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1

Gillhammer, Cosima Clara. "Non-Wycliffite Bible Translation in Oxford, Trinity College, 29 and Universal History Writing in Late Medieval England". Anglia 138, n.º 4 (11 de noviembre de 2020): 649–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2020-0052.

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AbstractThe late-fifteenth-century Middle English manuscript Oxford, Trinity College, 29 contains a universal history of the world, compiled from diverse religious and secular source texts and written by a single compiler-scribe. A great part of the text is focused on Old Testament history and uses the Vulgate as a key source, thus offering an opportunity to examine in detail the compiler’s strategies of translating the text of the Bible into the vernacular. The Bible translations in this manuscript are unconnected to the Wycliffite translations, and are non-reformist in their interpretative framework, implications, and use. This evidence is of particular interest as an example of the range of approaches to biblical translation and scholarship in the vernacular found in late medieval English texts, despite the restrictive legislation concerning Bible translation in fifteenth-century England. The strategies of translating the biblical text found in this manuscript include close word-by-word translation (seemingly unencumbered by anxieties about censorship), as well as other modes of interaction, such as summary, and exegesis. This article situates these modes of engagement with the Bible within a wider European textual tradition of including biblical material in universal history writing.
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2

Xiao, Shuangjin. "Paratextual Framing for Translating and Disseminating the Ming novel Jinpingmei in the Anglophone world". International Journal of Translation and Interpretation Studies 2, n.º 2 (22 de septiembre de 2022): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijtis.2022.2.2.6.

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This paper examines the paratextual framing of the English translations of Jinpingmei (JPM). The primary focus is on the ways in which two remarkable translations are (re)packaged for the intended audience in the Anglophone world. Drawing upon Genette’s paratextuality theory and contemporary translation theories, the paper attempts to investigate whether and how paratextual elements can (re)shape the two translations and foster the representation of alterity. After presenting the theoretical framework, the paper focuses on the peritexts surrounding the core texts. It argues that peritextual manipulation not merely serves marketing ends but highlights translators’ visibility and ideological intervention in producing translations of premodern Chinese texts in different historical settings in the receiving context. It concludes that translational peritexts can be an effective means to enact cross-cultural construction and that the latest translation demonstrates a higher level of peritextual visibility in sustaining the genre of Chinese vernacular fiction and in promoting images of Chinese culture in the receiving context.
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3

Rowell, S. C. "Vernacular Translations of Scripture in England and Lithuania before the 17th Century". Lithuanian Historical Studies 16, n.º 1 (28 de diciembre de 2011): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01601007.

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This article gives a general survey of the development of a need among Lithuanian Catholics at the end of the fifteenth century for access to religious literature and especially Scripture in the vernacular (for sake of convenience, in Ruthenian translation). The work of Francis Skorina is examined in this context as a distant forerunner of Chylinski’s first published translation of the Bible into Lithuanian. The development of vernacular translations of parts of Holy Writ into Anglo-Saxon, Anglo- Norman and English are presented in very broad outline, culminating in the Roman Catholic and Anglican versions of the English Bible in the late sixteenth century and 1610. A reminder is given that merely having a text in the vernacular does not mean that such a text is available to all and understood by all.
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4

Trupej, Janko. "Strategies for translating racist discourse about African-Americans into Slovenian". Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 63, n.º 3 (3 de noviembre de 2017): 322–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.63.3.02tru.

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Abstract This article examines how racist discourse about African-Americans has been translated from English into Slovenian throughout history. Strategies for translating explicitly racist discourse, racial terminology and African American Vernacular English in translations published between 1853 and 2007 are analyzed. The results of the textual comparison are considered in the light of contemporary Slovenian attitudes towards black people and the socio-political situation in the target culture. The results show that the strategies for translating racist discourse in pre-World War II translations differed significantly from those used after a socialist regime was established in Slovenia. Translation strategies were also influenced by the important role that the Slovenian language played in the development of the national identity, by the target readership of the translations, as well as by contemporary relations between the source and target culture. Ideological interventions sometimes considerably affected the interpretive possibilities of a particular literary work.
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5

Stosur, David A. "A Tale of Two Translations: Rhetorical Style and the Post-Conciliar English Translations of the Mass". Theological Studies 79, n.º 4 (30 de noviembre de 2018): 761–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040563918801201.

