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Lind, John. "“Vikinger”, vikingetid og vikingeromantik". Kuml 61, n.º 61 (31 de octubre de 2012): 151–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v61i61.24501.
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“Vikings”, the Viking Age and Viking RomanticismThe aim of this article is to take a critical look at the term “Vikings”, both as it was used in the time now referred to as the Viking Age, and as it is used today. It will also examine the degree to which Scandinavian activity during the Viking Age can justify this name being given to the epoch.With regard to the term “Vikings”, it is pointed out that, from the term’s earliest known occurrence in Anglo-Saxon glossaries around AD 600 up until some point in time around 1300 when it seems to disappear from the Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian languages, with Icelandic as a possible exception, it was unequivocally used in reference to pirates. In this respect it had no ethnic or geographic connotations but could, in Anglo-Saxon or Norse sources, be used in reference to anyone who behaved as a pirate, anywhere: Israelites crossing the Red Sea, Muslims encountering Norwegian crusaders in the Mediterranean, Caucasian pirates, Estonian and Baltic pirates in the Baltic Sea. Accordingly, a “Viking” was, in the earliest sources, not yet synonymous with a Scandinavian.Furthermore, those who have attempted to derive an etymology for the word have omitted to take into consideration that at an early stage – in the first centuries AD – it was borrowed into Slavonic with the meaning: hero and warrior. Consequently, these attempts were unsuccessful.After having disappeared as a living word, it subsequently emerged from obscurity when Danish and Swedish historians began to compete with respect to creating the most glorious past for their respective countries and, in the process, became aware of the Icelandic sagas as a possible source. However, these historians no longer understood Old Icelandic and had to have the texts translated. The year 1633 saw the first major translation into Danish of Snorri’s Heimskringla. It is apparent from this that the translator was convinced his readers would not know what a “Viking” was. Consequently, explanatory additions were inserted at virtually all its occurrences. These clearly demonstrate that, for the translator, the word still meant pirate and was, as yet, still not synonymous with a Scandinavian.A “Viking” first became a Scandinavian with the advent of Romanticism, primarily thanks to the two Swedish poets Erik Gustaf Geijer (1783-1847), with the poem Vikingen, and Esaias Tegnér (1782-1846), with his new version of the Old Norse Friðþjófs saga hins frœkna. With the publication of these two works “Viking” became for the first time a household word and was now used exclusively in reference to Scandinavians; with this meaning it rapidly spread to other languages. Around the middle of the 19th century the word also began to be used in this sense by archaeologists and historians.Soon the word “Viking” also became linked with the term for a period, the Viking Age, a period which was characterised by increasing Scandinavian activity outside Scandinavia. As the archaeological evidence could not, at that time, yet be dated with any precision, it was the evidence from written sources with respect to attacks on monasteries in the British Isles towards the end of the 8th century AD which, just as is still the case, came to mark the beginning of the Viking Age. While the written sources are today more or less the same as they were in the 19th century, the archaeological record continues to expand rapidly and the potential for dating is constantly being refined. As a consequence, we now know that Scandinavians were active both in the British Isles to the west and along the East European rivers long before the attacks on the above-mentioned monasteries.Although the activities of Scandinavians in the east have never played a major role in general Viking studies, it is perhaps there that they had their most radical consequences for posterity.Dendrochronological dates now show that Scandinavians settled at Staraja Ladoga around AD 750 from where, at an early point in time, they continued along the Volga towards the Caliphate. Later, however, towards the end of the 9th century, the route along the Dnepr to Byzantium became of greater importance. It was here that Scandinavians, known as “Rus”, by establishing military bases intended to safeguard the trade route and, by forging alliances with the local populations, established the principality to which they gave their name and which subsequently became Russia: Undoubtedly the most marked consequence of Scandinavian activity during the Viking Age.These trade-related bases, together with several rapidly growing trading places in the Scandinavian and Baltic areas, were part of a major long-distance trade network which conveyed goods between east and west. A characteristic feature of these trading places was that, apart from the local population, Scandinavians were the only group to be represented at more or less all of them. It seems that this long-distance trade network was based around Scandinavians. If justification is to be found for Scandinavian activity giving its name to an epoch in European history it must be in the form of this long-distance trade network, rather than war and plunder. At the same time, the temporal boundary for this period should be shunted back to the early 8th century.It is clear that our use of the term “Vikings” in reference to Scandinavians of that period is erroneous. In principle it should, in a research perspective, be abandoned in favour of “Scandinavians” or narrow contemporaneous ethnically- or geographically-based terms. But is this possible given that “Viking” has today become one of the most successful brands for Scandinavians and Scandinavia, and with powerful associated commercial interests?John LindCenter for MiddelalderstudierSyddansk Universitet
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Sverdrup Wennemo, Bente. "Vikinger og munker i nabolaget". Prismet 71, n.º 3 (18 de septiembre de 2020): 291–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/pri.8215.
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I et samfunn som blir mer pluralistisk og mangfoldig, kan betydningen av kunnskap om historiske røtter være mer betydningsfullt enn noen gang for den oppvoksende generasjon. Kirken besitter viktige ressurser for et lokalsamfunn med tanke på den lokale historieformidling. Den nye læreplanen gir kirken mulighet til å være en god samarbeidspartner for skolen innenfor flere fagområder. Men de historiske linjene er også viktige med tanke på trosopplæringen. Å kjenne historien til sin lokale kirke, å ha kunnskap om troens lange tradisjoner kan også skape nærhet til dåpens og fellesskapets betydning for hvert enkelt individ. Denne artikkelen handler om et breddetiltak vi i Nes kirkelige fellesråd arrangerte for 4.–6. klassinger høsten 2019. Tiltaket består av to samlinger, hvor den første samlingen er et undervisningsopplegg som i utgangspunktet videre er tenkt som et skole-kirkesamarbeid. Den andre samlingen bygger videre på kunnskapen fra første samling, men er et trosopplæringstiltak lagt opp som en samling hvor de voksne er medvandrere sammen med barna. Begge samlinger kan også brukes individuelt.
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Pietras, Jens. "Vikinger – her, der og allevegne – også i historieundervisningen". RADAR - Historiedidaktisk tidsskrift 7, n.º 1 (26 de junio de 2023): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rhdt.v7i1.138217.
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Vikingetiden er moderne. I tv-serier, i historiske fremstillinger, på centrale museer bl.a. Nationalmuseet - og i medierne generelt er vikingetiden i disse år særligt i centrum. Denne artikel sætter fokus på vikingetiden og forskellige aktørers brug af den. Artiklen giver bud på relevant anvendelse af vikingetiden i undervisningen – specielt i udskolingen.
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Coroban, Costel. "Some linguistic remarks regarding Romanian Viking Studies". Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 5, n.º 2 (15 de diciembre de 2013): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v5i2_6.
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In Romania there is no academic program dedicated entirely to the study of the Viking period in Scandinavia and Europe, but Romanian historiography can still boast with a decent number of monographs, translations and studies relating to early medieval Northern Europe. The concern of the present study is that of offering a general view on the language variations used by Romanian historians or translators when referring to certain Viking historical characters, rituals, artefacts or any other aspects regarding the history of the Norsemen. One of the first terms that ought to be considered by this study is the Old Norse word “viking” (used in runic inscriptions in contexts such as the verbal group “fara í víking” – meaning “to go on a raid”, “to go a-viking”). The complexity of translating this verbal structure into Romanian comes from the difficulty of turning the borrowed ethnonym “Viking” into a verbal phrase. Thus, it has been rendered as “a merge in expediţie vikingă”/”going on a Viking [+fem. desinence] expedition”. The only downside of using this phrase is that it might imply pleonasm since the Romanian noun “viking” already refers to raids and seafaring activities. Other authors have instead proposed the translation of “cineva care face un înconjur”/”somebody who goes on an expedition”, or simply “care e departe de casă”/”someone away from home”. But a royal saga also tells us about a noble who was “stundum í kaupferdum en stundum í víkingu” which is translated into Romanian as “în acelaşi timp în călătorie de afaceri şi în expediţie vikingă [at the same time in business trip and in viking expedition]”. The translation of í víking as “a merge în expediţie viking [going on a viking expedition]” also appears. In the translation of Frans G. Bengtsson’s well know The Long Ships, going a-viking is translated into Romanian as “seceriş [reaping], incursiune de jaf [raid for plundering]”, which is interestingly the only identifiable metaphor for this activity. Vikings also rarely appear as “wikingi” instead of the very common “vikingi” in Romanian translations.
