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Pierzgalski, Michał y Paweł Stępień. "A Peculiar Interpretation of the Constitutional Principle of “One Person, One Vote” in Poland: Voter (In)equality in the Elections to 1,200 Local Legislatures". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, n.º 4 (21 de agosto de 2017): 704–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417717787.
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The adoption of new redistricting plans for the 2014 elections to local legislatures in Poland resulted in significant violations of the “one person, one vote” principle. This article shows the results of the first comparative study measuring within-country variation of voter inequality, using data from the 2014 Polish local elections to 1,200 commune or municipal councils, that is, local legislatures. Voter inequality is usually examined at the country or state level, while studies that take into account within-country variation of malapportionment, using local election data, are neglected by scholars. To put our research in a broader context, we compared levels of malapportionment in Poland with internationally recognized standards (contained, e.g., in the Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters issued by the Venice Commission) as to the acceptable levels of deviations from the “ideal” population, and also with empirical findings on the levels of voter inequality in other countries. We argue that the significant vote–value disparities in elections to commune councils in Poland result primarily from the disadvantages of the Polish 2011 Election Code. When it comes to local legislature elections in the vast majority of communes that are not the so-called county-status towns, the legally permitted deviation from the ideal district population ranges from +50 percent to −50 percent. Even considering the standards of redistricting for local elections, the interpretation of the “one person, one vote” principle is rather peculiar in Polish commune elections.
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Inoguchi, Takashi. "Japanese Politics in Transition: A Theoretical Review". Government and Opposition 28, n.º 4 (1 de octubre de 1993): 443–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1993.tb01380.x.
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THE END OF ONE-PARTY DOMINANCE BY THE LIBERAL Democratic Party of Japan came as abruptly as the fall of the Berlin wall four years before. It started with the debate on electoral system change, ostensibly as an attempt to curb corruption. The LDP has been plagued by a series of large-scale corruption scandals since the Recruit scandal of 1989. The latest concerned former vice-president Shin Kanemaru's alleged violation of the political money regulation law and the income tax law in 1992–93. The Prime Minister, Kiichi Miyazawa, accepting a fair degree of compromise with opposition parties, wanted to pass a bill to change the current electoral system. The LDP initially wanted to change from the system of choosing a few persons in each district by one vote to the Anglo-American type system of selecting one person in each district by one vote. The opposition wanted to change to the continental European system of proportional representation. A compromise was made by the LDP's proposal to combine the latter two systems. Then two dissenting groups emerged suddenly in the LDP. One took the exit option by forming new political parties. The other took the voice option by backing away from the Miyazawa compromise plan. Miyazawa was humiliated by his failure to have the bill enacted and a motion of no confidence was passed. He then called for a general election, which took place on 18 July 1993. The outcome did not give a majority to the LDP and subsequently a non-LDP coalition was formed to produce a non-LDP government for the first time since the foundation of the LDP in 1955
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Daxecker, Ursula. "Unequal votes, unequal violence: Malapportionment and election violence in India". Journal of Peace Research 57, n.º 1 (17 de diciembre de 2019): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319884985.
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Elections held outside of advanced, industrialized democracies can turn violent because elites use coercion to demobilize political opponents. The literature has established that closely contested elections are associated with more violence. I depart from this emphasis on competitiveness by highlighting how institutional biases in electoral systems, in particular uneven apportionment, affect incentives for violence. Malapportionment refers to a discrepancy between the share of legislative seats and the share of population, violating the ‘one person, one vote’ principle. Drawing on recent work on malapportionment establishing that overrepresented districts are targeted with clientelist strategies, are more homogenous, and are biased in favor of district-level incumbent parties, I argue that overrepresented districts present fewer incentives for using violence. In contrast, elites in well-apportioned or underrepresented districts exert less control over electoral outcomes because such districts have more heterogenous voter preferences, raising incumbent and opposition demands to employ violence. I examine the effects of malapportionment on violence using constituency-level elections data and new, disaggregated, and geocoded event data on the incidence of election violence in India. Results from six parliamentary elections from 1991 to 2009 show that electoral violence is less prevalent in overrepresented constituencies, and that violence increases in equally apportioned and moderately underrepresented districts. The analysis establishes additional observable implications of the argument for district voter homogeneity and incumbent victory, accounts for confounders such as urbanization and state-level partisanship, and validates measures of election violence. The findings illustrate that institutional biases shape incentives for electoral violence.
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Martono, Joko y Annurdi Annurdi. "KEWENANGAN KOMISI PENGAWAS PENYIARAN DALAM MENJAGA NETRALITAS MEDIA TELEVISI DALAM PILKADA DKI JAKARTA TAHUN 2017". TANJUNGPURA LAW JOURNAL 2, n.º 1 (3 de julio de 2019): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.26418/tlj.v2i1.32678.
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Television as one of mass media, other than as a source of information for the public, in the other hand can be used also as a promotional media especially in this case during the election of regional head. The role of television as a source of information, can affect a person (voter) in determining his choice, so that the television stations should be able to maintain its neutrality. However, the existence of television stations that favor one of the candidates is very likely to occur especially in the election of regional heads that attracted a lot of public attention, one of them in the election of regional head in Jakarta. This research type is normative juridical research, and the data used for this research are some legislations, documents and books relating elections and broadcasting.The result of this research revealed that there is still any television stations that favor to one of the candidates in political contestation (election of regional head) in Jakarta, so that those television stations got warning from Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI), but the current legislation regarding broadcasting was deemed necessary to revision regarding KPI's authority as well as on tougher punishment on television providers that proven to have committed such violations, so that the imposition of sanctions can be more effective.
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Gersbach, Hans. "Why one person one vote?" Social Choice and Welfare 23, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2004): 449–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00355-003-0271-5.
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Azrieli, Yaron. "The price of ‘one person, one vote’". Social Choice and Welfare 50, n.º 2 (21 de septiembre de 2017): 353–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00355-017-1087-z.
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Hayden, Grant M. "The False Promise of One Person, One Vote". Michigan Law Review 102, n.º 2 (noviembre de 2003): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3595382.