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John O’Malley’s study of the rhetorical style of Vatican II bears also on the question of post-conciliar vernacular translations of the liturgy. This article proposes a “hospitality” model of liturgical translation as consonant with the conciliar style. Of the key instructions on liturgical translation, Comme le prévoit (1969) and Liturgiam Authenticam (2001), the earlier is more consistent with a hospitality model. Analysis of selected collects in the English translations of the Mass based on these instructions, The Sacramentary (1974/1985) and the Roman Missal (2010), respectively, indicates that The Sacramentary translation is likewise better in representing the hospitable style of Vatican II called for in the present liturgical context.
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6

Stecconi, Ubaldo. "Translation among Manila's Book Publishers". Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 11, n.º 1 (5 de noviembre de 1999): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.11.1.05ste.

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Abstract A survey conducted among Manila's publishers reveals an interesting translation scene. The bulk of translations available in Philippine bookstores is imported ready-made from the U.S. and Britain, and it seems that, with these, local publishers import an Anglo-Saxon indifference towards translation from foreign languages. Local projects are very few and nearly all of them are translations into Filipino from Philippine originals written in Spanish, English and other vernacular languages. Fortunately, some projects point the way towards a use of translation as a catalyst that can pull together the country's diverse genealogies and may help develop Filipino as a national language. Finally, difficulties in siting these domestic translations reveal an intriguing aspect of Manila's post-colonial condition.
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7

Mennis, Katie. "Glossing The Shepheardes Calender in Latin Translation". Translation and Literature 31, n.º 1 (marzo de 2022): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2022.0492.

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This article examines two Latin translations of The Shepheardes Calender by John Dove (1584) and Theodore Bathurst ( c.1602) respectively. It explores their versions of three aspects of Spenserian pastoral (all prominent in E.K.'s gloss): community and competition; allegory and allusion; register and rusticity. Throughout, it argues for the influence of translation theory on the translations and The Shepheardes Calender. It revises misinformation about the translations, demonstrating that Dove's translation influenced Bathurst's and that Bathurst's is collectively authored. It explores the way in which the translations ‘re-allegorize’ the Calender and reproduce Spenser's rustic style. While Bathurst's translation reveals an interest in Spenser's experience of patronage and poetic career, Dove attends to the poem's religious allegory, political significance, and linguistic agenda, ultimately using his translation to allude to the public disputations of Edmund Campion. Rather than ‘missing the point’ of Spenser's vernacular achievement, the translations extend the remit of Spenserian pastoral.
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8

Meeus, Hubert. "Printing vernacular translations in sixteenth-century Antwerp". Netherlands Yearbook for History of Art / Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek Online 64, n.º 1 (2014): 108–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22145966-06401005.

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9

Vinzent, Markus. "Meister Eckhart’s Self-translations into the Vernacular". Bulletin de Philosophie Médiévale 59 (enero de 2017): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.bpm.5.115832.

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10

Lionnet, Francoise. "Creole Vernacular Theatre: Transcolonial Translations in Mauritius". MLN 118, n.º 4 (2003): 911–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mln.2003.0078.

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11

Colley, John. "Henrician Homer: English Verse Translations from the Iliad and Odyssey, 1531–1545". Translation and Literature 31, n.º 2 (julio de 2022): 149–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2022.0507.

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Verse translations from the Iliad and Odyssey embedded in Thomas Elyot’s Gouernour, Roger Ascham’s Toxophilus, and Nicholas Udall’s Apophthegmes might seem the poor cousins of longer and better-known Homer translations by poets such as George Chapman. But this article, which pays close literary-critical attention to Elyot’s, Ascham’s, and Udall’s Homer translations, argues that they play an important and mostly untold part in a larger story concerning the translation of Homer into English, not to mention the vernacular translation of ancient Greek literature in England in the sixteenth century. These fragmentary translations reveal that early Tudor writers had a wider array of options in their methods of classical translation than has hitherto been appreciated. They also call for more nuanced consideration of the diverse intellectual, political, and literary contexts that spurred poetic innovation in late Henrician England.
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12

Kaminski, Johannes Daniel. "Punctuation, Exclamation and Tears: The Sorrows of Young Werther in Japanese and Chinese Translation (1889–1922)". Comparative Critical Studies 14, n.º 1 (febrero de 2017): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2017.0220.

