Tesis sobre el tema "Victims' actions"

Le 23 mai 2013 marque l’entrée en vigueur de la Loi modifiant la Loi sur l’indemnisation des victimes d’actes criminels, visant à favoriser le civisme et certaines dispositions du Code civil relatives à la prescription. Cette loi a été édictée dans le but de mettre fin à une controverse entourant la prescription des actions en indemnisation des victimes d’agression sexuelle. Depuis nombre d’années, les groupes de défense des victimes d’agression sexuelle demandaient que le délai soit revu. Il était considéré comme trop court. Dans ce qui suit, nous allons nous pencher sur la prescription applicable aux actions en indemnisation pour agression sexuelle autant sous le Code civil du Bas Canada que sous le Code civil du Québec en mettant l’accent sur la notion d’impossibilité psychologique d’agir. Dans la première partie, cette notion sera examinée sous différents angles puisque des catégories se forment naturellement lorsque nous étudions la jurisprudence. Nous établirons le délai de prescription applicable à l’action suivant la date de la prise de conscience du lien entre l’agression sexuelle et les conséquences qui en découlent. S’agit-il de l’ancien délai de 3 ans ou du nouveau délai de 30 ans ? De plus, nous étudierons l’application du nouvel article 2926.1 C.c.Q. dans les premières causes où il a été soulevé. Dans la deuxième partie, nous nous attacherons aux moyens qui ont été mis en oeuvre ailleurs dans le monde et principalement dans certains pays, comme la France, les États-Unis. Nous verrons aussi comment la prescription est abordée dans les autres provinces du Canada. Tout cela, afin de mieux répondre aux besoins des victimes d’agression sexuelle d’ici. Finalement, nous évaluerons si des modifications doivent être apportées chez nous. D’autre part, nous comptons, tout au long du mémoire, critiquer, lorsque requis, le droit en nous appuyant sur des études de psychologie qui ont tenu compte du vécu des victimes. En effet, nous avons fait un tour d’horizon non exhaustif des recherches de psychologie relatives à notre sujet.

<p>The aim of this study was to identify factors associated with reporting incidents of sexual violence after seventy-two hours at the sexual assault service centre in Newcastle, KwaZulu-Natal. This descriptive study was based on retrospective analysis of 534 medical records of victims of sexual violence at the Newcastle hospital between 2005 and 2009. A data collection sheet was designed to extract information from three sources namely: the victims‟ hospital files, J88 forms and specific hospital forms that were completed for sexual assault victims. The collected data were entered into and processed for analysis using EPI INFO statistical package. Frequencies, means and standard deviations were calculated for the data set. Test of significance was also done using the Chi-square test and presented using odds ratios with 95% CI and p-value of &lt<br>0.05. The victims‟ age range was 2-81years (mean= 18.84, &sigma<br>=13.25). Approximately 87% were female and 59.4% of the victims were aged 0-17 years. One in five victims (19.7%) was HIV positive, and most (74.4%) reported rape with vaginal penetration. Fifty-nine percent reported within 72 hours of being assaulted. The most common reason for delayed reporting (21.5%) was fear of the perpetrator. Most of the sexual assaults were committed by male (96%) and single perpetrator (90%). Nearly a third (32.4%) of the sexual violence occurred within intimate relationships and more than two-thirds (68%) knew the perpetrators. In all, 35% sustained injuries during the assault and a third (34.5%) reported the use of weapons during the assault. Nearly half of the victims (48.7%) were referred to hospital by their relatives who also accompanied them to the facility (42.1%). Of the 198 victims that were offered post-exposure prophylaxis (PEP), 87% collected the full 28-day course.</p>

La place de la victime au sein du procès pénal est complexe et ambiguë. En droit positif, la victime bénéficie désormais de droits et de moyens d'action dans le procès pénal qui lui garantissent un véritable rôle. Par exemple, comme le ministère public, la victime peut déclencher l'action publique et demander la réparation du préjudice subi. La victime n'est plus la grande oubliée du procès pénal, elle est devenue une partie à part entière. Toutefois, en dépit d'un renforcement manifeste du rôle de la victime dans le procès pénal, un déséquilibre des droits et des moyens d'action persiste entre les parties dans chaque étape de la procédure pénale. Une amélioration de la procédure pénale est donc toujours nécessaire pour sauvegarder les droits de la victime et empêcher celle-ci d’être injustement mise à l’écart<br>The place of the victim in the criminal trial is complicated and ambiguous. In current law, the victim enjoys rights and means of action in the criminal trial which guarantee her a real part. For example, as the prosecution, the victim can activate the public action and she can ask for the repair of her damage. The victim is not any more the forgotten of the criminal trial, she became a full part. However, in spite of an obvious strengthening of the part of the victim in the criminal trial, an imbalance of the rights and the means of action persists between the parts in every stage of the criminal procedure. The improvement of the procedural balance between the parts in the criminal trial has to continue not to put aside the victim

Le droit international reconnaît deux droits fondamentaux aux victimes : le recours devant un tribunal et la réparation de leurs préjudices. Le recours devant un tribunal se décline en plusieurs droits : le droit d’accéder à un tribunal, le droit à l’information, le droit à l’avocat, le droit à être entendu dans la procédure. Le droit international recommande en outre, aux États de prendre des mesures pour assurer la protection des victimes et leur prise en charge. Au plan international, la création de la Cour pénale internationale et des juridictions communautaires participent,considérablement à la mise en oeuvre des droits reconnus aux victimes. Au niveau national, il existe une divergence de point de vue des législations des États, concernant le statut de la victime dans le procès pénal. Les pays de la Common Law reconnaissent généralement la victime comme témoin au procès pénal. Tandis que les pays de droit continental lui reconnaissent la qualité de partie civile. Cependant, la mise en oeuvre des droits des victimes reste une préoccupation importante dans tous les cas. Cette étude comparative laisse apparaître clairement que la place de la victime en droit burkinabé ne correspond pas à la dynamique de l’évolution entamée au plan international sur ce sujet. En effet, le Burkina Faso s’est doté, au lendemain de son indépendance, d’un Code de procédure pénale largement inspiré du droit français. Cependant, l’absence d’une véritable politique pénale prenant en compte les intérêts des victimes d’infraction limite la participation de ces dernières au procès pénal. La réparation des préjudices subis par les victimes n’est pas effective car l’auteur n’a pas souvent les moyens de payer et il n’existe pas de système d’indemnisation publique.L’absence d’alternatives au procès pénal classique est un autre point de faiblesse de la justice burkinabé. On retient également, une insuffisance des mesures visant à protéger les victimes. Quant à l’aide aux victimes, elle n’est pas assurée du fait de l’absence d’un programme étatique visant la prise en charge de leurs besoins. Du côté du milieu associatif, des initiatives existent, mais n’atteignent pas vraiment la grande majorité des victimes. Face à cette situation,nous avons jugé essentiel de proposer diverses pistes de solutions, parmi lesquelles les suivantes : le renforcement des droits des victimes dans les procédures classiques, l’amélioration du droit à la réparation des victimes, le recours à des programmes de justice restauratrice et la mise en place de mesures d’aide aux victimes<br>International law recognizes two fundamental rights for victims: the right to a court and the right to compensation of any loss. The right to a court includes the right of access to a court, the right toinformation, the right to legal representation and the right to a hearing. International law also recommends that States take measures to ensure the protection and support of victims. At the international level, the establishment of the International Criminal Court and other international bodies made a considerable contribution to the implementation of victims’ rights. At the nationallevel, there is a divergence of views between the laws of the States concerning the status of the victim in the criminal trial. Common-law countries generally recognize the victim as a witness at the criminal trial, whereas continental law countries accord the victim civil-party status. However,implementation of the rights of victims remains a major concern in all cases. This comparative study clearly shows that the role of the victim in Burkina Faso law does not correspond to the dynamics of the evolution begun at the international level on this subject. Although, following independence, Burkina Faso adopted a code of criminal procedure largely inspired by French law,the lack of any real criminal policy taking into account the interests of victims of offences means they have only limited rights of participation at the criminal trial. Reparation of damage suffered by victims is not effective because offenders often do not have the means to pay and there is no system of public compensation. The absence of alternatives to the classical criminal trial is another weakness of the criminal-justice system in Burkina Faso, as is the lack of measures to protectvictims. Likewise, assistance for victims is not assured because of the absence of a State program to support their needs. While initiatives are taken by community organizations, they do not really reach the vast majority of the victims. In this situation, we have found it essential to propose various possible solutions, including: strengthening the rights of victims in the standard procedures, improving the right to reparation for victims, using restorative justice programs an dimplementing measures of assistance for victims

La victime est manifestement un acteur émergent de la justice pénale internationale car ses prérogatives s’affermissent devant chacune des juridictions internationales depuis 1945. Sa participation développe tout son potentiel, malgré une restriction littérale dans les textes, de l’ouverture du procès jusqu’au verdict final sur la culpabilité ou l’innocence de l’accusé. Ses droits sont alors véritablement garantis, après la déclaration officielle que l’accusé est coupable, certes davantage pour lui accorder une réparation effective que pour l’associer à la peine infligée. Ces constats convergent rationnellement vers la proposition de consacrer une action civile internationale en droit international pénal. L’enjeu est alors de définir la victime d’un crime international afin de n’attribuer cette qualité qu’aux personnes de droit privé qui allèguent un préjudice suffisamment légitime. La fonction de la victime doit enfin être déterminée dans le système mondial de politique criminelle pour conclure qu’elle joue d’ores et déjà le rôle d’une partie civile véritable, par la voie subsidiaire de l’intervention. Elle devient donc un sujet du procès pénal international dans lequel elle agit pour faire reconnaître toutes les conséquences du préjudice souffert. L’action civile internationale présente ainsi deux visages autonomes mais indissociables, l’un répressif, l’autre réparateur : la contribution à l’établissement de la réalité des faits, dans l’exercice d’une forme de vindication ; et la recherche d’une forme de rétablissement, à travers une mesure de réparation ; sans oublier bien entendu le besoin complémentaire pour la victime d’obtenir protection et assistance<br>The victims are obviously emerging as key participants in the international criminal trial because their prerogatives have been improving before each international tribunal since 1945. Their powers are showing all their potentialities, despite a literal restriction in statutory law, from the opening of the proceedings up to the final verdict of guilty or not guilty. After a verdict of guilty, their rights become truly protected, most certainly as far as effective reparation is concerned, but less so concerning the sentence. As an international civil action will soon be established, the next logical step is now to clarify who can be considered as the victim of a serious crime, in order to allocate this quality only to private persons, either natural beings or legal entities, who incur legitimate damage. Ultimately, the function of the victim must be determined so as to come to the conclusion that he or she is from now on playing the part of a true civil party who is entitled to support the criminal proceedings led by the Prosecutor. The victims are therefore becoming subjects to the international criminal trial in which they are allowed to act effectively in order to make the Judges acknowledge all the consequences of the injuries and the losses they have suffered. As a result, the international civil action appears to have two different but intrinsically linked aspects, one repressive and the other compensatory. The first aspect involves proving the reality of the torts imputable to the defendant and the second aspect involves obtaining a kind of redress, without forgetting the fact that the victims can also ask the Registry for protective and supportive measures