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Taormina, Rosanna M. "Defying One-Person, One-Vote: Prisoners and the "Usual Residence" Principle". University of Pennsylvania Law Review 152, n.º 1 (noviembre de 2003): 431. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3313065.
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Briffault, Richard. "Who Rules at Home?: One Person/One Vote and Local Governments". University of Chicago Law Review 60, n.º 2 (1993): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1600076.
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Bordley, Robert F. "One person/one vote is not efficient given information on factions". Theory and Decision 21, n.º 3 (noviembre de 1986): 231–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00134096.
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Bordley, Robert F. "Using factions to estimate preference intensity: Improving upon one person/one vote". Public Choice 45, n.º 3 (1985): 257–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00124023.
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GOEL, SHARAD, MARC MEREDITH, MICHAEL MORSE, DAVID ROTHSCHILD y HOUSHMAND SHIRANI-MEHR. "One Person, One Vote: Estimating the Prevalence of Double Voting in U.S. Presidential Elections". American Political Science Review 114, n.º 2 (6 de marzo de 2020): 456–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305541900087x.
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Beliefs about the incidence of voter fraud inform how people view the trade-off between electoral integrity and voter accessibility. To better inform such beliefs about the rate of double voting, we develop and apply a method to estimate how many people voted twice in the 2012 presidential election. We estimate that about one in 4,000 voters cast two ballots, although an audit suggests that the true rate may be lower due to small errors in electronic vote records. We corroborate our estimates and extend our analysis using data from a subset of states that share social security numbers, making it easier to quantify who may have voted twice. For this subset of states, we find that one suggested strategy to reduce double voting—removing the registration with an earlier registration date when two share the same name and birthdate—could impede approximately 300 legitimate votes for each double vote prevented.
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Ladewig, Jeffrey W. y Seth C. McKee. "The Devil’s in the Details: Evaluating the One Person, One Vote Principle in American Politics". Politics and Governance 2, n.º 1 (14 de abril de 2014): 4–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v2i1.18.
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Ever since the Supreme Court instituted the one person, one vote principle in congressional elections based on its decision in <em>Wesberry v. Sanders</em> (1964), intrastate deviations from equal district populations have become smaller and smaller after each decennial reapportionment. Relying on equal total population as the standard to meet the Court’s principle, though, has raised some constitutional and practical questions stemming from, most basically, not every person has the right to vote. Specifically, there is considerable deviation between the current redistricting practices and a literal interpretation of this constitutional principle. This study systematically analyzes the differences between districts’ total populations and their voting age populations (VAPs). Further, we consider how congressional reapportionments since 1972 would change if, instead of states’ total populations, the standard for reapportioning seats were based on the VAP or the voting eligible population (VEP). Overall, the results indicate that the debate surrounding the appropriate apportionment and redistricting standard is not just normative, it also has notable practical consequences.
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Bullock, III, Charles S. y M. V. Hood, III. "One Person-No Vote; One Vote; Two Votes: Voting Methods, Ballot Types, and Undervote Frequency in the 2000 Presidential Election". Social Science Quarterly 83, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2002): 981–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6237.00127.
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Kliuchnyk, Ruslan M. "НАСЛІДКИ БІДНОСТІ ДЛЯ ОСОБИСТОСТІ ТА СУСПІЛЬСТВА". Європейський вектор економічного розвитку 2, n.º 33 (20 de diciembre de 2022): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32342/2074-5362-2022-2-33-4.
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The article examines the main consequences of poverty for individual citizens and society as a whole. Among the consequences of poverty for individuals, physiological, psychological and communicative effects are distinguished. The physiological consequences of poverty are the unavailability of quality food, as well as quality medical, hygiene, and health services, which reduces both life expectancy and health in general. Psychological problems include stress, depression, alcohol and drug abuse, which can lead to suicidal tendencies. The communicative consequences mean that a poor person often loses social ties, and his or her circle of communication becomes quite limited. Poverty also affects society as a whole. Among the purely economic consequences, we singled out the Vicious Cycle of Poverty, to which many Western studies are devoted. Also, impoverished societies in general cannot afford goods and services that are not related to survival. Therefore, there is a low demand for various categories of services, in particular, educational ones. Poverty is one of the factors of labor migration, which is illustrated by the example of Ukraine. In the conditions of a transitional and a market economy in post-Soviet states, the desire to withstand competition on the world market under the conditions of high energy and material intensity of production has been reflected in the preservation of low labour costs. Low wages, in turn, are a direct factor in the formation of social and economic risks in the field of human development. Poverty is also associated with the phenomenon of social exclusion, which we consider as the process of excluding an individual or a social group from social relations. A special class of precariat is being formed. The precariat is capable of self-organization under certain conditions. This group of people is associated with the spread of shadow employment and other forms of violation of the law. Political problems caused by poverty are also important. Poor citizens in the vast majority of countries (at least in all democracies) have the right to vote. Accordingly, they often support populist movements. Poverty and unemployment lead people to support far-left and far-right parties. Far-right movements often have an anti-immigrant focus. Sometimes poverty, social exclusion, social deprivation and other related socio-economic factors lead to revolutions and coups. In our opinion, relative poverty is unavoidable in principle, since in any society there will always be more and less wealthy citizens. But absolute poverty, which puts a person on the edge of normal existence, can and must be overcome. According to this, most countries of the world, including Ukraine, declare themselves welfare states. The article uses the achievements of economic, political, sociological, psychological and other sciences, taking into account the interdisciplinary synthesis and the pluralism of approaches. Modern trends in the interpretation of the consequences of poverty, which can be traced in the works of Ukrainian and foreign authors, are analyzed.
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Marovitz, Andrew S. "Casting a Meaningful Ballot: Applying One-Person, One-Vote to Judicial Elections Involving Racial Discrimination". Yale Law Journal 98, n.º 6 (abril de 1989): 1193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/796577.
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Birnbaum, Michael H. y Jeffrey P. Bahra. "Testing transitivity of preferences using linked designs". Judgment and Decision Making 7, n.º 5 (septiembre de 2012): 524–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s193029750000629x.