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Rich in exclamations and ellipses, Goethe's The Sorrows of Young Werther inhabits a linguistic space in German that does not immediately lend itself to literal translation. Its first translations into Japanese and Chinese coincided with periods of linguistic innovation, as writers and translators contributed to the development of vernacular writing. While in Japanese versions the rendered text faithfully evinces intermediate stages of vernacularization, Guo Moruo's 1922 translation represents a radical attempt to reshape language. By finding literal equivalents of Goethe's stylistic idiosyncrasies, Guo actively shapes the Chinese vernacular, i.e. he establishes the syntactical usage of an exclamation particle plus an exclamation mark. Since German and Chinese belong to different language families, his translation artificially creates intralingual affinities.
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13

Leutzsch, Martin. "The First Bible Translations into German Based on Erasmus’s New Testament: Johannes Lang’s and Martin Luther’s Versions of the Gospel of Matthew". Bible Translator 73, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2022): 354–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20516770221137824.

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With his Greek New Testament and accompanying Latin translation (1516, revised 1519), humanist Erasmus of Rotterdam created new opportunities for Western Bible translators. The first known translations into the vernacular based on this work are the versions of Matthew by Johannes Lang (June 1521) and of the whole New Testament by Martin Luther (September 1522). Luther’s Septembertestament is well known and plays a part in myths of Luther, Protestantism, and Bible translation. Johannes Lang, Luther’s friend, colleague, and co-worker in reforming the church, is much less known, and his translation seldom considered. This analysis of both translations pays special attention to their respective paratextual materials. Although based on the same source texts, these two translations from the early 1520s perform very different politics of translation and exhibit different attitudes to influence their readers.
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14

Brisset, Annie y Lynda Davey. "In Search of a Target Language". Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 1, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 1989): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.1.1.03bri.

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Abstract In nationalist Quebec, French is rejected as the bearer of a foreign culture in the same way that the Québécois' native land, despoiled by the English, has become the country of the Other. Theatre, more than anything else, lent itself to the task of differentiation allotted to language. As of 1968 the vernacular has become the language of the stage as well as of theatre translation such as the exchange value of both foreign works and French translations from France increasingly erodes. Translating "into Québécois" consists in marking out the difference which opposes French in Quebec and so-called French from France. Since, however, the special quality of Québécois French is truly noticeable only among the working classes, Québécois theatre translations are almost always marked by proletarization of language and lowering the social status of the protagonists, thereby increasing the translation possibilities first and foremost of American sociolects.
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15

Byrne, Aisling. "From Hólar to Lisbon: Middle English Literature in Medieval Translation, c.1286–c.1550". Review of English Studies 71, n.º 300 (9 de septiembre de 2019): 433–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgz085.

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Abstract This paper offers the first survey of evidence for the translation of Middle English literature beyond the English-speaking world in the medieval period. It identifies and discusses translations in five vernaculars: Welsh, Irish, Old Norse-Icelandic, Dutch, and Portuguese. The paper examines the contexts in which such translation took place and considers the role played by colonial, dynastic, trading, and ecclesiastical networks in the transmission of these works. It argues that English is in the curious position of being a vernacular with a reasonable international reach in translation, but often with relatively low literary and cultural prestige. It is evident that most texts translated from English in this period are works which themselves are based on sources in other languages, and it seems probable that English-language texts are often convenient intermediaries for courtly or devotional works more usually transmitted in French or Latin.
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16

Classen, Albrecht. "nr="241"A Companion to Medieval Translation, ed. Jeanette Beer. Leeds: Arc Humanities Press, 2019, viii, 200 pp." Mediaevistik 33, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2020): 241–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2020.01.12.

