the section with a BadHoleFlag, or flag the individual logs with BadLogFlag and leave the data untouched. We find the BadLogFlag to be far superior to the other options as it is non-destructive, easily modifiable, transparent, creates little extra data and it enables one to choose different strategies for how to handle these data in the next step. Our badlog flagging solution is a combination of several unsupervised machine learning methods, addressing several reasons why a sample is anomalous. These methods can be divided into two groups based on the algorithms they use: heuristic methods and anomaly detection methods. The former tries to reproduce what a human interpreter would do in applying thresholds based on combinations of curves. The latter applies several machine learning outlier detection techniques using different combinations of input curves. These are thereafter combined through a voting process to flag a sample as anomalous, where a vote constitutes a score of abnormality of each sample.