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Jørgensen, Lea Grosen. "Vikingens udødelige sang". Passage - Tidsskrift for litteratur og kritik 34, n.º 81 (1 de junio de 2019): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/pas.v34i81.114430.
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Lea Grosen Jørgensen: “The Viking’s Undying Song – A Comparison of Old Norse Poems and Heroic Portrayals in Vikings (2013-) and Oehlenschläger’s Regnar Lodbrok (1849)”
This article discusses the portrayal of the legendary Viking Regnar Lodbrok in Michael Hirst’s TV series Vikings and Adam Oehlenchläger’s Romantic poem Regnar Lodbrok. Focusing on the incorporation of the Old Norse death song “Krákumál” in both the series and the poem, the article shows that the reinterpretations of the death song determine the versions of the Viking hero. Reinventing the hero after the fashion of their own age, as either a modern self-made hero or as a tender warrior-skald , Hirst and Oehlenschläger contribute to the perception of the Viking Age in the twenty-first and the nineteenth century, respectively.
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Ball, Kimberly. "Orientalism meets Occidentalism in Tarkan versus the Vikings". Journal of Scandinavian Cinema 13, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2023): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jsca_00084_1.
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Tarkan Viking kani (Tarkan versus the Vikings) (), a low-budget feature film made in the heyday of Turkey’s prolific Yeşilçam film industry, anachronistically pits Viking against Hun in an allegory of Turkey’s position between East and West. By figuring Vikings as representatives of an essential westernness, this film partakes in what I propose is a Viking-film commonplace, but does so from a rare non-western perspective, positioning Vikings within a discourse that is both Orientalist and Occidentalist. This article examines Tarkan versus the Vikings in its historical and ideological contexts, using this film as a critical vantage point from which to consider the (mostly) western Viking film genre, and the stylized image of the West that is the cinematic Viking.
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Gjerlevsen, Simona Zetterberg, Andreas Hjort Møller y Lis Møller. "Redaktionelt forord". Passage - Tidsskrift for litteratur og kritik 34, n.º 81 (1 de junio de 2019): 4–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/pas.v34i81.114424.
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Fiktionaliseret historie er på mode. I fantasy som serierne Game of Thrones og Outlander, der trækker på historisk funderede motiver og forestillingsverdener. Med fænomener som steampunk, der monterer artefakter fra Victoriatiden ind i andre historiske sammenhænge. I computerspil som Call of Duty: WWII, der repræsenterer Anden Verdenskrig. Sidste år blev betegnelsen “exofiktion” udråbt som en afløser for litteraturens autofiktive tendens. Nu skulle litteraturen ikke længere beskæftige sig med forfatterjeget, men med kendte og historiske personer.
I dette nummer af Passage viser mødet mellem historie og fiktion sig i forskellige afskygninger på tværs af historiske perioder og medier. Nummeret afspejler, hvor langt tilbage tendensen til at bruge fiktionen for at forstå fortiden går og samtidig, hvordan sådanne manifestationer har ændret sig. Nummeret sætter også fokus på de mere problematiske sider af fiktionaliseret historie. Eksempelvis blev Jim Lyngvilds fiktionaliserede fremstilling af vikinger i forbindelse med Nationalmuseets vikingeudstilling i 2018 voldsomt kritiseret af museumsfolk og historikere, som var kritisk indstillede over for en sammenblanding af historie og fiktion på et historisk museum, hvor publikum forventer at møde fakta og ikke fiktion. En fejlrepræsentation af fortiden kan være problematisk, også selvom det er i en traditionel fiktiv genre eller med tydelige tegn på fiktionalitet, fordi læseren, beskueren eller forbrugeren får en fejlopfattelse af fortiden og dens personer. Men fiktionaliseret historie kan i bedste fald give en historisk bevidsthed gennem sit billedskabende potentiale, som historieskrivningen har svært ved at fremstille. Fiktionaliseret historie er altså ikke simpel. Det indebærer komplicerede strategier, der trækker historiske, mediemæssige, kommercielle og sommetider etiske spørgsmål med sig. Samtidig med, at fiktionaliseret historie kan være en vej til viden om en given historisk periode, begivenhed eller person, røber den med sin vinkel og sit særlige greb på historien sin egen tids historiske specificitet. Det har vi med dette nummer af Passage søgt at vise gennem en række forskelligartede bidrag.
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Andrade Gutierrez, Márcia Haydée. "O “viking” de hoje: uma análise das interpretações contemporâneas sobre os vikings em HQs". Medievalis 12, n.º 1 (5 de abril de 2024): 116–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.55702/medievalis.v12i1.53215.
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A procura por temas associados a Mitologia Nórdica e a Era Viking tem crescido em decorrência de produções televisivas e cinematográficas. No âmbito da escrita e da leitura as HQS e os Romances também buscam inspiração nesse universo, bem como atraem jovens e adultos a embarcar nas jornadas de “personagens vikings”, mas a figura dos Vikings é apresentada a partir de uma nova visão e liberdade criativa que surge a partir da criação de um fenótipo durante o séc.XIX. E que acaba por perpetuar a visão de homens loiros, de olhos azuis e fortes, naqueles que definem para si tais obras como verdade absoluta. O presente artigo visa realizar uma discussão sobre o imaginário dos Vikings em Hqs, passando também pelas origens históricas dessas representações, bem como trazendo um arcabouço de sugestões de leituras, para amantes de historias em quadrinhos e de estudos relacionados com a Era Viking.
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Steenbakker, Margaret. "“But in the Thunder, I Still Hear Thor”: The Character Athelstan as a Narrative Focal Point in the Series Vikings". Religions 12, n.º 3 (18 de marzo de 2021): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12030203.
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This article explores the way the character Athelstan serves as a narrative focal point in the popular television series Vikings. Using this series as its main case study, it addresses the question of the ways in which the character functions as a synthesis between the two opposing world views of Christianity and Norse religion that are present in the series. After establishing that Vikings is a prime example of the trend to romanticize Viking culture in popular culture, I will argue that while the character Athelstan functions as a narrative focal point in which the worlds can be united and are united for a while, his eventual death when he has reverted back to Christianity shows that the series ultimately favors Viking culture and paints a very negative picture of (medieval) Christianity indeed.
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Sellheim, Nikolas P. "‘The rage of the Northmen’: Extreme metal and North-motivated violence". Polar Record 54, n.º 5-6 (septiembre de 2018): 339–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247419000020.
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AbstractThe Vikings have for generations yielded significant output in different cultural venues. Also the music scene has utilised perceptions of the North and the Northmen to generate a stereotypical image of medieval Scandinavian society. Extreme metal, most notably black and Viking metal, have applied narratives pertaining to the Viking Age for its own purposes. This paper examines one particular aspect of the black and Viking metal music scene: violence. It examines how the North and its inhabitants are utilised to justify violent behaviour. Drawing from pinpointed examples of extreme metal, this paper shows that stereotypical assumptions of violent Viking expansion as well as fear of subjugation motivate the ‘rage of the Northmen.’
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Kobiałka, Dawid. "The Mask(S) and Transformers of Historical Re-Enactment: Material Culture and Contemporary Vikings". Current Swedish Archaeology 21, n.º 1 (10 de junio de 2021): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.37718/csa.2013.12.
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The paper discusses the role of material culture for his- torical re-enactors of the Viking Age. Three issues are analysed: (a) the clothing and accessories worn by a typical contemporary warrior, craftsman and woman of the Viking times and the range of goods available for purchase at historical re-enactment markets, (b) the active and transformative aspect of material culture for present-day Vikings, (c) the paradox of how mirroring the material past by historical re-enactors is actually a deeply ahistorical category. The main con- clusion of this study is that historical re-enactment of the Viking Age is essentially about material culture. The paper is based on observations made during the Viking Week that took place at the Museum of Fote- viken (Sweden) on 24–30 June 2013.
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Lățug, Diana. "Northern Norway in Viking age". Vikings: New Inquiries into an Age-Old Theme 9, n.º 2 (15 de diciembre de 2017): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v9i2_3.