<p>This paper is about the reparations regime of the International Criminal Court and reparations possibilities for victims of sexual violence. It will contain a legal analysis of the reparations system of&nbsp<br>the Court, including the Trust Fund for Victims of the International Criminal Court. In a second step, the needs of women who experienced conflict related violence will be examined. The central&nbsp<br>&nbsp<br>question, which this paper will try to answer, is whether the ICC reparations regime has the ability to provide gender-sensitive reparations and thus make a contribution to the improvement of&nbsp<br>women&rsquo<br>s lives in post-conflict societies.</p>

<p>Rape Crisis Cape Town Trust is an organisation that trains and supervises a team of women counsellors who provide a counselling service to women rape survivors. The aim of this study was to explore the experiences of the counsellors and the counselling co-ordinator regarding their perceptions on whether the training provided by the personal growth and counselling skills course is adequate in dealing with rape and its complexities.</p>

Population sérielle longtemps dépourvue de visibilité, la catégorie de « victime » a connu depuis les années 1980 un processus multiforme d’objectivation. Cette thèse s’attache d’abord, dans le cadre d’une sociologie (les catégories sociales en train de se faire, à suivre la construction d’une offre d’identification en termes de « victime »: promotion de « politiques publiques d’aide aux victimes » ; constitution d’une discipline académique, la « victimologie », prenant pour objet cette population ; invention d’un diagnostic (le traumatisme psychique) et de pratiques thérapeutiques (les cellules d’urgence médico-psychologique) communs à des événements jusqu’alors incommensurables (de l’agression à l’inondation). A partir d’une enquête ethnographique consacrée aux mobilisations associatives et syndicales consécutives à une catastrophe industrielle, cette thèse vise ensuite a appréhender les ressorts de la conversion de l’expérience dramatique et du label de « victime » en une identité publique revendiquée. On y interroge le rôle de l’événement dans le passage à l’action collective, l’hypothèse d’«émotions mobilisatrices » (des « victimes » saisies par le deuil) et celle d’ « émotions mobilisées » (le deuil comme registre de dénonciation saisi par des « victimes »). À partir d’une sociologie des pratiques protestataires, on étudie ensuite les appropriations différenciées du régime de la plainte : les usages des pratiques psychologiques, du témoignage médiatique, de la plainte judiciaire et de la commémoration. On définit enfin un registre victimaire d’expression publique des griefs qui s’implante aujourd’hui dans des secteurs diversifiés de 1’espace des mouvements sociaux<br>Invisible group for a long time, the category of "victims" has known a multifaceted process of objectification since the 1980s. This thesis focuses primarily on the social fabric of this category : the promotion of “victim assistance policy” the institutionalization of an academic discipline, the “victimology” ; the invention of a diagnosis (post-traumatic stress disorder) and therapeutic practices (medico-psychological crisis unit). In a second time, this thesis analyses the transformation of the label of “victims” in a claimed public identity. Based on an ethnographic investigation on the mobilization of associative movements and trade unions following a chemical accident, this work examines the role of an unexpected event in collective action. It specifies the role of emotions like grief and bereavement in the recruitment and the elaboration of the collective identity of victims movements. Ultimately, this work analyses the political and strategic uses victims activists make of psychological practices, confession in media reports, complaints and commemorations

L'action directe contre les P&amp;I clubs constitue l'une des principales problématiques du contentieux maritime. Relative à l'indemnisation des victimes par la voie assurantielle, l'action directe s'avère aujourd'hui impossible à mettre en œuvre contre ces institutions. En effet, les clubs de protection et d'indemnité, qui ont un fonctionnement mutualiste particulier ne laissent aucune place à l'indemnisation de la victime à travers l'action directe. Ce constat est conforté par le droit anglais qui régit le contrat d'assurance de ces institutions et qui valide l’opposabilité de la clause « pay to be paid » aux victimes. Cette impossibilité de mise en œuvre a été consacrée aux débuts des années 1990 par les juridictions anglaises, puis réaffirmée à travers le « third parties act » de 2010. Pourtant, l'organisation maritime internationale a entrepris ces dernières années, un travail d’unification de la responsabilité civile du propriétaire du navire en impliquant ces institutions dans le processus d’indemnisation à travers l’assurance obligatoire. En effet, les textes internationaux confèrent pour certains dommages assurés par les clubs de protection et d'indemnité, une action directe aux victimes, la superposant ainsi, à l'indemnisation par la voie de la responsabilité. L'OMI a été ainsi à l'initiative de la mutation de ces institutions. En dehors de l'assurance obligatoire imposée par les conventions internationales de l’OMI, la réhabilitation du mécanisme s’avère possible à travers la solution juridique que nous proposerons. L'action directe serait alors un mécanisme salvateur face au phénomène des « single ship companies »<br>Direct action against the P &amp; I clubs is one of the main issues of maritime international disputes. Indeed, protection and indemnity clubs, which provides to shipowners "Indemnity" policies, requires a club member to discharge his liabilities to the injured third party before he can be indemnified by the P&amp;I club. It results from a clause contained in the rules called "pay to be paid". Therefore, if the member cannot compensate the third party as result of insolvency, the english law does not allow the victim to bring proceedings against these institutions. Indeed, the third parties act against insurers 2010 transfers to the victim the rights of the insolvent insured against the insurer. At the same time, and regarding the legislation of England, the club is entitled to rely on the “pay to be paid” rule against the third party, which will defeat finally the claim. However, it is well known that some international conventions regarding the liability of the shipowner are conferring direct right of action against the P&amp;I clubs. The International maritime organization does not allow these institutions, for some damages, to rely on the "pay to be paid" clause. From "indemnity insurers", the P&amp;I club become "liability insures". Besides these conventions, this thesis will analyze the function of the direct action against P&amp;I clubs in maritime disputes, and the legal solution which will allow any third party to sue directly the P&amp;I clubs for the other damages

Despite victim advocates' missions of helping survivors of abuse, advocacy work takes a toll on workers. Advocates perform a multitude of tasks in their jobs including care work, emotional labor, and empowerment counseling which may subject them to consequences such as burnout, compassion fatigue, and compassion satisfaction. As such, this thesis details the work I conducted with the Butterfly Domestic Violence and Sexual Assault agency shelter advocates. The purpose of my thesis was to (1) document and review advocates' self-identified work-related needs and to (2) co-construct an educational intervention with the advocates using feminist participatory action research that would help them manage these aspects of their work. I argue that advocacy work impacts the Butterfly advocates across relational and wellness dimensions which inspired advocates' need to implement individual and organizational self-care practices. Furthermore, I contend that the process of feminist participatory action research constructed sustainable individual and organizational self-care interventions with the shelter advocates. The findings have implications for employees in advocacy work and for the larger discourse regarding the relationship between women and care work. Furthermore, findings reveal that creating a culture of self-care may serve as a way to reinforce and resist hegemonic Western notions of work culture in trauma related and non-trauma related fields.

<p>Human trafficking has emerged over the past three decades as an issue of considerable concern for the international community, and governments around the world have committed themselves to enacting legislation to combat the trade in humans. This has resulted in the adoption of international standards and important obligations of governments, to address the trafficking in persons (TIP) and in particular child trafficking which appears as a worldwide form of modern-day slavery, and a facet of transnational organized crime. This study investigated the potential causes of this state of affairs, which could be the inadequacy of legal texts and absence of implementation mechanisms, lack of co-ordination amongst the actors implicated, the insufficiency of political will to respond to the problem, the permeability of borders, or the lack of information in the accounts of victims and their parents. The principle objective aimed to address and ensure safety, special protection and security to child victims of trafficking. In so doing this study identified the existing legal framework in the international and regional environment.</p>

<p>Despite community policing interventions, rape incidence in South Africa reflects a consistent increase over the past decade. Victim blame continues to be a pervasive aspect of this trauma - where society blames the victim more than the perpetrator for the rape. In unpacking the complexities of victim blame, research has identified sex role orientation of the observer as an important variable. Given that the polic service is often the first contact a rape victim has with the criminal justice system, this study investigated how sex role orientation impacts on rape victim blame in a sample of police officers.</p>

Les évolutions sociétales témoignent d’une prise en compte grandissante du concept de victime par le droit, et spécifiquement par le droit de la santé. Le droit de la santé est une branche du droit particulièrement riche et complexe dont l’expansion résulte à la fois d’une judiciarisation des professions de santé et d’une succession de scandales sanitaires. La transversalité du droit de la santé et l’appréhension évidente de la victime conduisent à souligner l’existence d’une relation particulière entre ces deux concepts. Néanmoins, il convient de se demander si le caractère épars des règles du droit de la santé permet d’accorder un statut juridique cohérent à la victime dans ce domaine. Si la recherche d’un statut juridique de la victime peut être entreprise, cela se justifie au regard de la spécificité que le droit de la santé semble lui accorder. La présente étude entreprend de démontrer l’existence d’une singularité de la victime dans le domaine de la santé, légitimant dans le même temps la recherche d’un statut juridique. L’assise de la spécificité de la victime réside dans l’attribution de cette qualité indépendamment de la réalisation d’un risque. La survenance d’un évènement constitue donc un critère temporel dont dépend la qualité de « victime avérée » ou celle de « victime potentielle ». La tangibilité du statut juridique de la victime en droit de la santé naît alors de la reconnaissance de sa singularité à travers la présente dichotomie<br>Evolutions of the society testify a growing awareness of the concept of victims by the law, and especially in Health Law. Health Law is a branch of law which is particularly rich and complex, and whose expansion results both from the judicialization of the health professions and from the succession of health scandals. The transversality of Health Law and its obvious apprehension of the victim lead to highlight the existence of a special relationship between these two concepts. However, the question is whether the scattered character of the Health Law rules assigns a coherent legal status to the victim in this area. If the search for the legal status of the victim can be undertaken, this can be justified by the specific nature of Health Law. The present study tries to demonstrate the existence of the singularity of the victim in the Health Law, while legitimating at the same time the search for the legal status. The foundation of the victim’s specificity lies in the attribution of this quality independently from the realization of a risk. The occurrence of an event constitutes therefore a temporal criterion on which depends the quality of “proved victim” or that of “potential victim”. The tangibility of the victims’ legal status in Health Law arises from the recognition of the singularity through the present dichotomy