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Medieval literature, philosophy, medicine, and many other fields cannot be imagined without considering the huge role played by translations. Scholars have worked on this field already for many years, leading among them Jeanette Beer, who here brings together a number of authors who address specific aspects pertinent to translation work mostly in medieval literature. While she herself offers a concise introduction, she rounds off the volume with a study of the work by the anonymous compiler of Li Fet des Romans from the early thirteenth century which represents the earliest extant work of ancient historiography translated into a European medieval vernacular. The translator offers most detailed comments about his motivation and translation strategies, which helps us understand considerably how medieval writers approached their task. But back to the Introduction. Here Beer traces the history of the earliest translations, beginning with the famous Strasbourg Oaths from 842, turning to Eulalia, the Valenciennes Fragment, and Marie de France, among others. Subsequently Beer outlines the major highlights of this collected volume, highlighting that the contributors address vernaculars such as Latin (not really a vernacular), French, Anglo-Norman, Italian, English, Old Norse, German, Arabic, and Hebrew. Indeed, some of the chapters cover those languages, but we do not hear anything about German, Arabic, or Hebrew, apart from some very fleeting references. She correctly notes that the world prior to the printing press was deeply determined by textual mouvance which provided enormous flexibility in the rendering and display of texts in the manuscripts. The Introduction concludes with a bibliography and a bibliographical note about the author. This model is applied throughout the entire volume.
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17

Metcalf, Barbara D. "Living Hadīth in the Tablīghī Jama'āt". Journal of Asian Studies 52, n.º 3 (agosto de 1993): 584–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058855.

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The north indian movement of spiritual renewal widely known as the Tablīghī Jama'āt dates from the 1920s and exists today throughout the world. The movement's fundamental goal has been tablīgh: “conveying,” specifically conveying sharī'ā-based guidance. To this end, it has consistently used vernacular works based on translations of the Qur'ān and, especially, hadīth in its quietistic work of inculcating correct and devoted religious practice among Muslims. In this use of the vernacular, primarily Urdu, the movement has been heir to over a century of translation and subsequent publication of religious works. These publications, often in inexpensive format, have been produced by the lithographic presses that became especially common in the late nineteenth century. As in the Indonesian cases considered in this symposium, the 1930s and early 1940s were a key period for translating and printing influential texts based largely on translation of hadith. In this period, the reformists' printed texts not only reached a larger number of people but were used in new settings as Tabligh institutions evolved. Texts were never meant to stand alone and have always been secondary to practice.
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18

Martínez Sirés, Paula. "Defamiliarizing translations of children’s literature in Meiji Japan: a study of Wakamatsu Shizuko’s Wasuregatami". MonTI. Monografías de Traducción e Interpretación, n.º 14 (28 de abril de 2022): 323–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.6035/monti.2022.14.11.

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This paper will examine Wasuregatami (‘The Memento’, 1890), Wakamatsu Shizuko’s Japanese translation of Adelaide Anne Procter’s poem The Sailor Boy (1858). The poem is narrativized into the Japanese monogatari style and the culturemes are assimilated into the target-culture context of Japan in an apparently domesticating approach. Nevertheless, Wakamatsu Shizuko’s inclusion in the translation of original source-culture items and the implementation of the experimental colloquial genbun itchi (vernacular) literary style could also exemplify Venuti’s foreignizing and “defamiliarizing” translation since it goes “beyond literalism to advocate an experimentalism” by using “registers, and styles already available in the translating language to create a discursive heterogeneity” (Venuti 2000: 341). This paper will contend that the style used in Wasuregatami was the cornerstone on which Shizuko would base her later, more acclaimed translations of children’s literature into Japanese.
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19

Eber, Irene. "Translating the ancestors: S. I. J. Schereschewsky's 1875 Chinese version of Genesis". Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 56, n.º 2 (junio de 1993): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00005486.

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Partial and complete Bible translations into classical Chinese existed well before Protestant missionaries actually began to work actively among the Chinese. Translation work accelerated once missionaries gained a foothold in the newly opened treaty ports after 1842, and the entire Bible or portions of it were translated into Fuzhou, Amoy, Canton, Hakka, Suzhou, Ningbo and Shanghai dialects. S. I. J. Schereschewsky's (1831–1906) translation of the Old Testament (OT) into the northern vernacular in 1875 opened a new chapter. His translation was accessible to larger numbers of people and, in contrast to the OT in classical Chinese, was readily understood when read to the illiterate. Moreover, unlike previous translations, it was prepared entirely from the Hebrew original.The purpose of this essay is to examine some of Schereschewsky's views on translating and several of the techniques which he employed in rendering into Chinese the Book of Genesis. My basic assumption is that translation is an interpretative activity. When a text is transposed from one language into another, changes are introduced that are consonant with the receiving languages and culture. Translation is affected by interpretations from within the receptor tradition which, in turn, makes possible the acceptance of the translation and the ideas which it contains. Thus the Old (as well as the New) Testament translations represented one of the initial steps in the signification of Protestant Christianity.
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20