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The aim of this paper is to present some aspects of the image of Northern Norway in the Viking period. The article first sketches the Viking Age and its underlying causes, by also defining, in brief, the specificity of the Vikings. It continues with considerations on the creation of Norway, so as to finally outline the country’s image in the Viking Age. Aspects of navigation, language and trade are also presented in short. This entire portrayal of Northern Norway in Viking times is based on Ottar’s account about Northern Norway at the court of King Alfred. From a literary perspective, Harald Hårfagrets Saga (The Saga of Harald Fairhair) from about 850 was analysed. This saga tells the story of a Danish princess being transformed into a Norwegian woman. Thus, one encounters the myth of Northern women. All these aspects lead to a comprehensive image of Northern Norway in the Viking Age.
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Biddle, Martin y Birthe Kjølbye-Biddle. "Repton and the Vikings". Antiquity 66, n.º 250 (marzo de 1992): 36–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00081023.
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In 873 the Viking Great Army took winter quarters at the Anglo-Saxon monastery of Repton in the heart of Mercia. Excavations 1974–88 found their D-shaped earthwork on the river bank, incorporated in the stone church. Burials of Viking type were made at the east end of the church, and an existing building was cut down and converted into the chamber of a burial mound containing at least 249 individuals. Here is a first account of the evidence for the Vikings at Repton in and after the campaigning season of 873-4.
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Fischer, Lenore. "The Viking domination of Munster". North American journal of Celtic studies 7, n.º 2 (septiembre de 2023): 221–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cel.2023.a909948.
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ABSTRACT: Through their settlement at Limerick, the Vikings of Dublin ruled ninth-century Munster via puppet-kings until the abandonment of Dublin in 902. Thorir’s invasion of 922 quickly achieved an entente with the Éoganacht kings, giving Viking Limerick effective control of Munster. Once Limerick became subject to Dublin, the Éoganachta were able to operate more or less independently until subju-gated by Ivar. The reigns of Munster’s outstanding Éoganacht kings, Fedelmid, Cormac mac Cullenáin, and Cellachán Caisil, synchronize contrapuntally with periods when the Viking town of Limerick was non-existent, abandoned or weak.
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Bouet, Pierre. "Rollon et la fondation de la Normandie". Études Normandes 7, n.º 1 (2018): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/etnor.2018.3841.
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Rollon n’est pas le premier chef viking à être venu dévaster l’ouest de la France. De nombreuses bandes scandinaves l’ont précédé aussi bien dans les îles Britanniques que sur nos rivages. Sur ce personnage, comme sur les autres chefs vikings, nous ne disposons que d’informations lacunaires ou partisanes.
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Jahn, Christoph. "When Balts Met Vikings at the Curonian Lagoon. Strategies of Social Representation at the Viking-Age Cemetery at Linkuhnen". Światowit, n.º 60 (5 de diciembre de 2022): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/0082-044x.swiatowit.60.1.
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The cemetery at Linkuhnen by River Memel had a long history of usage by local Baltic tribes, starting in the early Roman Period and continuing to the Viking Age, with the highest number of burials in the 10th–11th centuries AD. When Linkuhnen was excavated in the 1930s by German archaeologists, it was considered a Viking cemetery, since some of the grave goods (especially weaponry) seemed to bear signs of Scandinavian influences. However, the Scandinavian influence was overstated and the interaction between local Balts and Vikings was never thoroughly explained by the excavators. New research on the old excavation archives indicates that Linkuhnen was not a Viking burial ground but that incoming influences from Scandinavia brought a shift to the internal strategies of representation by local Baltic elites. The burial rite changed from simple single cremation graves to lavishly equipped collective cremation graves for members of powerful families or military units. Another remarkable feature is the large number and ‘international’ character of weaponry in the burials, some of the highest quality (Ulfberht), while the jewellery represents local types only. Unlike other Scandinavian-influenced sites on the southern Baltic coast, the Scandinavian presence in the River Memel area only led to minor interactions between Balts and Vikings, though it had a significant influence on the local Baltic elites’ internal representation of status.
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Arkæologisk Selskab, Jysk. "Anmeldelser 2010". Kuml 59, n.º 59 (31 de octubre de 2010): 273–364. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v59i59.24540.
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Torbjörn Ahlström: Underjordiska dödsriken – Humanosteologiska studier av neolitiska kollektivgravar.(Niels H. Andersen)Søren H. Andersen: Ronæs Skov. Marinarkæologiske undersøgelser af kystboplads fra Ertebølletid.(Anders Fischer)Hans Andersson, Gitte Hansen og Ingvild Øye (red.): De første 200 årene – nyt blikk på 27 skandinaviske middelalderbyer. (Hans Krongaard Kristensen)Magnus Artursson: Bebyggelse och samhällsstruktur. Södra och mellersta Skandinavien under senneolitikum och bronsålder 2300-500 f.Kr.(Martin Egelund Poulsen)Pauline Asingh: Grauballemanden – portræt af et moselig.(Morten Ravn)Karl-Ernst Behre: Landschaftsgeschichte Norddeutschlands. Umwelt und Siedlung von der Steinzeit bis zur Gegenwart.(Sabine Karg og Bent Aaby)Karen M. Boe, Torsten Capelle og Christian Fischer (red.): Tollundmandens verden – Kontinentale kontakter i tidlig jernalder.(Jeanette Varberg)Linda Boye & Ulla Lund Hansen (eds.): Wealth and Prestige. An Analysis of Rich Graves from Late Roman Iron Age on Eastern Zealand, Denmark.(Jørgen Lund)Andres Siegfried Dobat: Werkzeuge aus kaiserzeitlichen Heeresausrüstungsopfern. Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Fundplätze Illerup Ådal und Vimose.(Martin Rundkvist)K. Eliasen, E.B. Fisker, E. Hædersdal, P. Kristiansen, M.G. Krogh & M. Vedsø (red.): Bygningsarkæologiske Studier 2006-2008.(Lars Krants)Anton Englert og Athena Trakadas (red.): Wulfstan’s Voyage. The Baltic Sea region in the early Viking Age as seen from shipboard.(Sarah Croix)Berit Valentin Eriksen (red.): Lithic Technology in Metal Using Societies.(Jan Apel)Palle Eriksen, Torben Egebjerg, Lis Helles Olesen og Hans Rostholm: Vikinger i Vest. – Vikingetiden i Vestjylland.(Søren M. Sindbæk)Thomas Eriksson: Kärl och social gestik. Keramik I Mälardalen 1500 BC-400 AD.(Julie Lolk)Hermann Fabini: Die Kirchenburgen der Siebenbürger Sachsen.(Hans Skov)Frands Herschend: The Early Iron Age in South Scandinavia. Social Order in Settlement and Landscape.(Mads Kähler Holst)Charlotta Hillerdal: People in Between. Ethnicity and Material Identity – a New Approach to Deconstructed Concepts. (Charlotte Damm)Xenia Pauli Jensen og Lars Christian Nørbach: Illerup Ådal 13, Die Bögen, Pfeile und Äxte.(Ole Nielsen)Rud Kjems: Niels Sørensen. Træhandleren der tolkede skåltegnene.(Sven Thorsen)Iben Skibsted Klæsøe (red.): Viking Trade and Settlement in Continental Europe.(Poul Baltzer Heide)Jan Peder Lamm, Sigrid Frizlen, Romas Jaročkis, Gintautas Zabiela (eds.): Apuolė. Ausgrabungen und Funde 1928-1932.(Marika Mägi)Åsa M. Larsson: Breaking & Making Bodies and Pots. Material and Ritual Practices in Sweden in the Third Millennium BC.(Niels H. Andersen)Jesper Laursen og Lars Jørgensen (red.): Dronning Margrethe og arkæologien.(Anne Knudsen)Johan Ling: Elevated Rock Art. Towards a maritime understanding of rock art in northern Bohuslän, Sweden.(Richard Bradley)Jan Skamby Madsen & Lutz Klassen: Fribrødre Å. A late 11th century ship-handling site on Falster. (Christer Westerdahl)Rikke Malmros: Vikingernes syn på militær og samfund belyst gennem skjaldenes fyrstedigtning.(Thomas Lindkvist, Bjørn Poulsen og Kurt Villads Jensen)Camilla Mordhorst: Genstandshistorier. Fra Museum Wormianum til de moderne museer.(Martin Brandt Djupdræt)Eigil Nikolajsen: Vikingeskibet og Apotekeren(Karsten Kjer Michaelsen)Ebbe Nyborg og Jens Vellev (red.): hikuin 36. Kirkearkæologi i Norden 9.(Henriette Rensbro)Bodil Petersson & Peter Skoglund (red.): Arkeologi och identitet.(Tim Flohr Sørensen)Sissel F. Plathe og Jens Bruun: Danmarks Middelalderlige Altertavler – og anden billedbærende kirkeudsmykning af betydning for liturgien og den private andagt.(Hans Krongaard Kristensen)Mads Runge: Nørre Hedegård. En nordjysk byhøj fra ældre jernalder.(Jes Martens)Per Ole Schovsbo: Tranbær Mosefund 1875-96.(Jørgen Lund)Joachim Schultze: Haithabu – Die Siedlungsgrabungen. I. Methoden und Möglichkeiten der Auswertung. (Hans Skov)Martin Segschneider (red.): Ringwälle und verwandte Strukturen des ersten Jahrtausends n. Chr. an Nord- und Ostsee.(Silke Eisenschmidt)Ingrid Stoumann: Ryttergraven fra Grimstrup – og andre vikingetidsgrave ved Esbjerg.(Jens Jeppesen)Vivian Wangen: Gravfeltet på Gunnarstorp i Sarpborg, Østfold. Et monument over dødsriter og kultutøvelse i yngre bronsealder og eldste jernalder.(Anders Kaliff)Viggo Nielsen: Oldtidsagre i Danmark. Sjælland, Møn og Lolland-Falster.(Michael Vinter)
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Horváth, Gábor, András Barta, István Pomozi, Bence Suhai, Ramón Hegedüs, Susanne Åkesson, Benno Meyer-Rochow y Rüdiger Wehner. "On the trail of Vikings with polarized skylight: experimental study of the atmospheric optical prerequisites allowing polarimetric navigation by Viking seafarers". Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 366, n.º 1565 (12 de marzo de 2011): 772–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2010.0194.