Cette thèse décrit des engagements pour la cause de personnes disparues au Liban (enlèvement, meurtre ou emprisonnement) durant la guerre civile (1975 à 1989) et les occupations militaires qui ont suivi. Certains proches – notamment des femmes – se sont publiquement engagés depuis les années 1980 pour les retrouver, désigner des responsabilités, faire entendre leurs propres droits. Alliés à d’autres acteurs, ils et elles ont inscrit leur mobilisation de manière plurielle dans l’espace politique où rares sont les dispositifs de traitement du conflit. S’est ainsi façonnée au fil des ans une cause commune malgré leur fragmentation initiale, les drames intimes et les contraintes politiques rencontrées. Le nombre de plus en plus réduit de militants n’a pas tué la cause, mais, à l’épreuve du temps, a transformé les logiques de l’action collective. Par des dispositifs de sensibilisation, l’usage d’outils juridiques et un travail mémoriel, ces militants s’efforcent de faire entendre leur souffrance, mais également de lutter contre l’oubli du conflit voire à obtenir justice. L’observation de leurs activités et l’analyse de leurs témoignages entre 2011 et 2018 m’ont permis de mesurer les effets de leur action sur la cause comme sur leur engagement. Mettre en récit les crimes passés via la formulation d’un problème d’amnésie généralisée n’a pas permis de désigner de responsabilités claires. La remémoration publique des disparus et les procédures engagées en justice par des cause-lawyers ont suscité des dilemmes tant affectifs que stratégiques. C’est finalement à une sociologie des politiques de l’après-conflit au Liban que se propose de contribuer cette thèse<br>This thesis describes commitments to the cause of the disappeared in Lebanon, disappearances (kidnapping, murder, detention) occurred during the Lebanese civil war (1975-1989) and the military occupations that followed. Some families of missing persons, mostly women, have been publicly committed since the 1980s to finding them, to designate responsibilities, to have their own rights heard. They allied with various actors, and their mobilizations have been embedded in the political space, where few policies focus on post-conflit resolution. These activists have forged a common cause over the years despite the fragmentation of the cases, their parents’ intimate problems and the political constraints for their struggle. The shrinking number of activists did not kill the cause but the test of time has transformed the logics of collective action. Through legal tools, memorial work and “sensitizing devices”, they sought to raise public awareness on their suffering, but also to fight against forgetfulness about the conflict and to obtain justice. Observing their activities and their testimonies between 2011 and 2018 enabled measurement of the effects of their action on their cause and on their commitment. Their telling the story of past crimes through the formulation of a problem of general amnesia did not always enabled a clear designation of responsible parties. The public remembrance of the disappeared and the legal proceedings brought by their cause-lawyers have both given rise to emotional and strategic dilemmas. In the light of the study of these mobilizations, I eventually intend in this thesis to contribute to a sociology of post-conflict politics in Lebanon

<p>By any standard, victim participation is a relatively new phenomenon in international criminal law proceedings. Incredible advances have been made in the effort to end impunity for crimes against&nbsp<br>umanity, war crimes, genocide and, more recently, aggression. As a result, great strides have been made in ensuring the direct participation of victims of grave violations of human rights&nbsp<br>in court proceedings against their perpetrators. Prior to this, grave violations of human rights committed during conflicts or periods of mass violence were either largely ignored or even if action&nbsp<br>was taken, victims of the crimes hardly had a &lsquo<br>say&rsquo<br>in the proceedings. With the advent of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC)&nbsp<br>&nbsp<br>new dawn in the proceedings of international criminal law has emerged. The statutes that govern the ICC and ECCC have given a voice to victims in court proceeding buy ensuring&nbsp<br>victims participation.Despite these advances, scholars have criticized victim participation for being inconsistent in its application at the International Criminal Court.1 The criticism has come from&nbsp<br>scholars who have highlighted the unintended consequences of victim participation in court proceedings, arguing that their participation has resulted in the under- or misrepresentation of the&nbsp<br>actual experience of survivors of war, mass violence, or repression. These problems have arisen largely because the need to establish the guilt or innocence of the accused and to protect their&nbsp<br>due process rights, to abide by the rules of evidence and procedure, and to conserve judicial resources all cut against victim-witnesses'ability to tell their stories at these tribunals thereby&nbsp<br>resulting in a limited, and sometimes inaccurate, record of victims' experience.</p>

<p>Sexual violence leaves the victims psychologically traumatised and stigmatised in the eyes of its community. Used on a large scale, sexual violence can destabilise a society as a whole and when used during armed conflicts, it serves as a powerful weapon against members of a community. During armed conflicts, sexual violence is widespread and systematically used as a tool of war and this makes sexual violence amount to crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes. This research paper critically analyses and evaluates sexual violence as an international crime, as well as its prosecution under international criminal law mainly by the International Criminal Court (hereafter ICC), International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (hereafter ICTY) and International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (hereafter ICTR). It discusses the problem of selectivity that can be observed in prosecuting sexual violence that has in fact, left many victims of sexual violence dissatisfied. By doing so, it analyses the law as it is to determine whether the law applied during sexual violence prosecutions is sufficient. The paper also states recommendations that can contribute to the effective prosecution of sexual crimes under international criminal law.</p>

<p>People outside of prison tend to imagine sex in prison as violent gang attacks on defenceless individuals, but in actual fact, sex in prison is more complicated than the isolated gang rapes that take place. For the purpose of this study, the researcher followed the qualitative research approach from a constructivist perspective to understand how participants portrayed or constructed their experiences of victimization and/or perceprion of rape.</p>

<p>Kenya&rsquo<br>s December 2007 Presidential elections sparked a wave of violent clashes over allegations of election rigging. The protests broke out along ethnic lines, causing greater civil unrest. There have been allegations that during these outbreaks of violence crimes against humanity were committed. This violence attracted world-wide concern and was universally condemned. Kenya is loathe to prosecute the perpetrators or those who bear the highest responsibility for the alleged commission of crimes against humanity. It has instead established a national investigatory mechanism, the Kenyan Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (hereafter TJRC). This approach adopted by Kenya has been criticized for the fact that it fosters a culture of impunity. However, the Prosecutor of International Criminal Court (hereafter ICC) has used his proprio motu powers to initiate an investigation of alleged commission of crimes that fall within the jurisdiction of the Court. This research paper has analysed the reasons for the proprio motu intervention of the ICC in Kenyan situation. It also examined whether Kenya was unwilling or genuinely unable to prosecute the perpetrators of the post-election violence of 2007. Furthermore, the paper&nbsp<br>evaluated the provisions of the Kenyan TJRC, the major shortcomings of the Commission and the challenges it is facing in fulfilling its mandate. In conclusion the paper analysed the relationship between TJRC and ICC and re-evaluate any role that the two bodies could play in dispensing justice in Kenya. But before that, the paper laid down the factual&nbsp<br>background that led to the proprio motu interevention of the ICC in Kenya where a truth commission had alreday been established.<br /> <br /> &nbsp<br></p>

L’action civile peut être exercée, au choix de la victime, soit devant les juridictions civiles soit devant les juridictions répressives (art. 15 et 16 CPPI). Quelle que soit la voie choisie, il existe d’importants liens entre l’action civile et l’action publique qui reflète une certaine dépendance de l’action civile à l’action publique. L’action civile exercée devant les juridictions répressives, principalement justifiée par le souci de simplifier et faciliter la procédure, est l’accessoire de l’action publique dans son existence, son exercice et son jugement. Lorsque l’action civile est exercée devant les juridictions civiles, les rapports entre ces deux actions se manifestent par deux règles complémentaires : le sursis à statuer et l’autorité de la chose jugée au pénal sur le civil (art. 227 CPCI et 18 CPPI). Principalement justifiées par le souci d’éviter des décisions contradictoires, ces règles obligent le juge civil à attendre la décision du juge pénal, et, ensuite, se conformer à cette décision. Cette recherche a étudiée toutes les manifestations juridiques des liens entre l’action publique et l’action civile telles qu’elles existent dans le droit positif iranien afin d’établir les conditions de la rationalisation de leur exercice à la lumière de l’expérience française. Cette étude propose donc des solutions afin de mettre fin aux effets indésirables de ces liens, surtout quant au principe d’autorité de la chose jugée au pénal sur le civil prévue expressément par l’article 18 du nouveau code de procédure pénale iranien 2015<br>Civil action may be brought, by the option of the victim, to the civil courts or to the criminal courts (art. 15 and 16 CPPI). Regardless of the victim’choice, important links are created between the civil action and the public action. these links reflect a certain dependence of the civil action for public one. The civil action brought to the criminal courts is mainly justified by the need to simplify and facilitate the procedure. This action is such an incident to the public action in its existence, its practice and its judgment.When the civil action is brought to the civil courts, links between these two actions are manifested in two complementary rules : the stay of proceedings and the authority of res judicata on the civil criminal (art. 227 CPCI and 18 CPPI). These complementary rules are justified by the need to avoid conflicting decision. Therefore, they force the civil court to await the decision of the criminal court, and then comply with this decision. This thesis is a study of all legal manifestations of the links between public action and civil action as they exist in the Iranian criminal law regarding to the French experience in the matter. This study proposes solutios to end the negative effects of these links, especially on the principle of authority of res judicata on criminal civil expressly provide by the article 18 of the new Iranian criminal proceeding law

Jusqu’à l’entrée en vigueur de la loi Badinter du 5 juillet 1985, l’indemnisation des victimes des accidents de la circulation était régie en France par le principe général de responsabilité du fait des choses développé par la jurisprudence française sur la base de l’article 1384, alinéa 1er , Code civil. Le Code civil jordanien de 1976 comprend un principe de responsabilité du fait des choses inspiré de celui qui existe en France. Toutefois, la jurisprudence jordanienne n’applique pas ce principe dans le domaine des accidents de la circulation, en dépit de l’inexistence en Jordanie d’une loi similaire à la loi Badinter du 5 juillet 1985. L’indemnisation des victimes de ces accidents est donc régie en Jordanie par le droit commun de la responsabilité du fait personnel et par une loi de 2010 instituant un régime d’assurance obligatoire au profit des victimes des accidents résultant de l’utilisation des véhicules. Le système mis en place autorise le débiteur de l’indemnité ou son assureur d’opposer à la victime son propre fait dommageable, quel que soit son degré de gravité. Les victimes voient donc souvent leur droit à indemnisation intégrale réduit, voire supprimé<br>Until the enactment of the so-called loi Badinter of 5 July 1985, the compensation of traffic accident victims was governed in France by the general principle of liability for the action of things developed by French case law on the basis of article 1384, paragraph 1, of the French Civil Code. The 1976 Jordanian Civil Code includes a principle of liability for the action of things inspired by the French model. However, this principle is not applied by Jordanian courts in the field of traffic accidents, in spite of the fact that there is no law in Jordan similar to the loi Badinter of 5 July 1985. Hence, compensation in cases of traffic accidents is still governed in Jordan by general rules of tort law which govern liability for one’s own actions and by a 2010 law creating a compulsory motor insurance scheme, which protects victims of accidents resulting from the use of motor vehicles. In accordance with these rules, the compensation’s debtor or her/his insurer is authorized to put forward the victim’s own harmful action, disregarding its seriousness. As a result, the victim’s right to full compensation ifs often reduced or even withheld