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AbstractThree experiments tested if individuals show violations of transitivity in choices between risky gambles in linked designs. The binary gambles varied in the probability to win the higher (better) prize, the value of the higher prize, and the value of the lower prize. Each design varied two factors, with the third fixed. Designs are linked by using the same values in different designs. Linked designs allow one to determine if a lexicographic semiorder model can describe violations of transitivity in more than one design using the same parameters. In addition, two experiments tested interactive independence, a critical property implied by all lexicographic semiorder models. Very few people showed systematic violations of transitivity; only one person out of 136 showed violations of transitivity in two designs that could be linked by a lexicographic semiorder. However, that person violated interactive independence, as did the majority of other participants. Most individuals showed systematic violations of the assumptions of stochastic independence and stationarity of choice responses. That means that investigators should evaluate models with respect to response patterns (response combinations) rather than focusing entirely on choice proportions.
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Quinlivan, Mark Thomas. "One Person, One Vote Revisited: The Impending Necessity of Judicial Intervention in the Realm of Voter Registration". University of Pennsylvania Law Review 137, n.º 6 (junio de 1989): 2361. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3312220.
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Bugh, Gary. "A Review of “The End of Inequality: One Person, One Vote and the Transformation of American Politics”". Congress & the Presidency 36, n.º 2 (17 de junio de 2009): 220–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343460902956553.
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Hester, D. A. "A Chorus of One Danaid". Antichthon 21 (1987): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006647740000352x.
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At the end of the Suppliant Women of Aeschylus, a lyrical argument develops which is without any exact parallel in Greek tragedy. Our single, badly corrupted, manuscript does not name the combatants; at the most crucial section it does not even indicate change of singer by the customary dash; it has no list of dramatis personae. The chorus of Danaids has long been arguing against a forced marriage, and it is generally accepted that they are one of the participants in the argument. But who are their antagonists? On the older view, the chorus is divided against itself; on the more recent one, another group of singers is disputing with them. Who these singers are is not generally agreed, though the majority vote is for a chorus of handmaidens. It will be my concern in this paper to argue that the antagonist is one person and that person is Hypermnestra, who, in the sequel, alone of the Danaids spared her husband, Lynceus, and thus founded the royal line of Argos, where the play is set. The exact way in which Aeschylus portrayed her action, and the fate of her sisters, are quite uncertain.
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Vishwakarma, Shagun y Vineet Kumar Singh. "Android Voting System". YMER Digital 21, n.º 05 (14 de mayo de 2022): 645–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37896/ymer21.05/73.
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Android Voting System is an Android app that is used to securely conduct votes and elections. As it is a digital platform, it abolished the need to vote using ballot paper or physically in person and user can easily vote using the Aadhar Card credentials. They also protect the probity of the votes by avoiding voters from voting repeatedly. Our System Make use of Firebase as a background, login, registration and maintenance purposes which makes our system more secure and reliable. Java-based programming language can be used for application development. Issues or disputes are entered into the system by the administrator. People can no longer vote and say yes or no. One voter can cast only one vote in a dispute. Each vote cast is stored on a valid dispute website. After submission of the votes the system calculates the total vote count. Thus, the app helps the authorities get the right number of votes for the voters
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Vîrtosu, Ina y Ion Guceac. "Democracy at the one-click distance: Is electronic voting the best option for Moldova?" Central and Eastern European eDem and eGov Days 331 (12 de julio de 2018): 359–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/ocg.v331.30.
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Electronic voting, known as e-voting, has become increasingly popular in our fast developing technology-driven world. Hence, the Republic of Moldova is a source country of migrants, a significant number of citizens reside abroad. Therefore in most of cases Moldovan citizens have to cast their vote in other countries when Moldova has to hold its elections. Presidential elections from 2016 showed that a poorly organized electing process could lead to violations of constitutional political rights. Hundreds of citizens that travelled a long journey to London, Bologna, Milano and other cities, where polling stations were located, were not able to cast their vote because election officials did not send enough ballot papers. For a country with a numerous Diaspora, e-voting could be a solution for all problems that Moldovans have related to the exercising of voting right. The process is seductively simple, but it is also shockingly vulnerable to different problems - from software failure to malicious hacking - and also requires some special conditions for its implementation. This paper aims to provide an insight into the issues of e-voting, and the debate of pros and cons surrounding it, in order to assess if this solution is the best way to go for Moldova.
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Mori, Yuko. "Voter turnout and the principle of ‘one person, one vote’: empirical evidence from the constituency freeze in India". Applied Economics 47, n.º 37 (19 de marzo de 2015): 3957–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00036846.2015.1023939.
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Flores, Henry. "The Meaning of “One Person, One Vote” or Let Us Split the Baby in Half: Evenwel v. Abbott". Social Science Quarterly 101, n.º 1 (enero de 2020): 10–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12740.
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Mellor, Steven, R. James Holzworth y James M. Conway. "Individual Unionization Decisions: A Multilevel Model of Cost-Benefit Influences". Experimental Psychology 50, n.º 2 (marzo de 2003): 142–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1026//1618-3169.50.2.142.
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Abstract. An important part of the unionization process is predicting the individual’s vote for or against union representation. We proposed and tested a multilevel model based on the relative importance of costs and benefits of representation. Regression statistics from within-person analyses were used to show the influence of perceived costs and benefits on judgment policies about intent to vote in a representation election. Using these statistics as outcome variables, between-person analyses were used to show the influence of decision frame on cost-benefit influences, in which framing a vote as one for or against the union was conceived as a contextual variable in an election. Results were used to extend prior unionization research and to suggest how employers and unions may attend to framing effects in an election.
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Sare, Laura. "Editor’s Corner". DttP: Documents to the People 48, n.º 3 (10 de septiembre de 2020): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/dttp.v48i3.7415.
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The coronavirus has disrupted one of the foundations of our democracy—voting. Several states delayed primaries during the shut-downs. Now states are expanding, or hindering, voting options so that citizens may vote safely during this pandemic. Pew Research polled registered voters and found that 63 percent were uncomfortable voting in person because of the coronavirus outbreak. Unfortunately how citizens can vote safely during this time is falling along partisan lines.