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Between AD 900 and AD 1200 Vikings, being able to navigate skillfully across the open sea, were the dominant seafarers of the North Atlantic. When the Sun was shining, geographical north could be determined with a special sundial. However, how the Vikings could have navigated in cloudy or foggy situations, when the Sun's disc was unusable, is still not fully known. A hypothesis was formulated in 1967, which suggested that under foggy or cloudy conditions, Vikings might have been able to determine the azimuth direction of the Sun with the help of skylight polarization, just like some insects. This hypothesis has been widely accepted and is regularly cited by researchers, even though an experimental basis, so far, has not been forthcoming. According to this theory, the Vikings could have determined the direction of the skylight polarization with the help of an enigmatic birefringent crystal, functioning as a linearly polarizing filter. Such a crystal is referred to as ‘sunstone’ in one of the Viking's sagas, but its exact nature is unknown. Although accepted by many, the hypothesis of polarimetric navigation by Vikings also has numerous sceptics. In this paper, we summarize the results of our own celestial polarization measurements and psychophysical laboratory experiments, in which we studied the atmospheric optical prerequisites of possible sky-polarimetric navigation in Tunisia, Finland, Hungary and the high Arctic.
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Parada García, Gilberto Enrique. "Irene García Losquiño. Eso no estaba en mi libro de historia de los vikingos. Córdoba: Libros en el Bolsillo, 2021. 371 páginas." Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura 51, n.º 1 (29 de diciembre de 2023): 447–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/achsc.v51n1.107227.
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Irene García Losquiño presenta en este libro lo que ella considera es una historia más objetiva de la sociedad vikinga. El público al que se dirige es el lector hispano que conoce la historia vikinga a través de formas narrativas distintas a la escaza historiografía especializada en castellano, como las series de televisión, películas, videojuegos o comics. Ahora en Latinoamérica, con escasos referentes a la historicidad vikinga, son frecuentes nombres como Valhalla, Tor, Ragnarök, valquirias o el “águila de sangre”. Esta resignificación vikinga está acompañada de un acuerdo previo con el público, pues la autora supone que sus lectores se han acercado a la filmografía más reciente del tema vikingo y que, por consiguiente, conocen más aspectos de la cultura escandinava que generaciones anteriores, que fueron educadas con bibliografías selectivas, escazas y estereotipadas. La autora realiza un estudio que abarca la hermenéutica, el análisis iconográfico, la interpretación arqueológica y la crítica histórica para comprender mejor su objeto de estudio y, además, equilibra muy bien los recursos historiográficos que emplea en su propuesta: el acontecimiento histórico, el relato literario y el análisis de la estructura social.
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Bennett, Lisa y Kim Wilkins. "Viking tattoos of Instagram: Runes and contemporary identities". Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 26, n.º 5-6 (29 de agosto de 2019): 1301–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354856519872413.
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In this essay, we explore how and why rune tattoos – that is, tattoos created out of single runes or longer runic inscriptions – become implicated in modern reimaginings of Viking identity. What is critically interesting here is not whether Vikings actually wore rune tattoos. Rather, we are interested in analysing the cultural processes by which certain contemporary subjects come to adapt and inscribe Viking runes as living artwork on their own bodies and to display images of these personal markings on Instagram. That is, we are not arguing from the perspective of trying to find a simple equivalence between the medieval and the modern. Instead, we are trying to understand what kind of cultural work the medieval (in the form of Viking runes) performs in shaping 21st-century identities in a cultural moment when self-perception and social relations have become increasingly embedded in social media.
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Pentz, Peter. "Vikings and Vellum: Viking Encounters with Book Culture". Medieval Archaeology 66, n.º 1 (2 de enero de 2022): 84–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00766097.2022.2065069.
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Kershaw, Jane y Ellen C. Røyrvik. "The ‘People of the British Isles’ project and Viking settlement in England". Antiquity 90, n.º 354 (21 de noviembre de 2016): 1670–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2016.193.
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The recently concluded ‘People of the British Isles’ project (hereafter PoBI) combined large-scale, local DNA sampling with innovative data analysis to generate a survey of the genetic structure of Britain in unprecedented detail; the results were presented by Leslie and colleagues in 2015. Comparing clusters of genetic variation within Britain with DNA samples from Continental Europe, the study elucidated past immigration events via the identification and dating of historic admixture episodes (the interbreeding of two or more different population groups). Among its results, the study found “no clear genetic evidence of the Danish Viking occupation and control of a large part of England, either in separate UK clusters in that region, or in estimated ancestry profiles”, therefore positing “a relatively limited input of DNA from the Danish Vikings”, with ‘Danish Vikings’ defined in the study, and thus in this article, as peoples migrating from Denmark to eastern England in the late ninth and early tenth centuries (Leslieet al.2015: 313). Here, we consider the details of certain assumptions that were made in the study, and offer an alternative interpretation to the above conclusion. We also comment on the substantial archaeological and linguistic evidence for a large-scale Danish Viking presence in England.
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Lange, Michael A. "Vikings in the Nor’ Wast: The Roots of Orkney’s Identity in Norway and Canada". Scandinavian-Canadian Studies 17 (1 de diciembre de 2007): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/scancan20.
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ABSTRACT: This article delves into the cultural identity of the Orkney Islands by examining the narratives people tell about Orkney’s historical relationships with Norway and Canada. Orkney, just off the northern coast of Scotland, was settled by Scandinavians during the Viking period, and the people of Orkney still draw strongly on Scandinavian, primarily Norwegian, imagery in their own conceptions of the islands’ identity. A millennium after the Vikings arrived, people went from Orkney to Canada with the Hudson’s Bay Company, and family and cultural ties were forged between Orcadians and First Nations people throughout Canada. I explore both relationships through an ethnographic study of Orcadians’ ideas about their islands’ connections to Canada and to Norway. Both relationships include characterizations of a tough, rugged, individualistic person—a Viking explorer.
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Walsh, Christine. "Baptized but not Converted: The Vikings in Tenth–Century Francia". Studies in Church History 51 (2015): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400050117.
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This essay focuses on one particular encounter between pagan and Christian in tenth–century Western Europe, namely the aftermath of the Viking settlement in Rouen and its environs in or around the year 911. There is little contemporary evidence for the early settlement and such as exists was written from a Christian perspective. The Vikings left no records, although their descendants wrote several romanticized accounts of their origins, again from a Christian perspective. Despite this bias in the sources, it is possible to use them to examine the interaction between the two groups. In particular, two letters survive, one from Pope John X (914–28/9) and one from Archbishop Hervé of Reims (900–22), which together give a unique perspective on what it was like at the sharp end of the Viking influx.