La notion de réparation est de plus en plus présente en droit pénal. Indépendamment de la réparation au sens civil du terme, la réparation évolue au cœur de mesures alternatives, communément appelées « troisième voie », et constitue parfois l’essence de certaines peines. La question de la place de la réparation en droit pénal est ainsi soulevée : la réparation est-elle une alternative à la justice pénale ou une composante de la justice pénale ? L’étude comparative des droits français, anglais et libanais apporte un éclairage intéressant à la question. Elle permettra d’analyser les différentes approches en matière de réparation et d’enrichir la réflexion sur la place de la réparation en droit pénal. Ainsi, dans une première partie, l’étude des manifestations de la réparation comme alternative à la justice pénale fait apparaître la réparation comme nouveau mode de réponse pénale. Dans une seconde partie, envisager la réparation comme une composante de la justice pénale permet de révéler des caractères propres à la réparation qui en font une notion autonome qui mérite d’être définie. La réparation pénale redéfinit ainsi aujourd’hui les contours de la justice pénale<br>The concept of reparation is becoming more common in criminal law. In fact, reparation is evolving, independently of the civil aspect of the notion, at the heart of alternative measures, commonly known as a “third way”, and in the essence of some sentences. This brings us to questioning the place of the notion of reparation in criminal law: is reparation an alternative to criminal justice or a component of criminal justice? The comparative study of French law, English law and Lebanese law will shed the light on some interesting aspects of the question. It will open the possibility to analyze the different approaches in terms of reparation and to enrich the study of the reparation’s position in criminal law. In a first part, the study of the reparation’s expressions in criminal law will reveal the concept of reparation as a new response to offences. In a second part, the idea of considering reparation as a component of criminal justice will reveal the notion’s special characteristics that make reparation an autonomous concept that needs to be defined. Nowadays, reparation in criminal law redefines the outlines of criminal justice

Il est traditionnellement admis que le droit pénal a pour fonction de défendre l’intérêt général, ce qui explique le rôle prééminent de l’État tout au long du processus répressif. Pourtant, l’analyse du droit positif met en exergue une extension de la fonction normative du droit pénal en direction des intérêts privés, individuels ou collectifs qui ne peut que bouleverser les fonctions traditionnellement assignées à la responsabilité pénale et à la sanction pénale qui l’accompagne. Parce que les intérêts privés concurrencent l’intérêt général dans l’ordre des valeurs protégées par les textes d’incrimination, les règles de la responsabilité pénale et les fonctions de la sanction pénale sont désormais sollicitées pour résoudre des litiges entre particuliers, et assurer la réparation du dommage causé par l’infraction. Parce que la configuration des acteurs au procès pénal n’est que le reflet des valeurs protégées par la norme pénale, l’introduction des intérêts privés dans le champ de protection de la loi pénale a naturellement entraîné une mutation de la répartition traditionnelle des rôles processuels du juge et des parties dans le procès pénal au profit des parties privées. Même si cette mutation a trouvé dans l’influence du modèle européen de procès équitable le terreau favorable à une telle évolution, celui-ci n’a joué qu’un rôle catalyseur dans l’ascension des parties dans la maîtrise de la direction de l’instance pénale comme dans la maîtrise de la matière litigieuse ; la véritable cause de ces évolutions<br>It is traditionally allowed that the criminal law has as a function to defend the general interest, which explains the preeminent role of the State throughout the repressive process. However, the analysis of the substantive law puts forward an extension of the normative function of the criminal law in the direction of the private interests, individual or collectives which can only upset the functions traditionally assigned with the criminal responsibility and with the penal sanction which accompanies it. Because the private interests compete with the general interest in the order of the values protected by the texts from incrimination, the rules of the criminal responsibility and the functions of the penal sanction from now on are requested to solve litigations between individuals, and to ensure the compensation for the damage caused by the infringement. Because the configuration of the actors to the criminal trial is only the reflection of the values protected by the penal standard, the introduction of the private interests into the field of protection of the criminal law naturally involved a change of the traditional distribution of the processual roles of the judge and parts in the criminal trial with the profit as of private parts. Even if this change found in the influence of the European model of fair trial the compost favorable to such an evolution, this one played only one catalyst part in the rise of the parts in the control of the direction of the penal authority as in the control of the litigious matter; the true cause of these evolutions, it is the privatization of penal repression

Le discernement est traditionnellement rattaché à l’étude de l’élément moral de l’infraction.Sous l’empire du Code pénal de 1810, des fondements de droit naturel sont à l’oeuvre, si bien que le discernement fut défini par emprunt au droit canon comme une aptitude à distinguer le bien du mal. Mais cette acception ne révèle pas la teneur originelle du critère du libre-arbitre :il correspondait à la connaissance de la loi divine dont le droit séculier n’était que le reflet.L’analyse du droit positif laïcisé invite à découvrir l’existence d’une présomption de connaissance de la loi toujours aussi impérative que dans les systèmes de pénalité antiques.Le discernement peut alors être défini comme une conscience réflexive : la connaissance des droits et devoirs reconnus à chaque personne, au sein de statuts juridiques que la prolifération des normes contribue à préciser. Aussi, la culpabilité n’est pas une connaissance de l’illicéité d’un résultat ; elle procède de l’ignorance des prescriptions légales chez celui qui est présumé en connaître l’existence. En procédure pénale, cette présomption devient protectrice des droits du mis en cause. Aucun acte coercitif ne peut être exercé à son encontre s’il n’a été avisé du statut dont il relève. Cette information assure ainsi la finalité rétributive de la peine chez celui qui n’ignore pas les raisons de sa condamnation. En tout état de cause, la soumission des individus au droit pénal est le seul objectif poursuivi en la matière, ce qui nécessite parfois la présence de victimes au procès pénal, à la seule fin de préserver leur foi en son impérativité<br>Discernment is traditionally attached to the study of the « moral element » of the offense. Under the influence of the Penal Code of 1810, the foundations of natural law are at work, so that the discernment was defined by canon law as the ability to distinguish good from evil. But this understanding does not reveal the content of the original criterion of free will: it used to correspond to the knowledge of the divine law which secular law was only the reflection. The analysis of positive law secularized invites you to discover the existence of a presumption of knowledge of the law as imperative as it was in the systems of ancient penalty. Discernment can then be defined as a reflexive consciousness: the awareness of rights and obligations identified to each person within legal statutes that the proliferation of standards helps to clarify. Also, guilt is not a knowledge of the wrongfulness of an outcome; it proceeds fromignorance of the legal requirements in the person who is presumed to know of its existence. In criminal proceedings, this presumption becomes protective of the rights of the suspect. No coercive act can be exercised against him if he has not been notified of the status to which he belongs. This information ensures the retributive purpose of punishment, for the one who can’t ignore the reasons for his conviction. In any event, the submission of individuals to the established rules is the only objective of the criminal law, which might imply that it accepts the presence of victims in criminal proceedings, for the sole purpose of preserving their faith in his imperativity

Using action research within a critical paradigm framework the author investigated young people’s ability to develop a programme of work that raises awareness of bullying in schools. The research group was made up of six young people, to whom the author and other specialists offered anti-bullying and participatory training techniques. The group eventually designed their own anti-bullying activity programme, which they delivered in creative workshop style sessions to other young people in schools. The author located this research in critical enquiry, engaging the group in a self-reflective process that aimed to be democratic, equitable, liberating and life enhancing. This report is written in the form of a narrative and evaluates the author’s practice as an educative theatre practitioner. Central themes to this research are bullying, power, creative activity and youth participation. Schools, teachers and adults are often described as sucking out the creativity of young people and thus not allowing many of them achieve their full potential. In this context young people are often powerless to deal with some of the difficult issues in their lives such as bullying. The author suggests that peer support is a key strategy to deal with bullying in schools. The author introduces a new concept of peer support called external peer support, which he has evaluated against the current literature. The definition of bullying is explored in depth, as is its relationship to power. The author suggests peer support to be a key strategy in youth participation and ultimately helping youth empowerment.

Le préjudice est une notion qui appartient classiquement à la matière civile. Figuretraditionnelle et incontournable de cette discipline, le préjudice suscite aujourd’hui l’engouement desspécialistes de la matière. Face à ce phénomène, les pénalistes sont légitimes à s’interroger sur laplace du préjudice en droit pénal. Si le concept est peu utilisé dans cette matière, il n’est toutefois pastotalement inconnu. Cependant, l’étude du préjudice en droit pénal devra révéler l’absence de placepour cette notion en droit répressif. Cette différence entre le droit civil et le droit pénal s’explique parles finalités distinctes qui animent les deux disciplines. Alors que le droit civil a pour objectif laréparation des préjudices soufferts individuellement, le droit pénal est guidé par l’impératif deprotection de l’intérêt général par le maintien de l’ordre public.Ainsi, le préjudice n’a, d’une part, pas de place dans la théorie de l’infraction. Il n’est pris encompte ni dans le processus de création des incriminations, ni dans celui de leur qualification. Lepréjudice n’est pas un élément constitutif de l’infraction, et n’équivaut ainsi pas au résultatinfractionnel. D’autre part, le préjudice n’a qu’une place limitée dans la théorie de l’action en droitpénal. S’il apparaît comme une condition de recevabilité de l’action civile exercée devant lesjuridictions répressives, c’est parce que celle-ci se présente comme une action en responsabilitécivile, à vocation uniquement réparatrice. En revanche, le préjudice n’est pas une condition de l’actionpénale en répression de l’infraction<br>The notion of prejudice habitually falls within the boundaries of civil law. As a traditionaland inescapable feature of this discipline, prejudice is today sparking off heated debates amongspecialists. Confronted with this new trend, criminal law experts can rightfully wonder about the placeof prejudice in criminal law. If the concept is little used in this law area, it is nonetheless not totallyunknown. However, the study of prejudice in criminal law will have to prove the irrelevance of thisnotion in that regard. This difference between civil and criminal law can be accounted for by thedistinct purposes of these two areas of the law. Whereas civil law aims at seeking redress for harminflicted on individuals, criminal law is guided by the imperative need to protect general interestthrough the maintenance of law and order.Thus, prejudice does not fall within the scope of the criminal offence theory. It is neither taken intoaccount in the process of defining offences by the lawmaker nor in the classification of the offence bythe trial court. Prejudice is not a constituent part of the infringement and thus is not tantamount to itsoutcome. Furthermore, the notion of prejudice plays a limited role in the theory of criminal lawprocedure. If prejudice appears as a condition governing the admissibility of a civil action brought incourt it is because it is perceived as a legal action for damages, for the sole purpose of monetarycompensation. On the other hand, prejudice is not a condition for criminal proceedings with thepurpose of punishing the offence