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Kilgour, D. Marc. "The Measurement of Voting Power: Theory and Practice, Problems and Paradoxes. By Dan S. Felsenthal and Moshé Machover. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 1998. 322p. $90.00." American Political Science Review 95, n.º 2 (junio de 2001): 463–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401242026.
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In the 2000 U.S. presidential election, the Electoral College, for the first time in a long while, did not smoothly and seamlessly select the popular vote winner. This phenomenon did not figure in the immediate controversy over the election, but it may yet have an effect, and part of that effect may be long-overdue attention to the rules for aggregating individual votes into a group decision. Those who design institutions for group decision making, or who study such institutions, may be reminded that aggregation procedures can fail to reflect important principles, even principles as simple and funda- mental as one person, one vote.
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Buchanan, Colin. "The Transferable Vote: A Hundred Years of Anglican Experience". Ecclesiastical Law Journal 21, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2019): 342–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x19000723.
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I am grateful to the Society for the opportunity to mark the centenary of the Enabling Act and the beginning of the Church Assembly with some reflection on an often ignored but highly valuable feature of that inauguration: the Single Transferable Vote or STV. I tried on one respected registrar recently an illustration of what the task must be like for those who do not welcome it. Was it, I suggested, like a blind person doing a jigsaw where the pieces were all shaped differently from each other – in other words, where the blind person could ensure that it was put together accurately, but on the other hand never saw the picture? The response was that that picture reflected accurately how it had in fact felt to that registrar. That might suggest that this lecture should be explaining and commending STV as general good practice, but in the event the process and virtues of STV have here to be largely taken for granted. I offer here one short commendation of STV.
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Daud, Bambang y Yahya Yunus. "The Role of the Election Supervisory Agency for West Halmahera Regency in Resolving Law Violations at the Election and Vote Count Stages in the 2019 Election". Khairun Law Journal 4, n.º 2 (8 de marzo de 2021): 107–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33387/klj.v4i2.3116.
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The problems in this research consist of: What are the forms of violations that occur at the voting counting stages in the 2019 simultaneous general election in West Halmahera Regency What is the role of Bawaslu Halbar in resolving violations that occur during the holding of general elections simultaneously year 2019 in the West Halmahera Regency area.The location of field research was carried out in West Halmahera district. The type of normative-empirical research uses a statute approach and a conceptual approach. Types and sources of data are primary legal data and secondary legal data. Data collection techniques are carried out. by interviewing and documenting the data for further qualitative analysis.The purpose of this research is to conduct a study and analysis to find out what forms of violations that occur at the voting and counting stages in the 2019 simultaneous general elections in the West Halmahera Regency area. To find out how to resolve violations that occur during the holding of general elections simultaneously in 2019 in the West Halmahera Regency area.Whereas the forms of violations handled by Bawaslu Halbar in dealing with founding violations totaled 11 (eleven) election violations, and in handling only 3 (three) election violations recommended by the Integrated Law Enforcement Center. Besides that, 1 (one) finding that has been decided has permanent legal force. Meanwhile, other findings were not continued because the elements of election violations were not fulfilled based on the results of the study of alleged violations. The forms of violations are as follows: (1) Election Crime, there are 10 (ten) cases of criminal violations handled by Bawaslu Halbar. However, the handling process can be forwarded to the Police for only 3 (three) cases based on the results of the Bawaslu Halbar study; and (2) Violation of Liannya's Law, namely the findings of Muhammadun Hi's alleged violation of ASN neutrality. Adam on April 6, 2019 and has been registered with number 03 / TM / PL / KAB / 32.03 / IV / 2019. Based on the results of Bawaslu Halbar's study, the findings of the alleged violation of ASN Neutrality were given a recommendation to be sanctioned by the State Civil Apparatus Commission (KASN). As for the form of Election administration violations, Bawaslu Halbar did not receive reports or findings during the 2019 simultaneous elections. In addition, in terms of violations of the code of ethics, Bawaslu Halbar did not find any violations of the code of ethics committed by Election Administrators in the West Halmahera Regency either by election organizers. still namely the Election Commission of West Halmahera Regency and the organizer of the Ad Hoc Election.That Bawaslu Halbar has carried out its role as a supervisory agency for the implementation of the 2019 simultaneous elections very well. This can be seen from the actions of Bawaslu Halbar in handling violations both in the form of findings and reports of general election violations. Bawaslu Halbar handles findings of alleged violations according to working days or from the day the public finds out about and / or reports the alleged violation. Then the results are reported or stated in form B-1 and .discussed in the Plenary Meeting of the Follow-up of Initial Information on Alleged Violations to determine whether or not there are allegations of election violations, and if the election supervisor states that there is a violation of the general election, the election supervisor determines to be registered or recorded in Election register book. Bawaslu Halbar handles reporting violations totaling 8 (eight) election violations, and in handling only 1 (one) election violation that fulfills the formal and material elements. Meanwhile 2 (two) Election Violation Reports will be withdrawn by the Reporting Party. Other reports cannot be followed up because the violation elements and / or material elements are not fulfilled based on the results of the plenary meeting to follow up the initial information on the alleged violation. During the process, the election stages took place starting from the data updating stage and the recapitulation plenary session at each level, 8 (eight) reports of alleged violations from the public were received and 2 (two) of them were withdrawn by the reporter. reports that have been registered cannot meet sufficient evidence so that they are terminated, while 1 (one) other report has been reviewed and recommended to the Integrated Law Enforcement Center (Gakumdu) or related agencies because it fulfills the elements of an election criminal offense.
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Crémer, Jacques y Thomas R. Palfrey. "Political Confederation". American Political Science Review 93, n.º 1 (marzo de 1999): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585761.
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This article extends the spatial model of voting to study the implications of different institutional structures of federalism along two dimensions: degree of centralization and mode of representation. The representation dimension varies the weight between unit representation (one state, one vote) and population-proportional representation (one person, one vote). Voters have incomplete information and can reduce policy risk by increasing the degree of centralization or increasing the weight on unit representation. We derive induced preferences over the degree of centralization and the relative weights of the two modes of representation, and we study the properties of majority rule voting over these two basic dimensions of federalism. Moderates prefer more centralization than extremists, and voters in large states generally have different preferences from voters in small states. This implies two main axes of conflict in decisions concerning political confederation: moderates versus extremists and large versus small states.