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Robinson, D. "Plants and Vikings: Everyday Life in Viking Age Denmark". Botanical Journal of Scotland 46, n.º 4 (enero de 1994): 542–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13594869409441761.
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Hegedüs, Ramón, Susanne Åkesson, Rüdiger Wehner y Gábor Horváth. "Could Vikings have navigated under foggy and cloudy conditions by skylight polarization? On the atmospheric optical prerequisites of polarimetric Viking navigation under foggy and cloudy skies". Proceedings of the Royal Society A: Mathematical, Physical and Engineering Sciences 463, n.º 2080 (6 de febrero de 2007): 1081–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspa.2007.1811.
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In sunshine, the Vikings navigated on the open sea using sundials. According to a widespread hypothesis, when the Sun was occluded by fog or clouds the Vikings might have navigated by skylight polarization detected with an enigmatic birefringent crystal (sunstone). There are two atmospheric optical prerequisites for this alleged polarimetric Viking navigation under foggy/cloudy skies: (1) the degree of linear polarization p of skylight should be high enough and (2) at a given Sun position, the pattern of the angle of polarization α of the foggy/cloudy sky should be similar to that of the clear sky. Until now, these prerequisites have not been investigated. Using full-sky imaging polarimetry, we measured the p - and α -patterns of Arctic foggy and cloudy skies when the Sun was invisible. These patterns were compared with the polarization patterns of clear Arctic skies. We show here that although prerequisite (2) is always fulfilled under both foggy and cloudy conditions, if the fog layer is illuminated by direct sunlight, prerequisite (1) is usually satisfied only for cloudy skies. In sunlit fog, the Vikings could have navigated by polarization only, if p of light from the foggy sky was sufficiently high.
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Graham-Campbell, James. "'Danes . . . in this Country': discovering the Vikings in Scotland". Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 134 (30 de noviembre de 2005): 201–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/psas.134.201.239.
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The Rhind Lectures for 1995–6, on ‘Death and Wealth in Viking Scotland’, commenced with a review of the earliest known records pertaining to the discovery of the Vikings in Scotland, beginning in the 16th century. This paper expands on the lectures, surveying the development of our knowledge and understanding of Scandinavian settlement in Scotland, from an archaeological perspective, down to the opening years of the 20th century. Particular attention is given to the publications by J J A Worsaae and Daniel Wilson, in the mid-19th century, given their fundamental impetus towards the replacement of ‘antiquarian speculation’ by ‘scientific archaeology’ in Scotland. The latter part of the paper is devoted to a description and discussion of the outstanding contribution made by Joseph Anderson to Scottish Viking studies, during the second half of the 19th century.
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Kolev, Konstantin. "Visual-material evidence of viking presence in the Balkans". Hiperboreea 2, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2015): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.1.0053.
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Abstract The Swedish and Norwegian Vikings were present in the Balkans including in Bulgaria. The archaeological and visual materials found on the Romanian, Bulgarian and Turkish territory support this statement. The majority of the objects constitute parts of weapons and tools related to the Scandinavian warfare. Most of these artifacts were discovered in North East of Bulgaria close to the Romanian border. They can be attributed to the Rus princes (father and son): Igor I (912–945) and Svyatoslav I Igorevich (942–972) who passed by the Bulgarian lands in the 10-th century and the Norwegian prince Harald who supported the Byzantine Empire to cause the downfall of the First Bulgarian kingdom at the beginning of the next century. Despite this sorrowful reputation, though, the Viking material culture in Bulgaria, Romania and Istanbul gives evidence to the multicultural mosaic of our region. It also enriches the Balkan history and culture. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to outline the Viking objects discovered in the Balkans.
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Timofeeva, Olga. "The Viking outgroup in early medieval English chronicles". Journal of Historical Sociolinguistics 2, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2016): 83–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jhsl-2016-0004.
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AbstractThis paper relates diachronic change in discourse strategies of the Viking-age historical writing to political changes of the period and to communities of practice that produce these histories and chronicles. It examines the labels and stereotypes applied to the Vikings and establishes their sources and evolution by applying a fourfold chronological division of historical sources from around 800 to 1200 (based on the political developments within Anglo-Saxon history and on the manuscript history of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle). The data for the study come from both Old English and Anglo-Latin chronicles. The results are interpreted in terms of critical discourse analysis. It is demonstrated that the chroniclers employ strategies of dissimilation exploiting the notion of illegitimacy and criminality of the Viking outgroup. These strategies change over time, depending on the political situation (raiding vs. settlement vs. reconquest period) and communities of practice involved in the maintenance and dissemination of a particular political discourse.
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Lubis, Bayu Aditia Ramdani. "FANATISME VIKING YOGYAKARTA TERHADAP KLUB SEPAK BOLA PERSIB BANDUNG". Commsphere: Jurnal Mahasiswa Ilmu Komunikasi 2, n.º I (29 de marzo de 2024): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37631/commsphere.v2ii.1356.
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The research aims to look at the fanaticism of the Yogjakarta Vikings as football supporters in Indonesia using social identity theory, which is the accumulation of various group values that are integrated with the individual (social class, family or football which is considered a very important source of pride and self-esteem). . The research approach used is qualitative. Data collection techniques consist of observation and interviews. Data analysis through data collection stages, data analysis process using reality and theory. The theoretical framework is Henri Tajfel and John Turner's social identity. The results of the research show that fanaticism is formed through regional/tribal groups as an identity that individuals have. These groups are formed because they feel they have the same beliefs, behavior, values and norms. This results in strong support among the Jogja Vikings to support their favorite team when competing. The basis for the formation of the fanaticism of the Jogja Vikings is the frequent gatherings every time Persib Bandung competes in the stadium or event, thus creating harmony. This includes social categories, such as based on nationality, race, politics, religion, values and beliefs. Social identification, of course, provides members with a sense of pride and social support. In terms of inherent culture, social identity influences individuals to become fanaticism towards a football club. Keywords: Fanaticism, Social Identity, Fans, Yogyakarya Viking and Football
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Wadas, Wanda y Teresa Łęczycka. "Efektywność stosowania wieloskładnikowych nawozów kompleksowych w uprawie bardzo wczesnych odmian ziemniaka". Biuletyn Instytutu Hodowli i Aklimatyzacji Roślin, n.º 257/258 (31 de diciembre de 2010): 167–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.37317/biul-2010-0019.
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Celem badań była ocena efektywności stosowania wieloskładnikowych nawozów komplekso¬wych HydroComplex (NPKMgS 12-11-18-3-8 + B, Mn, Zn, Fe), Nitrophoska® blue special (NPKMgS 12-12-17-2-6 + B, Zn), Polimag® S (NPKMgS 10-8-15-5-14 + B, Cu, Mn, Zn) i Viking 13 (NPKMgCaS 13-13-21-1-4-1) w uprawie bardzo wczesnych odmian ziemniaka Aster, Fresco i Gloria. Efektywność nawożenia wieloskładnikowymi nawozami kompleksowymi porównywano do nawozów jednoskładnikowych (saletra amonowa, superfosfat pojedynczy, siarczan potasu). Efektywność nawożenia oceniano na podstawie efektywności rolniczej i efektywności fizjologicznej oraz wskaźnika opłacalności jednostkowej i opłacalności przeciętnej nawożenia. Stosowanie HydroComplexu, Polimagu® S i Vikinga 13 dało podobny efekt produkcyjny jak nawozy jednokładnikowe, natomiast przy zastosowaniu Nitrophoski® blue special plon bulw frakcji handlowej był istotnie większy. Efektywność rolnicza nawożenia była największa przy stosowaniu wieloskładnikowych nawozów kompleksowych HydroComplex i Nitrophoska® blue special, a efektywność fizjologiczna przy stosowaniu nawozów Viking 13 i Polimag® S. Ekonomicznie uzasadnione było tylko stosowanie HydroComplexu i Nitrophoski® blue special. Efektywność nawożenia zależała od odmiany.
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Smed, Karina, Stefanie Dressler y Patricia Have. "The Vikings Are Here! Experiencing Volunteering at a Viking Heritage Site". Scandinavian Journal of Hospitality and Tourism 16, n.º 1 (16 de octubre de 2015): 94–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15022250.2015.1084149.