Depuis le retour à la démocratie au Chili en 1990, on assiste à un repositionnement des politiques à caractère social et des politiques qui cherchent à corriger les violations aux Droits de l’Homme commises pendant le régime autoritaire (1973-1990). De cette manière, l’objectif est de mettre en place une série d’instruments qui permettent la validation de la nouvelle démocratie tout au long des années 1990. Ainsi, dans ce contexte de reconnaissance des droits sociaux, le(s) mouvement(s) des femmes réussissent à intégrer dans l’agenda public leur demande de création d’une loi permettant la protection des femmes qui subissent des violences intimes de la part de leur partenaire : la loi de violence intrafamiliale de 1994. Sous une logique de protection sociale et de focalisation des politiques publiques, ce pays développe différents dispositifs qui font irruption de manière timide entre 1994 et 2004. Cependant, en 2005 une réforme du système de justice pénal et familial tout comme de la loi sur les violences intrafamiliales, permet la mise en œuvre d’une politique publique de prise en charge des violences faites aux femmes, qui met au travail différentes institutions et acteurs tant du secteur public que du secteur privé. Malgré ces dernières initiatives, les logiques de type assistanciel propres à un État néolibéral s’imposent peu à peu dans ce champ d’action, comme une manière de répondre aux inégalités. Ainsi, les situations de maltraitance que subissent les femmes seront mesurées en fonction du risque qu’elles représentent pour celles-ci et leurs familles, ou bien en raison de leur exposition aux situations de vulnérabilité.Partant des travaux sur les sciences du gouvernement (Ihl, Kaluszynski, Pollet, 2003), de la sociologie de l’action publique (Hassenteuffel, 2011 ; Lascoumes et le Galès, 2004 ; 2012), de la sociologie du droit et de la justice (Commaille et al, 2000), et des études sur le genre et les politiques publiques (Dauphin, 2010 ; Bereni et al, 2012), ce travail doctoral cherche à interroger la manières dont la politique publique de prise en charge des violences à l’encontre des femmes s’est configurée et légitimée au sein de l’État, notamment à l’intérieur des organismes de protection sociale comme le Service national de la Femme, et des institutions de justice (Tribunaux des affaires familiales, Ministère public, Tribunaux pénaux, entre autres). Grace à une méthodologie mixte de recueil de données, composée par des entretiens semi-directifs (67) réalisés avec des acteurs de la mise en œuvre de la politique publique mais aussi d’observations ethnographiques au sein des tribunaux des affaires familiales, l’étude s’intéresse à la relation qu’établit l’État avec les destinataires de l’action publique, sous l’objectif de comprendre comment les subjectivités des fonctionnaires ont des incidences sur le traitement des violences, s’établissant en elles-mêmes comme un dispositif de gouvernement de ces affaires. Elle rend aussi compte des modèles d’intervention sociale et du gouvernement du domaine social au Chili<br>Since Chile has been back to the democratic regime in 1990, we observe a repositioning of both social policies and policies that seek to correct the violations to the Human Rights committed during the authoritarian regime (1973-1990). Indeed, the objective is to set some instruments up in order to validate the new democracy through the 90s. Thus, in this context of recognition of the social Rights, the women movement(s) succeeds at integrating in the public agenda their request for the creation of a law that would enable the protection of women victims of intimate violence from their partner: the 1994 intra-family violence Law. Under a logical of social protection and public policies focusing, this country develops several devices that shyly emerge between 1994 and 2004. Nevertheless, in 2005 a reform of the penal and family system as long as the law about intra-family violence, allow the implementation of a public policy of care taking for the violence committed against women, that put to work several institutions and actors from both public and private sectors. Despite those lasts initiatives, the assistancial type logics proper to a neoliberal State establish themselves in the field of action, as a way to answer inequalities. Therefore, the situations of abuse suffered by women will be measured depending on the risk they represent for themselves and for their families, or for their exposure to vulnerability situations.Starting from the works about government Sciences (Ihl, Kaluszynski, Pollet, 2003), the sociology of public action (Hassenteuffel, 2011 ; Lascoumes et le Galès, 2004 ; 2012), the sociology of Right and Justice (Commaille et al, 2000), and the studies of gender and public policies (Dauphin, 2010 ; Bereni et al, 2012), this PhD piece of work seeks to question the ways the public policy of violence against women care taking has been set up and legitimated within the State, specially within the social protection organism as the National Women Service (SERNAM), and the justice institutions (Family Matters Courts, Public Ministry, Criminal Courts, among others). Thanks to a mixed methodology for data collection, composed by semi-directive interviews (67) made to relevant actors of the implementation of the public policy but also ethnographical observations within the Family Matters court, the study is interested in the relation that the State establishes with the recipients of the public action, with the objective of understanding how the subjectivity of the workers have an impact on the way violence is dealt with, establishing themselves as a government device for those cases. It also reports the models of social intervention and the social field management in Chile

Les aménagements de peine sont devenus le fer de lance d’une politique pénale de lutte contre la récidivefondée sur l’insertion ou la réinsertion des condamnés. Le nombre de mesures qualifiées comme desaménagements de peine n’a jamais cessé de croître au fil du XXe siècle. Pourtant, au fur et à mesure ques’amoncelaient les réformes éparses, aucune réflexion d’ensemble relative aux aménagements de peine n’a eu lieu.Ainsi, la notion d’aménagement de peine n’a jamais été construite alors que la France est sûrement le payseuropéen qui recourt le plus à ces mesures. La France apparaît alors comme le pays le plus fertile en matièred’aménagement de peine avec une variété de mécanismes importante. Cette variété rend nécessaire une théoriegénérale des aménagements de peine dans la mesure où le sens technique de cette notion demeure obscur.Une théorie générale semble le moyen le plus sûr pour tenter de déceler une cohérence parmi les diversesmesures. En ce sens, il ne peut y avoir de théorie générale s’il est impossible d’identifier abstraitement ce qu’estune mesure d’aménagement de peine. En effet, le désordre normatif a effacé les frontières entre les modalitésd’exécution de la peine, les aménagements de peine et les mesures de sûreté. Aussi, le cadre d’une théorie généralepermet de construire la notion même d’aménagement de peine. En outre, la construction d’une notion unitaire doitpermettre d’apprécier la technique unitaire de ces mesures. Ce faisant, la théorie générale restaure une certainelisibilité du droit et met en lumière toute la cohérence d’un système tendant à responsabiliser le condamné<br>Sentence adjustment spearheads a new criminal policy of fight against recidivism based on integration orrehabilitation of convicted people. The number of measures qualified as sentence adjustment increased throughoutthe XXe century. However, as scattered reforms kept accumulating, no overall study regarding sentence adjustmenthas taken place. As a result, even though France is surely the European country that uses them the most, the conceptof sentence adjustment has never been constructed. France indeed seems to be the most fertile country regardingsentence adjustment, creating many different mechanisms. Since the technical sense of the notion of sentenceadjustment remains blurry, a general theory of sentence adjustment is necessary.A general theory seems to be the surest way to try to find a coherence among those various measures. Butthere cannot be a general theory if it is not possible to identify abstractly what is a sentence adjustment. Nowadaysthe normative disorder blurred the lines between enforcement of a sentence, sentence adjustment and preventivedetention. Therefore, a general theory would help build the concept of sentence adjustment itself. Besides, theconstruction of a concept would make it easier to assess the one technique behind all those mechanisms. By doingso, the general theory of sentence adjustment would restore some clarity to the law and give all of its consistencyto a system tending to give a sense of responsibility to the convicted

L'action humanitaire a connu un développement exponentiel au sein de la société internationale au cours de ces dernières années. Multiplication des résolutions humanitaires votées par les Nations unies, mise en place d'une justice pénale internationale chargée de réprimer les violations du droit international humanitaire, émergence de la responsabilité de protéger impliquant un recours à la force à des fins humanitaires, développement des organisations non gouvernementales en sont les manifestations majeures. Toutefois, la portée de ces évolutions récentes de l'action humanitaire tant sur le plan de la normativité que de l'opérationnalité est à relativiser. Si les insuffisances du droit de Genève ont pleinement justifié l'émergence d'un droit de New York, ce droit de nature essentiellement déclaratoire éprouve de réelles difficultés à palier les lacunes du droit de Genève. En outre, la mise en oeuvre contemporaine de l'action humanitaire, soulève de nombreux questionnements juridiques liés aux modalités et aux conditions de mise en oeuvre. La présente étude a pour objet d'analyser les évolutions et les limites du cadre juridique de l'action humanitaire afin de faire des propositions pour améliorer la condition juridique des victimes des catastrophes humanitaires<br>Humanitarian action has seen such an exponential growth in international society in recent years that humanitarianism seems to be carrying increasing weight in international relations. Some of the main examples of this phenomenon are the increased number of humanitarian resolutions passed by the United Nations, the creation of an international court of justice to reprimand violations of international humanitarian law, the emergence of a sense of responsibility to ensure protection by means of force for humanitarian purposes, and the development of non-governmental organizations. However, the scope of these recent developments in humanitarianism, on both the normative and operational levels, needs to be put into perspective. Indeed, while the shortcomings of Geneva law fully justify the emergence of New York law, this essentially declaratory law faces real challenges in overcoming the short comings in Geneva law. Further more, humanitarian action as it has been carried out in recent years gives rise to a number of legal questions relating to the conditions under which such action is taken. This study aims at analyzing the developments and limits of the humanitarian action legal framework, in order to put forward proposals for improving the legal position of the victims of humanitarian disasters