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Jain, Ankit, Sushil Kushwaha y Meena Kashyap. "Implementation of FPS Based Electronic Voting Machine Using GSM and Hex Key Pad". YMER Digital 21, n.º 03 (18 de marzo de 2022): 279–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.37896/ymer21.03/31.
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The base of democracy is voting. Each vote is important thus recording and tallying of each vote with accuracy and impartiality is important. Voting is one of the electoral routes that ensure the sustenance of democratic system in any civilization. But rigging is one of the biggest problems during the election using EVMs. The possible rate of rigging in the EVMs is five votes per minute. So, to set right the current problems in Indian voting system the aim of electronic voting system using fingerprint technique is to design an Electronic Voting Machine (EVM) system by using embedded system to eliminate the chances of rigging in an election. In this proposed system fingerprint technique is used. The vote will be confirmed in the favor of a candidate only when the fingerprint of the voter will be matched otherwise the vote will be rejected. The problem of booth capturing and multiple votes casted by single person is being addressed here. User would be able to get the message in his/her cell phone in order to ensure and acknowledging the successful casting of vote like VVPAT do in EVM. We can do on spot registration of the voter as well if candidate does not have finger print data available in EVM.
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Ugwu, Ikechukwu P. "An Examination of Multinational Corporations’ Accountability in the Light of Switzerland’s Failed Responsible Business Initiative in the Covid-19 Pandemic Era". Przegląd Prawniczy Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza 13 (31 de diciembre de 2021): 119–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ppuam.2021.13.06.
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This article examines the efforts made so far in holding multinational corporations (MNCs) liable for human rights and environmental violations in the light of Switzerland’s failed referendum in November 2020, during the peak of the Covid-19 pandemic. It also looks at other international law instruments that have the potential to hold MNCs accountable. While these other laws have failed to achieve the desired result of holding MNCs accountable, the referendum, if it had succeeded, would have triggered a binding vote on a constitutional amendment to introduce compulsory human rights due diligence for companies incorporated in Switzerland, the first of its kind in Europe. The consequencewould have been that victims of Swiss MNCs’ violations would have had the right to bring claims in Switzerland against a defaulting Swiss MNC. Unfortunately, the referendum failed, and to some extent the Covid-19 pandemic negatively affected the referendum outcome, because it was greatly politicised. It became a lost opportunity on what would have been “one small step for [Switzerland], one giant leap for the [international community]”.
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Madhubala. M. "An Efficient Blockchain Enabled Score Voting with Face Recognition". International Journal of Scientific Research in Computer Science, Engineering and Information Technology 10, n.º 3 (10 de junio de 2024): 501–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.32628/cseit24103130.
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The security considerations of the votes are based on blockchain technology using cryptographic hashes to secure end-to-end verification. To this end, a successful vote cast is considered as a transaction within the blockchain of the voting application. Therefore, a vote cast is added as a new block (after successful mining) in the blockchain as well as being recorded in data tables at the backend of the database. The system ensures only one-person, one-vote (democracy) property of voting systems. This is achieved by using the voter’s unique face image, which is matched at the beginning of every voting attempt to prevent double voting. The Face Recognition is the study of physical or behavioral characteristics of human being used for the identification of person. So implement real time authentication system using face biometrics for authorized the person for online voting system. This work claims to score voting method and data management challenges in blockchain and provides an improved manifestation of the electronic voting process. Score-based voting methods, also known as range voting or rated voting, are electoral systems where voters are allowed to express their preferences for candidates or options by assigning numerical scores to them. Unlike traditional voting methods where voters choose a single candidate, score-based systems enable voters to provide a more nuanced and detailed assessment of their preferences. It is important here to note that cryptographic hash for a voter is the unique hash of voter by which voter is known in the blockchain. This property facilitates achieving verifiability of the overall voting process. Furthermore, this id is hidden and no one can view it even a system operator cannot view this hash therefore achieving privacy of individual voters.
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Li, Tengfei y Liang Hu. "Audit as You Go: A Smart Contract-Based Outsourced Data Integrity Auditing Scheme for Multiauditor Scenarios with One Person, One Vote". Security and Communication Networks 2022 (28 de marzo de 2022): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/8783952.
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The data outsourcing services provided by cloud storage have greatly reduced the headache of data management for users, but the issue of remote data integrity poses further security concerns and computing burdens. The introduction of a third-party auditor (TPA) frees data owners from the auditing burden and alleviates disputes over the audit results between data owners and cloud storage providers. However, malicious cloud servers may collude with TPAs to deceive users for financial profits. Hiring multiple auditors in a single audit assignment appears to be a method to address the above problem, but the ensuing voting issues need to be further explored. In this paper, we proposed a smart contract-based outsourced data integrity auditing scheme for multiauditor scenarios. Unlike some existing schemes using reputation like factors as their voting weights, auditors in our scheme vote equally and audit as they go, without any maintenance. This mechanism not only frees auditors from trivia not related to the auditing but also avoids the drawbacks of centralization associated with over-high voting weights. The challenge used to check the integrity of the outsourced data is jointly generated by each involved auditor. Any collusion would be detected as long as there exists more than one honest auditor in the audit. We implement and deploy the scheme as Ethereum smart contracts. With the help of blockchain, the entire auditing process is public and transparent. Both the generated data and the obtained results are persisted with immutability, which ensures the traceability of all historical audits. The comprehensive theoretical and experimental analyses demonstrate that our scheme meets the claimed targets with high efficiency and low gas costs.
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Zhang, Qianfan. "Democracy and Meritocracy: A False Dichotomy". Journal of Chinese Philosophy 47, n.º 3-4 (3 de marzo de 2020): 213–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-0470304007.