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Larrington, Carolyne. "A Viking in Shining Armour? Vikings and Chivalry in the Fornaldarsögur". Viking and Medieval Scandinavia 4 (enero de 2008): 269–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.vms.1.100315.
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Bernáth, Balázs, Alexandra Farkas, Dénes Száz, Miklós Blahó, Ádám Egri, András Barta, Susanne Åkesson y Gábor Horváth. "How could the Viking Sun compass be used with sunstones before and after sunset? Twilight board as a new interpretation of the Uunartoq artefact fragment". Proceedings of the Royal Society A: Mathematical, Physical and Engineering Sciences 470, n.º 2166 (8 de junio de 2014): 20130787. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspa.2013.0787.
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Vikings routinely crossed the North Atlantic without a magnetic compass and left their mark on lands as far away as Greenland, Newfoundland and Baffin Island. Based on an eleventh-century dial fragment artefact, found at Uunartoq in Greenland, it is widely accepted that they sailed along chosen latitudes using primitive Sun compasses. Such instruments were tested on sea and proved to be efficient hand-held navigation tools, but the dimensions and incisions of the Uunartoq find are far from optimal in this role. On the basis of the sagas mentioning sunstones, incompatible hypotheses were formed for Viking solar navigation procedures and primitive skylight polarimetry with dichroic or birefringent crystals. We describe here a previously unconceived method of navigation based on the Uunartoq artefact functioning as a ‘twilight board’, which is a combination of a horizon board and a Sun compass optimized for use when the Sun is close to the horizon. We deduced an appropriate solar navigation procedure using a twilight board, a shadow-stick and birefringent crystals, which bring together earlier suggested methods in harmony and provide a true skylight compass function. This could have allowed Vikings to navigate around the clock, to use the artefact dial as a Sun compass during long parts of the day and to use skylight polarization patterns in the twilight period. In field tests, we found that true north could be appointed with such a medieval skylight compass with an error of about ±4° when the artificially occluded Sun had elevation angles between +10° and −8° relative to the horizon. Our interpretation allows us to assign exact dates to the gnomonic lines on the artefact and outlines the schedule of the merchant ships that sustained the Viking colony in Greenland a millennium ago.
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Száz, Dénes y Gábor Horváth. "Success of sky-polarimetric Viking navigation: revealing the chance Viking sailors could reach Greenland from Norway". Royal Society Open Science 5, n.º 4 (abril de 2018): 172187. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsos.172187.
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According to a famous hypothesis, Viking sailors could navigate along the latitude between Norway and Greenland by means of sky polarization in cloudy weather using a sun compass and sunstone crystals. Using data measured in earlier atmospheric optical and psychophysical experiments, here we determine the success rate of this sky-polarimetric Viking navigation. Simulating 1000 voyages between Norway and Greenland with varying cloudiness at summer solstice and spring equinox, we revealed the chance with which Viking sailors could reach Greenland under the varying weather conditions of a 3-week-long journey as a function of the navigation periodicity Δ t if they analysed sky polarization with calcite, cordierite or tourmaline sunstones. Examples of voyage routes are also presented. Our results show that the sky-polarimetric navigation is surprisingly successful on both days of the spring equinox and summer solstice even under cloudy conditions if the navigator determined the north direction periodically at least once in every 3 h, independently of the type of sunstone used for the analysis of sky polarization. This explains why the Vikings could rule the Atlantic Ocean for 300 years and could reach North America without a magnetic compass. Our findings suggest that it is not only the navigation periodicity in itself that is important for higher navigation success rates, but also the distribution of times when the navigation procedure carried out is as symmetrical as possible with respect to the time point of real noon.
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Sayer, Duncan, Erin Sebo y Kyle Hughes. "A Double-edged Sword: Swords, Bodies, and Personhood in Early Medieval Archaeology and Literature". European Journal of Archaeology 22, n.º 4 (24 de julio de 2019): 542–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eaa.2019.18.
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In Anglo-Saxon and Viking literature swords form part of a hero's identity. In addition to being weapons, they represent a material agent for the individual's actions, a physical expression of identity. In this article we bring together the evidence from literature and archaeology concerning Anglo-Saxon and Viking-age swords and argue that these strands of evidence converge on the construction of mortuary identities and particular personhoods. The placement of the sword in funerary contexts is important. Swords were not just objects; they were worn close to the body, intermingling with the physical person. This is reflected in the mortuary context where they were displayed within an emotive aesthetic. Typically, swords were embraced, placed next to the head and shoulders, more like a companion than an object. However, there are exceptions: graves like Birka 581 and Prittlewell show sword locations that contrast with the normal placement, locations which would have jarred with an observer's experience, suggesting unconventional or nuanced identities. By drawing on literary evidence, we aim to use the words of the Anglo-Saxons and Vikings to illuminate the significance of swords in mortuary contexts and their wider cultural associations.
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Zinkiewicz, Jacek. "Najazdy wikingów a kryzys Kościoła anglosaskiego w IX wieku. Zarys problemu". Analecta Cracoviensia 40 (4 de enero de 2023): 417–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/acr.4027.
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The end of the 7th and the first half of the 8th century was a time of flowering and relatively greateness of anglo-saxon Church. Nonetheless some prominent ecclesiastics (Bede Venerable for example) caught sight of the crisis symptoms. Any attempts of more or less general reforms of the Church, which had place since the Clofesho Council (747), had been unsuccessful. Political disruption and frictions between rulers and bishops made impossible any real and constant changes. Secularised minsters were too serious sources of mundane profits for their lay masters, and that’s why they didn’t want to leave the control of this issue to the clergymen. It caused fall of discipline, morality and intelectual quality of minsters. The end of the 8th and the beginning of the 9th centuries gave another examples of unsuccessful attempts to reform the basic problems of anglo-saxon Church in the time of political confusion. There also appeared another factor, which soon radically influenced political, social, cultural and ecclesiastical situation of anglo-saxon kingdoms.Since the end of the 8th century the Viking raids era had begun. The viking menace didn’t seem very considerable at first, it happended after some time when started to be regular. In the first half of the 9th century there existed some ecclesiastical centres, still giving an example of greateness, which could have been the source of potential reform. But to do this, a social and political peace was needed, and also cooperation of two powers: lay and spiritual. An attempts of the Church reforms (or rather – minsters), initiated by archibishop Wulfred, failed, and the next had place during the reign of Alfred the Great. In the meantime the viking menace grew up. The vikings caused very serious impoverishment of the Church in Britain, and also shaked its structures. They caused a great material losses but did not start ecclesiastical crisis; a symptoms of this crisis had been seen long before the Vikings, as a result of gradual fall and because of unrealized changes suggested since the times of Bede, and especially since the Clofesho Council in 747. In this circumstances, in the moment of the highest exterior menace, there couldn’t have been a place for any contentions, and Alfred the Great kept in his hands an initiative of the general renewal and reforms, also by means of foreign clergy.
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Coupland, Simon. "The Rod of God's Wrath or the People of God' Wrath ? The Carolingian Theology of the Viking Invasions". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42, n.º 4 (octubre de 1991): 535–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900000506.
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The Viking invasions of the ninth and early tenth centuries were referred to in a large number of contemporary Frankish texts, including not only annals and chronicles, but also saints’ lives, miracle texts, capitularies, royal and private charters, letters, sermons, biblical commentaries, hymns, poems and prayers. The great majority of these texts were written by clerics, either religious or secular, and as a result the raids are frequently described in religious terms and set within a religious framework. For example, the Vikings are often denoted as ‘pagani’ and the Franks as’ christiani’; towns are burned ‘divino iuditio’ and battles won ‘adiuvante Domino’,1 and the invasions are represented as a punishment for the Franks’ sins in fulfilment of biblical prophecy.
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McLeod, Shane. "Human sacrifice in viking age Britain and Ireland". Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association 14 (2018): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35253/jaema.2018.1.5.