Le droit d’agir devant la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme est assurément unique dansl’ordre juridique international. Erigé en « pierre angulaire » du système européen de sauvegarde,bénéficie-t-il pour autant d’une protection à la hauteur de cette qualification? L’engorgementmanifeste de la Cour de Strasbourg place cette interrogation dans une actualité perpétuelle.L’étude de ce droit processuel supranational illustre l’existence simultanée de deux courantsprétoriens aux effets diamétralement opposés sur l’exercice du droit d’agir : l’un souple, provictima, qui ouvre largement le prétoire de la Cour et l’autre restreignant a contrario son accès. Sil’approche souple satisfait naturellement l’intérêt individuel des requérants, elle permet égalementà la Cour de bâtir un ordre public européen de protection des droits de l’Homme. Parallèlement,l’interprétation stricte des conditions d’accès repose sur la responsabilisation des acteurs dumécanisme européen et sous-tend un filtrage rigoureux des affaires individuelles. Le droit d’agirreprésente, par conséquent, une composante d’un système de protection de nature« constitutionnelle » évoluant aux rythmes des liens tissés entre les deux courants prétoriensévoqués. C’est en effet par un mouvement pendulaire entre l’ouverture et la fermeture du prétoirede la Cour de Strasbourg que la garantie durable du droit d’agir peut être assurée<br>The right of action in front of the European Court of Human Rights is certainly unparalleled in theinternational legal order. In the light of the constant congestion at the Strasbourg Court, one canonly ask if this right is genuinely guaranteed as the corner stone that is intended to be in theEuropean system of protection. The analysis of this supranational procedural right reflects theexistence of two distinct case law dynamics that influence the right of action: the pro victimaeffect, widening the access to the Court, and the opposite restraining effect. The first effect, moreflexible, not only favors the individual interest of the plaintiff, but also allows the Court todevelop the European public order of human rights protection. In parallel, the restraining effect onthe grounds of access to the Court entails a rigorous filtering of the individual cases, in order toachieve an increased accountability on human rights protection both of States and individuals.Therefore, the right of action represents the component of what can be nowadays qualified of a« constitutional » system of Human rights protection. Moreover, the alternate dynamics, closingand opening access to the Court, describe a pendula movement that is essential for a sustainableright of action

Павлік О.М. Захист прав потерпілого від злочину в кримінально-виконавчому праві: дисертацяі на здобуття наукового ступеня кандидата юридичних наук за спеціальністю 12.00.08 – кримінальне право та кримінологія; кримінально-виконавче право / Павлік Оксана Миколаївна. – Львів: ЛьвДУВС, 2010. - 225 с.<br>У роботі досліджено правові, організаційні, тактичні та інші аспекти охорони прав потерпілого від злочину в кримінально-виконавчому праві. На підставі аналізу статистичних даних, відповідно до яких тільки близько 40% визначених судом сум відшкодовується потерпілим від злочину, автор роботи довела необхідність удосконалення правових механізмів охорони прав та законних інтересів зазначених об’єктів у ході виконання кримінальних покарань. Крім того, висновки з цього приводу ґрунтуються на основі вивчення історичних та сучасних правових джерел з означеної проблематики. Розроблено низку науково обґрунтованих заходів, спрямованих на підвищення рівня захисту прав потерпілих від злочину, зокрема формами і засобами кримінально-виконавчого права. The thesis is devoted to the legal organizational, tactical and aspects of protection of victim’s right in criminal executive law. On the ground of analysis of statistical information according to which only 40 percent of a certain sum is compensated for a damage to victim’s damage by court before passing a sentence. The author has proved the necessity of improvement of legal mechanism of protection of right of legal interests of the objects in the course of carring out of criminal punishment. The conclusion of these models are based on the historic and modern legal sources of the problem. Scientific measures that are directed on the improvement of the level of the defence of victims of crimes by means of forms of criminal executive law are developed.

Білоус-Красноставець, Я. В. Методика розслідування злочинів, що спрямовані на заволодіння житлом : магістерська робота : 081 «Право» / Я. В. Білоус-Красноставець ; керівник роботи Пузирний В. Ф. ; Національний університет «Чернігівська політехніка», кафедра кримінального права та правосуддя. – Чернігів, 2020. – 92 с.<br>Метою магістерської роботи виступає методика розслідування злочинів, що спрямовані на заволодіння житлом. Актуальність дослідження полягає у виокремленні конкретної методики розслідування та розроблення спеціальних засобів, способів у діяльності органів, що здійснюють розслідування у боротьбі із злочинними діями, об’єктом яких виступає житлова нерухомість. У першому розділі досліджуються теоретичні основи побудови методики розслідування злочинів, спрямованих на заволодіння житлом, а також класифікація злочинів у системі окремих криміналістичних методик. Другий розділ присвячений аналізу криміналістичних характеристик злочинів, що спрямовані на заволодіння житлом. У третьому розділі роботи аналізуються організаційні питання діяльності правоохоронних органів та шляхи попередження, заходи подолання протидії розслідуванню. Наукова новизна роботи полягає в тому, що: 1) у результаті проведеного дослідження визначено, що з розвитком житлової нерухомості (первинний і вторинний ринок) збільшуються злочинні посягання, які вчиняються різними способами: шахрайства; вбивства; вимагання; привласнення, розтрати майна або заволодіння ним, самоправства. Всі злочинні прояви в цій сфері завдають колосальних збитків потерпілим і це призводить до виокремлення методики розслідування (с. 24); 2) встановлено, що під способами вчинення потрібно розуміти систему фізичних та комунікативних дій суб’єкта з підготовки, вчинення та приховання злочину, що обираються виходячи із предмета злочинного посягання, особистості потерпілого, особливостей юридичного закріплення договору (с. 46); 3) зазначено, що система слідчих дій спрямована на отримання доказів у кримінальному провадженні, яка складається із СРД та НСРД, до яких належать: допит, обшук, огляд, освідування особи, слідчий експеримент, призначення експертизи, зняття інформації з транспортних телекомунікаційних мереж, електронних інформаційних систем тощо (с. 76). Основні положення і висновки роботи обговорювалися на міжкафедральному науково-практичному семінарі на тему: «Правнича наука: традиції та вектори розвитку»(м. Чернігів, 23 квітня 2020 року)<br>The purpose of the master's thesis is the method of investigation of crimes aimed at taking possession of housing. The relevance of the study lies in the identification of specific methods of investigation and development of special means, methods in the activities of bodies conducting investigations in the fight against criminal acts, the object of which is residential real estate. The first section explores the theoretical foundations of constructing a methodology for investigating housing seizure crimes, as well as classifying crimes in a system of particular forensic techniques. The second section is devoted to the analysis of forensic characteristics of crimes aimed at taking possession of housing. The third section of the paper analyzes the organizational issues of law enforcement activities and ways of prevention, measures to counteract the investigation. The scientific novelty of the work is that: 1) as a result of the study it was determined that with the development of residential real estate (primary and secondary market) increases criminal encroachments, which are committed in different ways: fraud; murders; extortion; misappropriation, misappropriation of property or taking possession of it, arbitrariness. All criminal acts in this area cause enormous damage to the victims and this leads to the separation of methods of investigation (p. 24); 2) it is established that the methods of commission should be understood as a system of physical and communicative actions of the subject of preparation, commission and concealment of the crime, selected based on the subject of criminal encroachment, the victim's personality, features of legal contract (p. 46); 3) it is stated that the system of investigative actions is aimed at obtaining evidence in criminal proceedings, which consists of SRD and NSDS, which include: interrogation, search, inspection, examination of the person, investigative experiment, appointment of expertise, removal of information from transport telecommunications networks, electronic information systems, etc. (p. 76). The main provisions and conclusions of the work were discussed at the interdepartmental scientific-practical seminar on the topic: "Legal science: traditions and vectors of development" (Chernihiv, April 23, 2020)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:16:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CD 1 - SSO - Elaine Christina Santa.pdf: 360653 bytes, checksum: e8294b9deb33575061816f1118cbf33d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-09-28<br>Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico<br>The purpose of this research analyses The Victims and Threatened Witnesses Program of Protection - Provita - appears, in 1996, from an initiative of the civil society in partnership with the State. As a result of this process, in July 13 1999, is promulgated the Federal Law nº 9.807, that establishes standards for the organization and maintenance of this Program. The focus of this Program is the reduction of the impunity, creating security conditions to the threatened witnesses. From a revision of the historical construction process of the national security system, it is considered as a basic guarantee instrument to the right to the life and to the security, in a context where the violence and impunity are daily expressed realities. During the research process, we aimed to better understand the inter-relations, connections and factors responsible for the existence of this Program in our Brazilian society and the Social Service role. So, the objective of this research is centered on studying the social worker job in this Program, approaching questions on its attributions, objectives and challenges. It aims to reflect on professional practices, in the prism of human rights defense, in accordance with what was praised in the Code of Professional Ethics. This research concludes the require and importance of enlargement of the responsibility of the State about execution of public security activities, when the limitations were given to the development of the service created, between other factors, by the absence of articulation with the set of public politics, essential policies for the service to the necessities of the persons in regime of protection; resource insufficiency for the formation and security of the professionals group; slowness of the judicial processing. The data, between 2000 and 2005, of 75 people protected, of which 21 testified in processes that reached the final verdict, and 20 turned in condemnatio n, illustrate both the importance and the difficulties of the Program. We also perceived that the social worker practice still is permeated by the challenge of acting and implementing the commitment with its practice citizens. This professional has the dut y of working in search for the citizenship promotion, the emancipation and to make possible the conditions of the protected person of struggle for his rights, during the protection process and over all, later<br>Este estudo apresenta a análise do Programa de Proteção a Vítimas e Testemunhas Ameaçadas - Provita -, que surge, em 1996, a partir de uma iniciativa da sociedade civil em parceria com o Estado. Em decorrência desse processo, em 13 de julho de 1999, é promulgada a Lei Federal nº 9.807, que estabelece normas para a organização e manutenção deste Programa. O objetivo principal do Programa é a redução da impunidade, criando condições de segurança para pessoas capazes de prestar testemunho, apesar de ameaçadas. A partir de uma revisão do processo de construção histórica do sistema de segurança nacional, é estudado como um instrumento fundamental de garantia ao direito à vida e à segurança, num contexto de violência extrema e cotidiana. O processo de pesquisa produziu uma melhor compreensão das inter-relações, conexões e fatores responsáveis pela sua existência na sociedade brasileira. A análise baseou-se na experiência profissional da autora e nos depoimentos de exprofissionais de Serviço Social pertencentes à equipe de trabalho do Provita. Teve como objetivo central estudar o papel do Serviço Social no Programa, abordando questões relacionadas às atribuições, objetivos e desafios do trabalho do assistente social. A prática profissional foi refletida pelo prisma da defesa dos direitos humanos, de acordo com o preconizado no Código de Ética profissional. Concluiu-se pela necessidade e importância da ampliação da responsabilidade do Estado quanto à execução das atividades de segurança pública, dadas as limitações ao desenvolvimento do atendimento criadas, entre outros fatores, pela ausência de articulação com o conjunto de políticas públicas, essenc iais para o atendimento às necessidades das pessoas em regime de proteção; insuficiência de recursos para a formação e segurança do corpo de profissionais; morosidade do processamento judiciário. Os dados de permanência, entre 2000 e 2005, de 75 protegidos, dos quais 21 testemunharam em processos que chegaram ao veredicto final, e 20 resultaram em condenação, ilustram tanto a importância como as dificuldades do Programa. A prática do assistente social foi sempre permeada pelo desafio do compromisso com os sujeitos de sua prática, em busca da promoção da cidadania e da emancipação, para possibilitar ao protegido condições de luta por seus direitos, durante o processo de proteção e, sobretudo, depois