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In this article I refute the conceptual viability of “political meritocracy” and its application to mainland China. I begin with the methodological individualistic definition of “merit,” arguing that electoral democracy based on one-person, one-vote is the genuine form of meritocracy. I then respond to several challenges to electoral democracy and argues that they can—perhaps can only—be properly addressed by improving democracy itself. I further refute the proposition that China is a case for political meritocracy and argue that Singapore would not have been meritocratic but for its functioning (albeit defective) elections based on one-person, onevote. I conclude with a call for contemporary neo-Confucians to develop political doctrines responsibly in order to make Confucianism relevant today.
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Palangurski, Milko y Hristina Hristova. "The Second National Assembly: Elections, Establishment, and Composition]". Istoriya-History 32, n.º 1 (20 de enero de 2024): 10–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/his2024-1-1-sec.
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The Bulgarian parliamentary system came into being with the formation of the First National Assembly in the fall of 1879. Political inexperience, constitutional opposition, as well as disagreements between the monarch, parliament and executive led to the first political crisis in the country, which had several possible outcomes. Ultimately, the idea was embraced that it was necessary to seek the vote of the people once again, in order to strike a balance between the three disputing authorities. The young state administration managed to develop what was achieved and to provide conditions for Bulgarian citizens to successfully and democratically declare their intention. The Second National Assembly was established after one general election and two additional elections were held for a period of one calendar year. The territorial scope of the electoral colleges was improved, and access to the polls and integrity of the electoral process were ensured. The vote took place in accordance with the Provisional Rules for the Election of Representatives to the First Ordinary National Assembly, adopted in April 1879. However, the election results unequivocally showed that the large voter turnout sought through them could not be achieved, and that the high electoral threshold on the first day of the vote was unrealistic and therefore necessary to be removed. Violations in the electoral process remained almost the same as those established during the vote for the previous Assembly, but quite frequently overexposed or neglected for political purposes. The electoral process related to the Second National Assembly triggered a rapid and definitive formation of the Liberals and Conservatives’ party structures at both the national and regional levels.
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McCrary, Peyton y Steven F. Lawson. "Race and Reapportionment, 1962: The Case of Georgia Senate Redistricting". Journal of Policy History 12, n.º 3 (julio de 2000): 293–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2000.0018.
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Courts, both state and federal, often play a substantial role in the adoption and implementation of changes in public policy. Properly understood, the impact of court decisions must be examined in the context of actions and reactions by other branches of government, political parties, and interest groups. Among the most transformative court decisions over the last half century are those involving legislative reapportionment and minority voting rights. Beginning in the 1960s, the federal courts restructured the nation's political institutions through decisions striking down malapportioned legislatures and local governing bodies through what used to be termed the “reapportionment revolution,” perhaps the only revolution ignored altogether by historians. Shortly thereafter the courts extended their attack on quantitative vote dilution (which the “one-person, one-vote” standard is designed to address) to include protection against electoral rules that dilute the voting strength of racial minorities.
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Mosca, Chiara. "Should Shareholders Be Rewarded for Loyalty? European Experiments on the Wedge Between Tenured Voting and Takeover Law". Michigan Business & Entrepreneurial Law Review, n.º 8.2 (2019): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.36639/mbelr.8.2.should.
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Corporate law reveals its democratic background when it comes to the general meetings of shareholders, finding, on both sides of the Atlantic, its most tangible expression in the “one share, one vote” principle. While, in the political landscape, the “one person, one vote” standard is absolute dogma and weighting votes according to people’s preferences and interests has never proved feasible, in the corporate scenario the one share, one vote principle is constantly challenged by the incentives of companies and their shareholders to shape corporate rights according to specific needs. In this respect, some legislators (specifically in France and Italy) have provided mechanisms that allow more loyal shareholders to increase their voting power. Tenured voting (or time-phased voting rights) should be analyzed in light of the modern corporate governance debate, which calls for a stronger role for long-term investors. However, the other side of the coin should be considered: the increase in voting rights broadens the range of control-enhancing mechanisms, although specific sunset clauses (whether provided for by law or voluntarily opted in by companies) may restore the one share, one vote rule. The analysis suggests that the mechanism based on tenured voting is more transparent and potentially less stable than other common control-enhancing mechanisms and deserves to be considered in the debate. At the EU level, the possibility left to the Member States of weighting shareholders’ voting power according to their long-term interests, leads to legislative fragmentation across Europe. Specifically, in Italy, the adoption of tenured voting coupled with a tradition of ownership concentration sharply empowers controlling shareholders. At the same time, European takeover regulation plays an exogenous role in indirectly selecting the companies that adopt time-phased voting rights. The final result is completely mistrusted, as tenured voting rights disappoint their expectations and are rarely used to meet a true need of long termism. The paper describes the paradox that emerges when tenured voting rights interact with the core principles of the EU financial market law system, and it offers various ways to alleviate this difficult coexistence.
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Rasji, Rasji, Viane Patricia y Sanny Nuyessy Putri. "Analysis of Problems in the Implementation of Elections in Districts or Villages". QISTINA: Jurnal Multidisiplin Indonesia 2, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2023): 622–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.57235/qistina.v2i1.547.
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General elections, hereinafter referred to as elections, have the means of popular sovereignty to elect members of the People's Representative Council, members of the Regional Representatives Council, President and Vice President, and to elect members of the Regional People's Representative Council which are carried out directly, publicly, freely, confidentially, honestly and fairly in the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Any choice is very prone to various violations and even fraud. Indicators that show the reasons for this problem are not only in the organizers, but also in the behavior of competitors. The intended Indonesian citizens are the original Indonesian people/nation and people of other nations who are legalized by law as citizens. Any choice is very vulnerable to various violations and even cheating. One of the violations that we often face is the abuse of the right to vote. General elections are considered to be the earliest stage of various series of democratic constitutional life. Law Number 7 of the 2017 Election clarifies various criminal provisions against violations and/or fraud in the administration of elections. So that elections are the driving force behind the mechanism of the Indonesian political system. Until now, elections are still considered as an important state event. This is because elections involve all the people directly.
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Ardiani, Rahma, Rezkika Noviyanti, Lutfi Novianti, Etik Marwinda, Rama Nur Fadhila y Permata Ashfi Raihana. "Persepsi PHBS Karyawan Puskesmas Sumber Pasca diberikan Sosialisasi". SOSIOHUMANIORA: Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Sosial Dan Humaniora 8, n.º 1 (7 de febrero de 2022): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.30738/sosio.v8i1.11849.