Dumas, Geneviève y Caroline Boucher. "Medical Translations and Practical Compilations: A Necessary Coincidence?" Early Science and Medicine 17, n.º 3 (2012): 273–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338212x645094.

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AbstractFourteenthand fifteenth-century medicine is characterised by a trickle-down effect which led to an increasing dissemination of knowledge in the vernacular. In this context, translations and compilations appear to be two similar endeavours aiming to provide access to contents pertaining to the particulars of medical practice. Nowhere is this phenomenon seen more clearly than in vernacular manuscripts on surgery. Our study proposes to compare for the first time two corpora of manuscripts of surgical compilations, in Middle French and Middle English respectively, in order to discuss form and matter in this type of book production.
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21

Hartmann, Anna-Maria. "Abraham Fraunce's Use of Giovanni Andrea dell'Anguillara's Metamorfosi". Translation and Literature 22, n.º 1 (marzo de 2013): 103–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2013.0101.

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This note discusses Abraham Fraunce's translations from Ovid's Metamorphoses in The Third Part of the Countess of Pembrokes Yuychurch, Entituled Amintas Dale (1592). It considers Fraunce's sources and translation practice, and identifies an Italian translation of Ovid's epic, the Metamorfosi by Giovanni Andrea dell'Anguillara, as a main source for Fraunce's English translation. On this basis, Amintas Dale is examined afresh both as an example of vernacular humanism and as a contemporary poetic engagement with the world of the Metamorphoses.
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22

Jones, Francis R. "Poetry translators and regional vernacular voice". Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 26, n.º 1 (7 de marzo de 2014): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.26.1.02jon.

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This study investigates how poetry translators tackle source regional voice within their wider approach to poetic text. It analyses eleven translators’ ‘outputs’ of Scots and English translations from Giuseppe Belli’s 19th-century regionallanguage sonnets, which are set in working-class Rome. Each output was coded for voice (space, community, tenor marking), text-world space, and poetic form (rhyme, rhythm), then analysed quantitatively and qualitatively; translator interviews and translators’ written commentaries provided extra data. Translators ranged along a spectrum (apparently genre-specific) between two extremes: (1) ‘relocalising’ voice into target regional language/dialect with similar workingclass and informal features to Belli’s originals, whilst relocalising place and person names to target-country analogies, and recreating rhyme and rhythm; (2) translating into standard (supra-regional, literary/educated, neutral-toformal) English, whilst preserving Belli’s Roman setting, but replacing rhyme and rhythm by free verse. This reflects a spectrum between two priorities: (1) creatively conveying poetic texture; (2) replicating surface semantics.
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23

Mohapatra, Himansu S. "English against Englishing: The Case of an Early English Translation of an Oriya Novel1". TTR 23, n.º 1 (10 de noviembre de 2010): 123–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044931ar.

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Successive translations of a text mirror the shifting translatory practices of a culture. Paradigms for/of translation can be tracked by following the trajectory of these translations. Usually, however, the “translative turn” is read off from the latest in the series of translations inspired by a text. It is the other way round with the translated Oriya novel, Fakir Mohan Senapati’s Chhamana Athaguntha (1902), which is an exception to this developmentalist rule. An early English translation of the novel titled The Stubble under the Cloven Hoof (1967), produced by C.V.N. Das, shows a highly visible and active translator. In this Das uses English to counter the Englishing tendencies that are the inevitable end result of his attempt, as he says, at “rechristening” a vernacular tale. This essay demonstrates this and also explains the related phenomenon of the foregrounding of the task of the translator.
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24

Benő, Attila. "Román intézménynevek magyarítása Erdélyben". Névtani Értesítő 43 (30 de diciembre de 2021): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.29178/nevtert.2021.6.