La lutte contre la maltraitance questionne les professionnels sur les seuils de ce qui est maltraitant et ne l’est pas. L’indécision renforce la conflictualité et rend nécessaire des pratiques de négociation. Cette recherche s’appuie sur des entretiens individuels, collectifs et des observations dans divers cadres professionnels pour saisir, dans une approche relationnelle, les dynamiques de violence en situation. Le seuil de ce qui est moralement acceptable se fonde sur un compromis construit dans l’interaction et l’intersubjectivité au sein d’une zone de tolérance partagée, espace d’autorégulation avant un éventuel signalement. En contexte incertain, cet espace de négociation est créateur de pratiques et de nouveaux apprentissages. La promotion de la bientraitance, présentée par certains acteurs comme une approche positive censée dépasser les clivages, constitue ainsi un puissant vecteur de recomposition des modes d’intervention et de réaménagement des identités professionnelles<br>Fighting against abuse make professionals question what belongs to mistreatment and what does not. This ambiguity intensifies the conflictual dimensions in care work and calls for negotiation practices. This research is based on individual and group interviews, as well as observations in several professional settings. A relational approach is used to understand the dynamics of violence in professional situations. The threshold of morally acceptable practices is based on a compromise built during the interaction with actors’ intersubjectivity within a zone of shared tolerance. This zone is used as a space of self-regulation before a potential report of abusive behaviour occurs. In a context of uncertainty, this negotiating space creates practices and leads to new knowledge. The promotion of well-treatment is presented by some actors as a positive approach supposed to overcome boundaries of well- and mistreatment. In this way, it is a powerful medium to reorganise methods of intervention and professional identities

Private deck of cards created during six-month survey and documentation of daily experiences. The package contains 49 cards and it is inspired by a set of 78 tarot cards. Text content - reverse side of the card was created using diary notes. Face side of the card was chosen as a representation of processes taking place usually in days when the card was read.

碩士<br>健行科技大學<br>財務金融系碩士班<br>106<br>Since the amendment of criminal law in 2006, through several news events revealing, not only some certain crime recidivism but the harm to the society has not been curbed by the penalty. This study mainly discusses the factors affecting the short-term punishment inmates when choosing the prison imprisonment, the fine or the community service penalty. Sampling a prison in the northern Taiwan, there are a total of 404 respondents including inmates, inmates’ relatives and Judicial Correction officials. The data collection is through Internet and paper questionnaire. Narrative statistics and T-test and ANOVA on the analysis of independent samples are carried out to distinguish the respondents from different backgrounds in facing choices into prison, imprisonment fines or community service. According to the research results, the following conclusions are obtained. An inmate’s financial condition inflences the choice into convert imprisonment. The result being into the prison instead of convert imprisonment, indicates a fact that the better financial condition an inmate is in, the higher rate he/she will choose convert imprisonment. And upon that, the overload of prison is eased. However, an inmate’s financial condition shows no positive correlation to the recidivism rate. Therefore in the system aspect, the following suggestions are proposed: 1.A transparent and comprehensive criteria of the implementation of alternative penalty should be established. 2.A pre-assessment and follow-up counseling mechanism should be set up imitating the implementation of foreign alternative punishment. In the social aspect: 1. The promotion of the overall economic environment should be emphasized. 2. Inferior social label tagged should be curbed. In the aspect of the penalty implementation of correctional institutions: 1. The reduction of unnecessary business should be carried out. 2. The recruitment of correctional administrators should be practiced. 3. The number of professional counsellors in each institution should be increased. 4. Political interference should be excluded.

Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada no ISPA – Instituto Universitário para obtenção de grau de Mestre na especialidade de Psicologia Clínica<br>O presente estudo teve como principais objetivos contribuir para o estudo das crenças acerca do impacto da violência dentro da família para a criança e, a ação da comunidade quando têm conhecimento de uma criança exposta a tal perigo. Procurou ainda compreender a influência da vivência de adversidades na infância e da proximidade à criança que experiencia violência intrafamiliar, na implicação com o fenómeno. Participaram neste estudo 1359 pessoas de ambos os sexos, com idades compreendidas entre os 18 e os 80 anos. A recolha de dados realizou-se online, através da aplicação de um protocolo composto por um questionário de caracterização sociodemográfica, um conjunto de questões acerca das motivações para intervir face ao fenómeno de violência intrafamiliar, a Escala de Crenças sobre Violência Interparental (E.C.V.I.) e 4 itens do Adverse Childhood Experience International Questionnaire (ACE-IQ). Os resultados demostraram que os participantes do estudo evidenciam genericamente crenças não legitimadoras da violência interparental e que estas estão dependentes da geração e das habilitações literárias. 54.9% da amostra experienciou violência interparental, no entanto a vivência desta adversidade de vida é independente da implicação e das crenças face ao fenómeno de violência interparental. Quanto mais distorcidas as crenças acerca da violência interparental, maior a inação dos participantes. A denúncia é a ação mais frequentemente realizada, sendo que quanto maior a proximidade à criança exposta a tal adversidade, mais se tende a mediar e a intervir diretamente; quanto menor a proximidade à criança, mais se tende a denunciar ou a nada fazer. O que mais motiva a ação é a proteção da criança e o sentido de responsabilidade social.<br>The purpose of the present study was to contribute to the scientific knowledge regarding personal beliefs about the impact of intrafamilial violence on children and the actions taken by the community when people are aware that a child is exposed to such danger. We also aimed to understand the influence of adverse childhood experiences and closeness to children who experience intrafamily violence, in the involvement with the phenomenon. A sample of 1359 people from both sexes, aged between 18 and 80 years, participated in this study. Data collection was carried out online, through the application of a protocol composed of a sociodemographic questionnaire, a set of questions about the motivations to intervene in the face of the phenomenon of intrafamily violence, the Interparental Violence Belief Scale (E.C.V.I.) and 4 items of the Adverse Childhood Experience International Questionnaire (ACE-IQ). The results suggested that most of the sample generally have beliefs that do not legitimize interparental violence and that these are dependent on generation and educational qualifications. 54.9% of the sample reported having experienced interparental violence in childhood, however the experience of this adversity in life seems to be independent of their involvement and beliefs regarding interparental violence. The more distorted the beliefs about interparental violence are, the greater is the participants' inaction. The complaint was the most frequently performed action. Results also showed that when participant had a close relationship with the children exposed to such adversity, they were more likely to mediate and intervene directly; however, when they didn’t have a close relationship with the children exposed to interpersonal violence, they were more likely to do nothing or simply report to the authorities. Finally, child protection and social responsibility were the most reported motivations for action