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This research aims to describe the perception PHBS post employee doing socialization. This study uses qualitative phenomenological methods with semi-structured interview data collection methods. The sampling technique used was purposive sampling. This study consisted of 4 employees of Puskesmas sumber, one person served as the head of the puskesmas, one person served as a public health instructor, one person as coordinator of the midwife, one person as the accountant of the puskesmas. The analytical technique used by the researcher is thematic analysis technique. The results of the research, all informants understood the meaning of PHBS, which is an activity of a healthy and clean lifestyle that must be carried out in daily life. Each informant also has a sad feeling when the community does not comply with the socialization activities that have been provided by the Community Health Center. The results of the research also explain that PHBS activities have begun to be implemented in the community, such as washing hands, wearing masks, and maintaining distance. However, there are still some violations of PHBS.
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Altman, Micah. "Traditional Districting Principles: Judicial Myths vs. Reality". Social Science History 22, n.º 2 (1998): 159–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200023257.
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One person, one vote. With this principle, the Court permanently changed representation in the United States. Equal population requirements changed the face of legislative redistricting in the 1960s, when the Supreme Court applied it to congressional districts in Wesberry v. Sanders, 376 U.S. 1 (1964), and to state legislatures in Reynolds v. Sims, 84 S. Ct. 1362 (1964). Equality in district population was valued not only as instrumental to other goals but also for itself, as Justice Black explained in Wesberry: “As nearly as practicable one man’s vote in a congressional election is to be worth as much as another’s. . . . To say that a vote is worth more in one district than another would . . . run counter to our fundamental ideas of democratic government.”As Justice Brennan made clear, the Court based its decision in large part on a particular understanding of the historical meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment and of article 1, section 2, of the Constitution. And as widely accepted as this principle has come to be, it has been subject to severe historical criticism, criticism that has never been resolved. For example, Berger (1977) claims that malapportionment was historically present and accepted before and during the creation of the Fourteenth Amendment and hence that the equal protection clause could not have implied the equal population principle (from chapter 5): “Certainly there was no disclosure that such intrusion [on apportionment] was contemplated; there is in fact striking evidence that malapportionment was an accepted practice.”
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Macklem, Patrick. "Humanitarian Intervention and the Distribution of Sovereignty in International Law". Ethics & International Affairs 22, n.º 4 (2008): 369–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2008.00172.x.
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Legal debates about humanitarian intervention—military intervention by one or more states to curb gross human rights violations occurring in another state—tend to assume that its legitimacy is irrelevant to its legality. Debates among philosophers and political theorists often assume the inverse, that the legality of humanitarian intervention is irrelevant to its legitimacy. This paper defends an alternative account, one that sees the legality and legitimacy of humanitarian intervention as intertwined. This account emerges from a conception of international law as a legal domain that structures global politics by treating sovereignty as a legal entitlement that it distributes among the multitude of legal actors that it recognizes as states. Drawing on a long standing debate among domestic legal theorists about the rule of law, it first identifies formal constraints on the UN Security Council‘s discretion to authorize the use of force to end human rights violations. Developing a distributive conception of international human rights, it then identifies substantive considerations that shed further light on the legality of intervention. It suggests that members of the Security Council must give reasons when exercising their discretion to authorize the use of force and that some reasons might divest a member's vote of legal validity.
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Kimura, Masataka. "Minority Over-representation through Seat-cap Imposition and Regressive Representation: Self-determination Versus Pre-determination in Consociational Democracy". International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 26, n.º 2 (2 de febrero de 2019): 189–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02602004.
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This article explores ways to realize minority over-representation through elections without pre-determination, and presents new options in designing electoral systems for consociational democracy. Specifically, the article considers seat-cap imposition and regressive representation, which are compatible with the principle of self-determination in deciding what ethnic groups should participate in power sharing, to overcome pre-determination-related problems in consociationalism. The pertinent questions to be discussed include how minority over-representation can be justified, how it can be balanced with the principle of ‘one person, one vote, one value’, and how to prevent possible collusive strategies by parties to artificially increase seats.
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Wong, Norman. "Well That Was Unexpected: Effect of Intimacy and Commitment on Responses to an Interpersonal Expectancy Violation". Studies in Media and Communication 6, n.º 2 (16 de octubre de 2018): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v6i2.3586.
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This investigation explored the effect an individual’s level of relational commitment and intimacy has on his or her perceptions of and responses to a positive or negative expectancy violation performed by their dating partner. One hundred-ninety undergraduates were randomly assigned to read 1 of 4 scenarios depicting a situation involving their dating partner committing either a positive/negative expectancy violation. Participants were asked to assess the situation in terms of the nature of the expectancy violation (positive/negative), violation severity, and level of unexpectedness. Moreover, they were asked the extent to which they were willing to talk about the situation with the other person. Results found that perceived intensity of violations varied depending on both the nature of the expectancy violation and commitment/intimacy level. Highly committed/intimate respondents reported greater willingness to discuss negative expectancy violations with the other person than less committed/intimate respondents, but reported lower likelihood in using negativity as their strategy. Less committed/intimate respondents reported greater willingness to discuss positive expectancy violations compared to their highly committed/intimate counterparts.
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Hamran, Hanaf, M. Abdullah, M. Ehtisham Naveed y Abdul Rehman Afzal. "Design and Implementation of Secure Electronic Voting System Using Fingerprint Biometrics". Journal of Artificial Intelligence and Computing 1, n.º 1 (30 de junio de 2023): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.57041/jaic.v1i1.887.