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The study examines the translation methods used in the translation of institutional names and their common language use within the context of Hungarian-Romanian bilingualism in Transylvania, noting the language planning tasks that arise from minority status and the results of corpus design so far. The presented translation and language use phenomena emphasize that translating institutional names in minority status is a task for (professional) translation, terminology, and language planning. Within translation, it presupposes practical skills and a high level of bilingualism. In the technical and terminological context, the translation of the name of an institution presupposes an adequate knowledge of the individual fields and languages, in the absence of which unprofessional and ambiguous translations may be created. As a language planning problem, it primarily concerns corpus planning and presupposes the expansion of language rights related to status planning and expanding the scope of using vernacular languages.
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25

Methuen, Charlotte. "‘These four letters s o l a are not there’: Language and Theology in Luther's Translation of the New Testament". Studies in Church History 53 (26 de mayo de 2017): 146–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2016.10.

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Luther's 1522 translation of the New Testament is one of the most significant translations in Christian history. In it, he offers a translation of Romans 3: 28 which introduces the word allein: ‘So halten wir es nun, daß der Mensch gerecht werde ohne des Gesetzes Werke, allein durch den Glauben.’ As Luther himself recognized in his Open Letter on Translating (1530), the word ‘alone’ does not appear in either the Greek text of Romans or the Vulgate; nor do other contemporary vernacular translations include it. Luther asserted that the introduction of the word allein arose from his attention to the German language. This claim has often been regarded as specious, since the introduction of allein serves to underline a key aspect of Luther's theology, namely his doctrine of justification by faith. This article examines Luther's translation practice, and particularly his comments on Romans 3: 28 in his lectures on Romans, his preface to Paul's epistle to the Romans and other writings, concluding that Luther was indeed concerned to produce a fluent and coherent German translation of the biblical text, but that he wished also to produce one that was theologically unambiguous. Not only linguistic considerations, but also Luther's theological priorities, and his definition of theological unambiguity, determined his definition of a good translation.
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26

Neumann, Birgit. "The Uneven Travels of World Literature". Journal of World Literature 5, n.º 1 (14 de febrero de 2020): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056480-00403200.

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Abstract The essay engages with possibilities of translating Creole in Anglophone world literatures and investigates the socio-political frames within which translations occur. It has been argued that it is impossible to translate, read and understand the connotations of Creole without their historical and cultural contexts, from which these linguistic varieties are derived and which they conversely help produce. Texts thriving on Creole, such as Sam Selvon’s The Lonely Londoners, are highly context-sensitive and call for close, historically and locally grounded readings. The translation and translatability of Creole begs crucial questions concerning the common understanding of world literature as travelling texts. The essay discusses these questions with an eye to the role of English as a global literary vernacular, before moving on to examine Miriam Mandelkow’s recent German translation of Selvon’s The Lonely Londoners.
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27

Anders, Kristina. "Первый русский перевод книг Ветхого Завета с древнееврейского языка". Textus et Studia, n.º 3(3) (8 de mayo de 2017): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/tes.01302.

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This paper proposes new data to the study of Russian Bible translations history. It introduces to the manuscript which is called Opyt perevoda tochnago vethosvyaschennyh knig iz podlinnago evreyskogo na rossiyskiy, po evreyskomu perevodu kak oni samy perevodyat, s prilozheniem nekotoryh ih iz’yasneniy uchinen namestnikom iereem Mikhailom Fotinskim 1806 goda and is kept in the Russian State Library. It is commonly supposed the first Russian Old Testament Translation was made by Gerasim Pavskij during the work of Russian Bible Society. But Fotinskij’s translation is earlier one. This translation hasn’t been described, studied and published before. In the article main peculiarities of the translation are described. It is the new-type translation which breaks off with the tradition of Church Slavonic translations. The purpose of the translation is interpretation of Judaic exegesis, and the method is literal. Additionally, translator’s stylistic conception is examined. The language of the translation is characterized as a variant of the Russian language by XVIII–XIX centuries with archaic, vernacular and Ukrainian elements.
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28

August-Zarębska, Agnieszka y Natalia Paprocka. "Les enjeux de la traduction littéraire en langue périphérique et post-vernaculaire. Le cas du judéo-espagnol". Romanica Wratislaviensia 68 (15 de julio de 2021): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0557-2665.68.2.