<p> <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html<br>charset=utf-8"> <meta name="ProgId" content="Word.Document"> <meta name="Generator" content="Microsoft Word 12"> <meta name="Originator" content="Microsoft Word 12"> <link rel="File-List" href="file:///C:DOCUME~1staffLOCALS~1Tempmsohtmlclip11clip_filelist.xml" /> <link rel="themeData" href="file:///C:DOCUME~1staffLOCALS~1Tempmsohtmlclip11clip_themedata.thmx" /> <link rel="colorSchemeMapping" href="file:///C:DOCUME~1staffLOCALS~1Tempmsohtmlclip11clip_colorschememapping.xml" /><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:WordDocument> <w:View>Normal</w:View> <w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom> <w:TrackMoves /> <w:TrackFormatting /> <w:PunctuationKerning /> <w:ValidateAgainstSchemas /> <w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid> <w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent> <w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText> <w:DoNotPromoteQF /> <w:LidThemeOther>EN-US</w:LidThemeOther> <w:LidThemeAsian>X-NONE</w:LidThemeAsian> <w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript> <w:Compatibility> <w:BreakWrappedTables /> <w:SnapToGridInCell /> <w:WrapTextWithPunct /> <w:UseAsianBreakRules /> <w:DontGrowAutofit /> <w:SplitPgBreakAndParaMark /> <w:DontVertAlignCellWithSp /> <w:DontBreakConstrainedForcedTables /> <w:DontVertAlignInTxbx /> <w:Word11KerningPairs /> <w:CachedColBalance /> </w:Compatibility> <w:BrowserLevel>MicrosoftInternetExplorer4</w:BrowserLevel> <m:mathPr> <m:mathFont m:val="Cambria Math" /> <m:brkBin m:val="before" /> <m:brkBinSub m:val="&#45<br>-" /> <m:smallFrac m:val="off" /> <m:dispDef /> <m:lMargin m:val="0" /> <m:rMargin m:val="0" /> <m:defJc m:val="centerGroup" /> <m:wrapIndent m:val="1440" /> <m:intLim m:val="subSup" /> <m:naryLim m:val="undOvr" /> </m:mathPr></w:WordDocument> </xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:LatentStyles DefLockedState="false" DefUnhideWhenUsed="true" DefSemiHidden="true" DefQFormat="false" DefPriority="99" LatentStyleCount="267"> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Normal" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="heading 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 4" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 5" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 6" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 7" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 8" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 9" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 4" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 5" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 6" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 7" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 8" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 9" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" QFormat="true" Name="caption" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Title" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" Name="Default Paragraph Font" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Strong" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="59" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Table Grid" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Placeholder Text" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Revision" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="List Paragraph" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Quote" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Quote" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 4" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 4" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 4" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 4" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 4" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 5" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 5" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 5" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 5" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 5" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 6" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 6" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 6" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 6" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 6" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Emphasis" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Emphasis" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Reference" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Reference" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" Name="Bibliography" /> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading" /> </w:LatentStyles> </xml><![endif]--><style type="text/css"> <!-- /* Font Definitions */ @font-face {font-family:"Cambria Math"<br>panose-1:2 4 5 3 5 4 6 3 2 4<br>mso-font-charset:0<br>mso-generic-font-family:roman<br>mso-font-pitch:variable<br>mso-font-signature:-1610611985 1107304683 0 0 159 0<br>} @font-face {font-family:Calibri<br>panose-1:2 15 5 2 2 2 4 3 2 4<br>mso-font-alt:Calibri<br>mso-font-charset:0<br>mso-generic-font-family:swiss<br>mso-font-pitch:variable<br>mso-font-signature:-1610611985 1073750139 0 0 159 0<br>} /* Style Definitions */ p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal {mso-style-unhide:no<br>mso-style-qformat:yes<br>mso-style-parent:""<br>margin-top:0in<br>margin-right:0in<br>margin-bottom:10.0pt<br>margin-left:0in<br>line-height:115%<br>mso-pagination:widow-orphan<br>font-size:11.0pt<br>font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif"<br>mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri<br>mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin<br>mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman"<br>mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri<br>mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin<br>mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman"<br>mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi<br>} .MsoChpDefault {mso-style-type:export-only<br>mso-default-props:yes<br>font-family:"Univers Condensed","sans-serif"<br>mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri<br>mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin<br>mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri<br>mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin<br>mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri<br>mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin<br>} .MsoPapDefault {mso-style-type:export-only<br>margin-bottom:10.0pt<br>line-height:115%<br>} @page WordSection1 {size:8.5in 11.0in<br>margin:1.0in 1.0in 1.0in 1.0in<br>mso-header-margin:.5in<br>mso-footer-margin:.5in<br>mso-paper-source:0<br>} div.WordSection1 {page:WordSection1<br>} --> </style><!--[if gte mso 10]> <style> /* Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:"Table Normal"<br>mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0<br>mso-tstyle-colband-size:0<br>mso-style-noshow:yes<br>mso-style-priority:99<br>mso-style-qformat:yes<br>mso-style-parent:""<br>mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt<br>mso-para-margin-top:0in<br>mso-para-margin-right:0in<br>mso-para-margin-bottom:10.0pt<br>mso-para-margin-left:0in<br>line-height:115%<br>mso-pagination:widow-orphan<br>font-size:11.0pt<br>font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif"<br>mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri<br>mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin<br>mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman"<br>mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-fareast<br>mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri<br>mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin<br>mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman"<br>mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi<br>} </style> <![endif]--><span style="font-size: 12pt<br>line-height: 115%<br>font-family: &quot<br>Times New Roman&quot<br>,&quot<br>serif&quot<br>">Crime victims once played a prominent role in the criminal justice system. Historically, victims who sought to bring their wrongdoers to justice conducted </span> <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html<br>charset=utf-8"> <meta name="ProgId" content="Word.Document"> <meta name="Generator" content="Microsoft Word 12"> <meta name="Originator" content="Microsoft Word 12"><span style="font-size: 12pt<br>line-height: 115%<br>font-family: &quot<br>Times New Roman&quot<br>,&quot<br>serif&quot<br>">their own investigations<span style=""> </span>and argued their own cases or employed others to do so. As time passed,<span style="">&nbsp<br></span>a distinction was drawn between offences against the social order and disputes between individuals. Crime control became a function of government and the state increased its responsibility for the investigation and punishment of criminal conduct. Gradually, the victim was removed from the proceedings and relegated to serving as a witness for the state. The assumption was that the state, whilst representing the interests </span> <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html<br>charset=utf-8"> <meta name="ProgId" content="Word.Document"> <meta name="Generator" content="Microsoft Word 12"> <meta name="Originator" content="Microsoft Word 12"><span style="font-size: 12pt<br>line-height: 115%<br>font-family: &quot<br>Times New Roman&quot<br>,&quot<br>serif&quot<br>">of society, would represent the interests</span> <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html<br>charset=utf-8"> <meta name="ProgId" content="Word.Document"> <meta name="Generator" content="Microsoft Word 12"> <meta name="Originator" content="Microsoft Word 12"><span style="font-size: 12pt<br>line-height: 115%<br>font-family: &quot<br>Times New Roman&quot<br>,&quot<br>serif&quot<br>"> of the victim also. This fallacy provided the foundation for a criminal justice which, until recently, encourage victim exclusion. In recent years, there has been a clear trend towards re-introducing the right of victims to participate in the criminal justice process. This international trend has been labelled the &bdquo<br>return of the victim‟. In South Africa, the Constitution and, in particular, the Bill of Rights contained therein underscore the move towards procedural rights for victims of crime. Moreover, the South African government has taken significant legislative steps to ensure that victims have formal rights in criminal justice proceedings. However, to date, comparatively little attention has been paid to the question of whether or not victims should be allowed a meaningful role in the process of plea and sentence negotiations. One of the aims of this study is to determine whether victims‟ rights are properly understood, defined and implemented within the criminal justice system. In particular, this study aims to clarify the rights of victims who find themselves affiliated with a specific stage of criminal prosecution, namely, negotiated justice.<span style="">&nbsp<br></span><span style="">&nbsp<br></span><span style="">&nbsp<br></span><span style="">&nbsp<br></span></span> </meta> </meta> </meta> </meta> </meta> </meta> </meta> </meta> </meta> </meta> </meta> </meta> </meta> </meta> </meta> </meta> </p>

博士<br>國立暨南國際大學<br>社會政策與社會工作學系<br>93<br>This is a study using action research-oriented approach to 「the program of reducing repeat interrogation for victims of sexual assault」adopted by the Ministry of Interior. There are seven measures which are collecting opinions, forming problems, clearing problems, developing strategy to solve problems, acting in praxis, reflecting and evaluating, and modifying to reaction. Using these seven measures, the writer repeatedly practice advocacy on the one hand. On the other hand, by means of symposiums, participant observation, documentary analysis and intensive interviews, the writer collected information and analysis such information. Expecting the systematic plan and domestic participation, the unification of practice and theory could be achieved. According to this study, the writer had some discoveries as follows: 1.the Progress of “the Program”Advocacy The developing of“the Program”progress, there could be divided into a vertical and horizontal sections. Whatever the developing progress, solving problems and expanding strategy are always the core of the progress. During the advocacy progress, in addition to the promotion of the “planning strategy”, the “assisting strategy” and “new strategy” which were devised by the writer, were very helpful to the promotion of “the Program”. In addition, under the reflection of “the Program”and the whole environment, the writer brought foundation and energy to the actions of “the Program”. 2.the Developing and Effecting of “the Program” After establishing “the Program” for five years, the writer has found that the real need of the victims are not only the justice of due process but also the justice of the result. In other word, the purposes of “the Program”are not to reduce repeat interrogation but the justice. “The Program”should not be limited as a social protection program, but should be defined as a judicial-oriented program. The interrogation should be done by the multidisciplinary team. Besides, the related measures, such as expert witness, professional counselor, should also be adopted. “The Program”has improved the whole system in many aspects. Especially, “the Program” benefited the victims as follows：（1）the offender could not interfere the judicial systems（2）the victims had been respected（3）raising the rate of prosecution. 3.The Possibility of Network Coordination Although the network coordination was very complex, the writer found, through this study, the coordination was not impossible. If we could control the key person, coordinate different authorities, establish related system, and employ the nature of the regional culture, the coordination of network is not remote destiny.

I began my inquiry into women's lawbreaking from a disquiet between what I "knew" from academic feminist accounts and what I "saw" as a worker. My understanding of women's lawbreaking came from a distorted representation of women lawbreakers as victims produced by academic feminist scholarship. This distorted representation came from a feminist practice of emphasizing women's victimhood as an explanatory framework. As a result, women have been rendered 'victims' - a representation that relies on women's object, rather than subject, status. Further, this distorted 'victim' representation fails to examine the way women can, and do, negotiate 'structures' to shape their own lives. As a result of my disquiet, I began to ask what is it about victimization that contributes to women's lawbreaking? I adapted Dorothy Smith's method of inquiry to develop a method which includes women's agency and yet retains feminist insights into economic and cultural gender inequities. This method allows one to understand agency in the context of victimization and its entanglement with lawbreaking by understanding the dialectic nature of social interaction. This dialectic understanding of action is important because we can examine not only what things come into view as structural or institutional processes, but also see more clearly the undercurrent of resistance and survival so relevant to feminism. Further, this method looks at women's lawbreaking differently - it captures women's agency as a counter-discourse to existing feminist discourses of victimization. A small research study was conducted for this thesis. Nine women were interviewed about their lives growing up and their experiences with lawbreaking. From this data, three areas were explored: "invalidation", "addiction" and "negotiation". The analysis of these themes explores, and then maps out, courses of women's lawbreaking action and how those courses are coordinated by the ruling relations. This project aims to contribute to feminist scholarship on women's courses of lawbreaking action by offering Smith's method of inquiry as a way to capture both women's agency and how that is coordinated by the organizational and social relations of ruling.

碩士<br>國立臺灣大學<br>法律學研究所<br>104<br>Liability Insurance was originally designed to protect “the insured” from the risks of liabilities imposed by other claims, but with the economic development and began gradually to adopt the doctrine of strict liability in tort, more and more people realize that “the victim” get compensation from insurance payment is more important than before. Thus, modern liability insurance not only for making up “the insured” financial loss, but ensures the victim to get enough compensation. Nevertheless, the fundamental purpose of commercial liability insurance is different from mandatory liability insurance which may impact on the protection of victims and the insured under liability insurance. In order to discuss the issue in respect of “the protection of victims and the insured under liability insurance”, this thesis decide to focus on third party’s direct action and insurer’s participation, and refer to foreign laws, legal theories and case studies to find flexible ways to improve our domestic liability insurance system. The third party’s direct action represents a breakthrough in the exceptional principle of separation which is under the principle of relativity of contracts. However, liability insurance is also called indemnity insurance；The third party (the victim) established the insured’s liability before it could pursue its claim directly against the insurer is necessary. On the contrary, in order to reinforce the protection of victims under the mandatory liability insurance, victims need not to establish the insured&apos;&apos;s liability in the beginning. Moreover, how to deal with the insurer’s defense (including the Statute of limitations) based on insurance policy is a problem. In other words, when the insured is liable for the third party, the insurer has to provide indemnity to the insured. That is, the insurance companies need to participate and be involved in the process of the third party’s claims. However, the participation of the insurer is not only a right but also a duty. In order to balance the interests between the insurer and the insured, it is necessary to establish the standard of the insurer&apos;&apos;s participation, and the insurer also has a duty to agree that the insured had reached a reasonable settlement.

Defence date: 21 June 1999<br>Examining board: Prof. Yota Kravaritou, EUI (supervisor) ; Dr Christopher McCrudden, Lincoln College, Oxford ; Prof. Silvana Sciarra, EUI (co-supervisor) ; Prof. Spiros Simitis, Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, Frankfurt<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017