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Fingerprint-Based Voting Project is an application that recognizes users based on their fingerprints. Each person has a different finger pattern, so you can easily authenticate voters. This system allows voters to vote using their fingerprints. Fingerprints are used to identify users uniquely. As the fingerprint minutiae features differ for each human being, the fingerprint is utilized to authenticate the voters. Voters can only vote once for a candidate. The system will not allow the voter to vote for a second time. The system allows administrators to add names and candidate photos of candidates nominated for election. The administrator only has the right to add the names and photos of nominated candidates. The admin will verify voters and register voter names. Administrators authenticate users by verifying their identities and then enrolling voters. Users can log in and vote for candidates after receiving a user ID and password from the administrator. The system allows the user to vote for only one candidate for a particular election. The voter and the admin can view the election results using the election ID. Voting results will be updated immediately. This study shows that the proposed web-based voting system is fast, efficient and fraud-free.
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Hamran, Hanaf, M. Abdullah, M. Ehtisham Naveed y Abdul Rehman Afzal. "Design and Implementation of Secure Electronic Voting System Using Fingerprint Biometrics". Journal of Artificial Intelligence and Computing 1, n.º 1 (12 de enero de 2024): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.57041/648bvd58.
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Fingerprint-Based Voting Project is an application that recognizes users based on their fingerprints. Each person has a different finger pattern, so you can easily authenticate voters. This system allows voters to vote using their fingerprints. Fingerprints are used to identify users uniquely. As the fingerprint minutiae features differ for each human being, the fingerprint is utilized to authenticate the voters. Voters can only vote once for a candidate. The system will not allow the voter to vote for a second time. The system allows administrators to add names and candidate photos of candidates nominated for election. The administrator only has the right to add the names and photos of nominated candidates. The admin will verify voters and register voter names. Administrators authenticate users by verifying their identities and then enrolling voters. Users can log in and vote for candidates after receiving a user ID and password from the administrator. The system allows the user to vote for only one candidate for a particular election. The voter and the admin can view the election results using the election ID. Voting results will be updated immediately. This study shows that the proposed web-based voting system is fast, efficient and fraud-free.
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Arneson, Richard J. "Egalitarian Justice versus the Right to Privacy?" Social Philosophy and Policy 17, n.º 2 (2000): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500002120.
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In their celebrated essay “The Right to Privacy,” legal scholars Samuel Warren and Louis Brandeis identified as the generic privacy value “the right to be let alone.” This same phrase occurs in Justice Brandeis's dissent in Olmstead v. U.S. (1927). This characterization of privacy has been found objectionable by philosophers acting as conceptual police. For example, moral philosopher William Parent asserts that one can wrongfully fail to let another person alone in all sorts of ways—such as assault—that intuitively do not qualify as violations of privacy and thus cannot be violations of the right to privacy.
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Ali, M. Mahrus, Irfan Nur Rachman, Winda Wijayanti, Rio Tri Juli Putranto, Titis Anindyajati y Putria Gusti Asih. "Tafsir Konstitusional Pelanggaran Pemilukada yang Bersifat Sistematis, Terstruktur dan Masif". Jurnal Konstitusi 9, n.º 1 (20 de mayo de 2016): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk918.
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The Constitutional Court has created a legal breakthrough in handling the local head election dispute, in order to uphold the democracy and break away from habitual practice of systematic, structured, and massive (STM) violations. The Court does not simply calculate the results of vote count but also have to seek the justice and prosecute results counting rate that were disputed. As the juridical normative research, the research uses a statutory, case, historical approach and the sociology of law. The research shows that throughout 2008-2011 Court has granted the dispute for as many as thirty-two cases. Of that amount of cases, those with the STM violations are as many as 21 (twenty one) cases. Whereas the nature of TSM were divided into two kinds namely cumulative and alternative which both may cancel local head election results. There are three types of local head election violations, first, violation in the process that does not affect the results of the election. Second, the breach in the process that affect the election results, thirdly, violation of the terms of conditions to be a candidate which are principal in nature and can be measured. The systematic, structured and massive violation of the local head general election is violations committed by the structural apparatus, both government officials and election organizers, collectively; not an individual action, well-planned (by design) and the impact of such offencesis extensive rather than sporadic.
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., Lokesh. "Smart Voting Web Based Application Using Aadhar". International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 12, n.º 2 (29 de febrero de 2024): 426–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2024.58364.
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Abstract: Elections are a crucial part of any democratic system, and it is essential to ensure that the voting process is conducted in a fair and transparent manner. In traditional paper-based elections, the process is time-consuming, resource-intensive, and prone to errors. In this context, the use of technology can significantly improve the efficiency, security, and accuracy of the voting process. In this project, we propose an online voting system that uses face recognition technology to identify and authenticate voters. The proposed system allows voters to cast their votes remotely, eliminating the need for physical ballot boxes and reducing the cost and time involved in the voting process. The system works by capturing the facial image of the voter and passing it to the server unit for verification. The server compares the facial image with the information stored in the database and verifies the identity of the voter. If the identity is verified, the voter is allowed to cast the vote; otherwise, an error message is displayed on the screen, and the person is not allowed to poll the vote. The system is designed to be secure and tamper-proof. The use of face recognition technology makes it difficult for anyone to impersonate another person and cast a fraudulent vote. The system also ensures that each voter can cast only one vote, and the voting process is conducted in a transparent and fair manner. Overall, the proposed online voting system offers numerous advantages over traditional paper-based voting systems, including increased efficiency, reduced cost, improved security, and transparency.
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Siregar, Syapar Alim. "ANALISIS HUKUM ISLAM DAN HUKUM POSITIF TERHADAP FENOMENA MONEY POLITIC". Jurnal el-Qanuniy: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Kesyariahan dan Pranata Sosial 8, n.º 2 (1 de febrero de 2023): 300–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.24952/el-qanuniy.v8i2.6276.
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In every election performance in Indonesia since the beginning of Indonesian independence until the current era, it has always been nodai with dirty election violation practices. One example is the practice of money politics which has always been a shadow for the face of Indonesian democracy. Islam sees the concept of money politics as the same as the concept of risywah or bribery in a broad sense. Where both give rise to tyranny for other groups. There are so many impacts of this money politics practice, one of the most dominant is the increasing number of corruption, collusion, and nepotism in Indonesia. All those things are because of the money that has been spent to buy the people's vote. The way to prevent money politics is to increase the integrity of law enforcement officials in eradicating election violations and providing education to the public on the cause and effect if they receive money politics.