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Human sacrifice, as part of pre-Christian religious rites, is one of a number of violent attributes commonly associated with the Vikings both in post-Viking Age medieval written and visual sources and in popular imagination, the latter perhaps best exemplified by the 'blood eagle' as performed on Jarl Borg and King AElle of Northumbria in the popular television show Vikings. But is there any unequivocal contemporary evidence for human sacrifice? This paper will briefly discuss the problems of interpreting the evidence for human sacrifice, before concentrating on the evidence from Britain and Ireland. Despite the silence of contemporary insular written sources, it is found that there is one certain and other probable examples of human sacrifices in the archaeological records of England, Scotland, the Isle of Man, and Ireland. Amongst the probable examples is a new suggestion that human sacrifice occurred at Whithorn, the site of a Northumbrian bishopric and monastery, but now in southern Scotland. Discussion of Whithorn will be the focus of the article. The evidence for human sacrifice will be briefly discussed with regard to the active practice of Norse religious beliefs in Britain, and in the Scandinavian acculturation to indigenous practices, including Christianity, in the ninth and tenth centuries CE.
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Krzewińska, Maja, Gro Bjørnstad, Pontus Skoglund, Pall Isolfur Olason, Jan Bill, Anders Götherström y Erika Hagelberg. "Mitochondrial DNA variation in the Viking age population of Norway". Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 370, n.º 1660 (19 de enero de 2015): 20130384. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2013.0384.
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The medieval Norsemen or Vikings had an important biological and cultural impact on many parts of Europe through raids, colonization and trade, from about AD 793 to 1066. To help understand the genetic affinities of the ancient Norsemen, and their genetic contribution to the gene pool of other Europeans, we analysed DNA markers in Late Iron Age skeletal remains from Norway. DNA was extracted from 80 individuals, and mitochondrial DNA polymorphisms were detected by next-generation sequencing. The sequences of 45 ancient Norwegians were verified as genuine through the identification of damage patterns characteristic of ancient DNA. The ancient Norwegians were genetically similar to previously analysed ancient Icelanders, and to present-day Shetland and Orkney Islanders, Norwegians, Swedes, Scots, English, German and French. The Viking Age population had higher frequencies of K*, U*, V* and I* haplogroups than their modern counterparts, but a lower proportion of T* and H* haplogroups. Three individuals carried haplotypes that are rare in Norway today (U5b1b1, Hg A* and an uncommon variant of H*). Our combined analyses indicate that Norse women were important agents in the overseas expansion and settlement of the Vikings, and that women from the Orkneys and Western Isles contributed to the colonization of Iceland.
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Ravn, Morten. "Om bord på vikingetidens langskibe – En analyse af besætningsorganisation og kommunikation". Kuml 65, n.º 65 (25 de noviembre de 2016): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v65i65.24831.
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On board Viking Age longshipsAnalysing crew organisation and communicationBy analysing the relations between man, ship and sea it is possible to gain a fundamental understanding of the sea voyages undertaken by Scandinavians during the Viking Age. This article examines crew organisation and communication on board Viking Age longships. Archaeological and written sources relating to Viking Age Scandinavian seafaring are scrutinised and combined with experience gained from sailing trials and voyages employing full-scale reconstructions of Viking Age longships: Conditions on board Viking Age longships and the seamanship of the period are investigated afresh (figs. 1-3).It is argued that sailing and rowing experiments are important components in the analysis of archaeological finds of ships and ship-related materials. These experiments function as catalysts for processes that may lead to new interpretations of the source material (fig. 4). The practical approach represented by participating as crew on a reconstruction of an archaeologically-found ship offers possibilities for examining aspects like the flexibility of the hull, the seaworthiness and speed of the vessel under different weather conditions and logistical limitations, as well as human factors such as the physical abilities and nautical skills required of the crew. This article presents examples of how sailing trials and voyages with the Viking Ship Museum’s Skuldelev 2 reconstruction The Sea Stallion from Glendalough have led to a new understanding of the hull flexibility and strength of Viking Age longships. It is also argued that studies of crew organisation and communication on board The Sea Stallion from Glendalough provide a fundamental insight into conditions on board Viking Age longships (figs. 5-8).A middleman is proposed as a key element in the communication on board a longship. The middleman is located close to the mast and is responsible for relaying commands and messages from the skipper, situated in the aft of the ship, towards the bow of the vessel, as well as relaying the look-out’s observations back to the skipper. In relation to this, it is interesting that sailing scenes depicted on the Bayeux Tapestry often highlight three people on board the vessels: One aft (the skipper or helmsman?), one amidships, close to the mast (the middleman?), and one close to the bow (the look-out?). These three people seem to communicate with each other, either verbally or using gestures (figs. 9-10).In conclusion, based on the experience gained from the sailing trails and voyages employing full scale reconstructions of Viking Age longships, it is evident that the large crew and limited space on board calls for a well-defined organisation with a clear and unambiguous command structure. When combined with the need to trust and protect each other while at sea in an open boat, this creates close-knit communities of practice, as also seen among soldiers in military units. It seems likely that the practices and living conditions on board the longships contributed greatly to the creation of the Vikings’ notoriously efficient and coherent military units (fig. 11).Morten RavnVikingeskibsmuseet i Roskilde
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Mcdougall, Ian. "Serious entertainments: an examination of a peculiar type of Viking atrocity". Anglo-Saxon England 22 (diciembre de 1993): 201–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100004385.
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In a letter written to King Æthelred of Northumbria in or soon after 793, Alcuin bewails the appalling aftermath of the Viking attack on Lindisfarne. He writes, ‘vineam electam vulpes depredarunt, hereditas Domini data est populo non suo. Et ubi laus Domini, ibi ludus gentium. Festivitas sancta versa est in luctum.’1 Alcuin's horror at Viking merriment is shared by a great many other medieval historians in their accounts of the depredations of the Norsemen. Adam of Bremen, for instance, laments the Vikings' assault upon the Franks in 882, in which they made so bold as to attack King Charles III himself, and generally ‘made sport of our people‘.2 Florence of Worcester similarly deplores the brutality of Sveinn Forkbeard's men, who invaded East Mercia in 1013, all the while ‘revelling in acts of savagery‘.3 William of Malmesbury remarks on the ungentle sense of humour of Cnut the Great, who, after inviting Earl Uhtred of Northumbria to surrender himself into his custody, promptly had his hostage put to death, as William puts it, ‘with inhuman levity‘.4 In short, it is not unusual to find medieval chroniclers expressing their distaste for the evident pleasure invading Scandinavians occasionally derived from committing acts of atrocity.
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Janssen, Riemer. "Zij Vikingen". Madoc 34, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2020): 46–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/madoc2020.1.006.jans.
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Bertilsson, Carolina, Maria Vretemark, Henrik Lund y Peter Lingström. "Caries prevalence and other dental pathological conditions in Vikings from Varnhem, Sweden". PLOS ONE 18, n.º 12 (13 de diciembre de 2023): e0295282. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0295282.
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In a late Swedish Viking Age population dating from around 10th-12th century AD, the prevalence, distribution and location of dental caries were studied. Tooth wear, other dental pathology and anatomical variations were identified and recorded clinically and radiographically. A total of 3293 teeth were analyzed from 171 individuals with complete and partial dentitions, of which 133 were permanent and 38 deciduous/mixed dentition. The dentitions were studied clinically, using a dental probe under a strong light source, and radiographs were taken for 18 of the individuals to verify and complement the clinical caries registration. Almost half the population, 83 of 171 individuals (49%), had at least one carious lesion. All individuals with deciduous or mixed dentitions were caries-free. The number of teeth affected by caries among adults was 424 (13%) and the surface most susceptible to caries was the root surface. The tooth most commonly affected by caries was the first mandibular molar. Other findings included apical infections, which were detected clinically in 4% of the teeth, and one case of filed front teeth. The findings gave a unique understanding of life and death in this early Christian Viking community and indicated that it was common to suffer from dental caries, tooth loss, infections of dental origin and tooth pain. These Vikings also manipulated their teeth through filing, tooth picking and other occupational behaviors.
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Orkisz, Jan H. "Pole-weapons in the Sagas of Icelanders: a comparison of literary and archaeological sources". Acta Periodica Duellatorum 4, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2016): 177–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/apd-2016-0006.
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Abstract The Icelandic sagas are a major source of information on the Vikings and their fighting prowess. In these stories, several mysterious pole-weapons appear, which are often called “halberds”, for lack of a better word. In order to better identify what these weapons could have been, and to provide a better understanding of how the sagas relate to the Viking-age events they describe, we confront textual and archaeological evidence for several of these weapons (the höggspjót, the atgeirr, the kesja, the krókspjót, the bryntroll and the fleinn), keeping in mind the contextualisation of their appearances in sagas. The description of the use of each weapon allows to pick several candidates likely to correspond to the studied word. Without a perfect knowledge of what context the authors of the sagas wanted to describe, it appears to be impossible to give a final answer. However, we show that some specific types of spears are good candidates for some of the studied weapons.
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Zdilla, Matthew J. "The Hand of Sabazios: Evidence of Dupuytren’s Disease in Antiquity and the Origin of the Hand of Benediction". Journal of Hand Surgery (Asian-Pacific Volume) 22, n.º 03 (4 de agosto de 2017): 403–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218810417970012.
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Dupuytren’s disease gained its eponym from the surgeon Baron Guillaume Dupuytren (1777-1835). However, the terms “Cline’s contracture” and “Cooper’s contracture,” named after the two surgeons who proposed the treatment for the palmar contractures prior to Dupuytren, have also been used to describe the disease. In addition to the eponyms attributed to these three surgeons, a number of other appellations with interesting provenance exist for Dupuytren’s disease including the “Curse of the MacCrimmons,” “Celtic hand,” “Viking’s disease,” and the “Hand of Benediction.” These terms all have interesting provenance; however, contention exists with regard to the appropriateness of their coinage. Of these terms, the “Hand of Benediction” is based upon the oldest history, supposedly thought to be a result of an early Pope afflicted with Dupuytren’s disease. This report suggests that Dupuytren’s disease was recorded in history prior Christianity, the Vikings, as well as Dupuytren, Cline, and Cooper. Nearly 100 votive “Hand of Sabazios” artifacts from Antiquity appear to document Dupuytren’s disease via sculpture. The report posits that Dupuytren’s disease may have been represented by the “Hand of Sabazios,” subsequently inspiring the “Hand of Benediction” and “Hand of God” that has permeated Christian art and culture for thousands of years.
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Wilson, David M. "Else Roesdahl 60 år". Kuml 51, n.º 51 (2 de enero de 2002): 13–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v51i51.102990.
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Else Roesdahl reaches 60l first met Else Roesdahl in 1969, when, newly graduated, she was working as an assistant in the National Museum. This was the foundation of a friendship which spans her professional career.Else was born on Als and her sense of history and her fierce in dependence is based in the background of her family, which was deeply involved in the politics of Sønderjylland after 1864. Although she studied in Copenhagen, she returned to Jutl and with her husband, Erich Lange, in 1970, and soon became firmly established in Aarhus University.As a student (and later as a postgraduate) she took par t in P.V. Glob’s Bahrain expeditions .The three seasons she spent there deeply influenced her development as an archaeologist and scholar. The dig excited her sense of adventure and stimulated her to travel in India, Afghanistan, Iran and Egypt, developing an interest in pottery and glass originally in stilled by her father, a learned collector. At home she took part in many other excavations. She is, for example, proud of the fact that at Skuldelev she found the beautiful stem of Wreck 3.Concentrating on the Viking Age she became, through such outlets as the Viking Congress, party to an innovative critical interdisciplin ary approach to the period. Nowhere is this better expressed than in the annual and successful tværfaglige Vikingesymposium, of which she is one of the most influential organisers, or in the foundation of the Aarhus Centre for Viking and Medieval Studies. She excavated with Olaf Olsen at all the Trelleborg fortresses, and in 1970 joined him in the newly- founded department of medieval archaeology at Moesgård. Succeeding as head of department in 1981, she was promoted professor in 1996.Although engaged with the whole of the Middle Ages, her first enthusiasm was for the Viking Age. With Olaf Olsen and Holger Schmidt, she published the Fyrkat excavations in 1977, and it is a tribute to the academic integrity of both Olaf and Else that, though differing in their conclusions, they did not fall out – disproving the adage, ‘archaeology is not a discipline, it’s a vendetta’.Much in demand internationally, she was deeply in volved in the organisation of the Vikings in England exhibition in 1981-2, and was the coordinator of the magnificent exhibition Viking og Hvidechrist in 1992-3. The catalogue which she edited for this exhibition, together with her books Danmarks Vikingetid and Vikingernes Verden, are now central to any stud y of the Viking Age and have been translated into many languages. She has edited many other books, most recently Dagligliv i Danmarks middelalder, and,with Mogens Bencard, wrote the pionering Dansk middelalderlertøj.She has many honours – among them the Dannebrog, a LittD from Dublin, a special professorship at Nottingham, and corresponding fellowships of learned bodies in Germany and England – but it is her friendship, scholarship and wit that we celebrate on her sixtieth birthday.David M .WilsonCastletown Isle of ManOversat til dansk af Annette Lerche Trolle
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Hadley, Dawn M. "Conquest, Colonization and the Church: Ecclesiastical Organization in the Danelaw". Historical Research 69, n.º 169 (1 de junio de 1996): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1996.tb01846.x.
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AbstractThis article reconsiders the fate of the Church in the Danelaw in the period following the Viking invasions and settlement of the region. It is generally accepted that the peculiarities of ecclesiastical organization found in the Danelaw can be attributed to the impact of the Vikings, but although they undoubtedly inflicted terrible damage on the Church there may be other explanations for the idiosyncracies of the region. Pre-existing regional differences and the impact of the West Saxon conquest of the region must also be considered. The existing model for the development of the parochial system in Anglo-Saxon England-the so-called ‘minster model’-increases the sense that the Danelaw had experienced a great calamity. Yet this model is open to criticism, and its applicability to the Danelaw is brought into question. Elements of continuity can be identified as can evidence for change, and this article concludes that the period of Scandinavian settlement was but one factor that shaped ecclesiastical organization in the later Anglo-Saxon centuries.
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Croix, Sarah. "The Vikings, victims of their own success? A selective view on Viking research and its dissemination". Danish Journal of Archaeology 4, n.º 1 (2 de enero de 2015): 82–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21662282.2015.1133944.
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Filipowiak, Wojciech, Michał Bogacki y Karolina Kokora. "The Center of Slavs and Vikings in Wolin, Poland. History, scenography, story and efect". Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana 29, n.º 1 (2021): 89–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2021.106.
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In this paper, the authors analyze the Center of Slavs and Vikings (hereinafter Centrum), a reconstruction of early medieval Wolin functioning as an open air museum. The reconstruction was made on an islet on the Dziwna Strait, opposite the center of Wolin. In the early Middle Ages, the city was one of the largest craft and trade centers on the Baltic Sea. It appears in numerous written sources and has been the subject of archaeological research for nearly 200 years. Its history is connected with the legend of Jómsborg and Vineta. The idea of building an archaeological and ethnographic open-air museum was established in 1958 in archaeological circles. For various reasons, this intention was not realized during the period of the Polish People’s Republic. In 1992, the Viking Festival (today the Festival of Slavs and Vikings) was initially organized in Wolin, which is now one of the largest reenactors’ events in Europe. As the festival developed, elements of its scenery were created. In 2002, the local Wolin–Jomsborg–Vineta Center of Slavs and Vikings Association was registered with the aim of building the Center. It was opened in 2008 and has been gradually expanding with new elements. The center is a historical park that presents a simplified vision of the early Middle Ages, with little reference to the history of the city and the region. The success of the Slavs and Vikings Festival and the Center became its greatest disadvantage ― it ceased to be a reconstruction of early medieval Wolin. The content presented there is related to the subculture of performers and as such is not original ― similar forms can be found in other facilities of this type in Poland and abroad. The presented image of the Slavs is simplified in a way that is assimilable to the contemporary recipient ― the emphasis is on nature-related spirituality, courage, honor, freedom, ecology. On the other hand, content that would be unacceptable in contemporary culture (e. g. the role of women) is omitted. The lack of cooperation with professionals makes the activities of the Center chaotic, confusing the notion of tradition with reconstruction, history with story, archeology with handicraft, and finally science with guesswork. Creating new content on the basis of selective historical knowledge and presenting it as «revived traditions» requires special attention in Western Pomerania, where due to the population exchange after 1945 there is a real problem of regional identity. The center, run by a private association, is dynamic and is a success as a product of promotion and tourism. Nevertheless, its success resulted in the «privatization of heritage», which most of the region’s inhabitants do not identify with. To counteract this, the authors postulate increasing cooperation between private entities (Association, Center) and public institutions (the Museum, Institute of Archeology and Ethnology of the Polish Academy of Sciences).