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In this contribution, we study a small corpus of contemporary literary translations into the Judeo-Spanish language, considered both peripheral and post-vernacular, in order to understand the directions and specificities of the literary import into this language, the roles played by these translations, and the motivations of the actors involved in the translation process.We proceed in four steps: (1) first, we study the historical context of both Judeo-Spanish language and the literature created in it; (2) secondly, we present their diametrically different situation after the Second World War; (3) against this background, we present the identified translations and analyse their formal and editorial characteristics (authors, publishers, translators, original languages, dates of publication, formats, layouts), as well as their paratexts; (4) finally, we study the results of this analysis in the light of both concepts of peripherality and post-vernacularity.
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29

Máté, Ágnes. "E. S. Piccolomini Historia de duobus amantibusa: Nyelvi és kulturális gátak tizenhat korai fordítás tükrében". Antikvitás & Reneszánsz, n.º 3 (1 de enero de 2019): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/antikren.2019.3.79-91.

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The paper discusses general factors influencing the translators of Eneas Silvius Piccolomini's Historia de duobus amantibus, who translated the love story from Latin into eight vernacular languages during the 15-16th centuries. These factors fell into two broader categories: linguistic limitations and cultural-moral restrictions. The paper argues that the limited knowledge of Latin language and the deficiencies of knowledge concerning classical culture or the moral reservations towards the original Latin text from the part of the translators all influenced the love story's translations. The paper offers a series of case studies to illustrate how translators operational in different vernaculars had faced similar problems and how diverse their responds were to them in altogether sixteen early translations of Historia. Originally written as a conference presentation in 2017, the present paper gives a short summary of the conclusions connected to translatology of the author's recently published monograph: MÁTÉ (2018).
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van de Bruinhorst, Gerard C. "Changing Criticism of Swahili Qur'an Translations: The Three ‘Rods of Moses’". Journal of Qur'anic Studies 15, n.º 3 (octubre de 2013): 206–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2013.0118.

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This article examines three Swahili books with the same title Fimbo ya Musa (‘The Rod of Moses’), published between 1970 and 2010, each of which critically investigates Qur'an translations and vernacular religious texts in Swahili. The first Fimbo was written by the Kenyan Ahmad Ahmad Badawy and criticises one of the earliest Swahili Qur'an translations, by Abdullah Saleh al-Farsy. In the second, Nurudin Hussein Shadhuly, head of the Shadhuly/Yashrutiyya Ṣūfī branch in Tanzania examines and condemns the translation efforts by Saidi Musa, a student of al-Farsy. The final Fimbo is a treatise by the Ibāḍī scholar Juma al-Mazrui from Oman and digitally distributed in 2010 which deals with the doctrine of God's visibility in the hereafter and is an answer to the Salafiyya Tanzanian Kassim Mafuta's 2008 work on this topic. The example of these three polemics over the last four decades shows the shifting concerns in the reaction to the translated Qur'an in Swahili. The act of translation from Arabic to the vernacular is no longer attacked, but rather the theological implications of a deficient translation are at the heart of the more recent discussions. While authoritative knowledge is still associated with a high command of Arabic, affiliation to a particular school of law or intellectual genealogy is not. Religious learning is no longer primarily transmitted through well-established links of personal authorities, but can increasingly be derived from private study and reading. As a direct result of this opening up of a wide field of knowledge for a non-Arabic reading audience, the potential numbers of discussants increases: each new Swahili Qur'an translation reveals more of the enigmatic character of the Qur'an and fuels new debates.
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31

Casanellas, Pere. "Bible Translation by Jews and Christians in Medieval Catalan-Speaking Territories". Medieval Encounters 26, n.º 4-5 (29 de diciembre de 2020): 386–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340080.

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Abstract Despite bans on the reading or possession of Bibles in the vernacular, numerous medieval Catalan translations of the Bible survive, in particular a complete Bible from the fourteenth century, some ten psalters, and a fifteenth-century version of the four Gospels. Moreover, Catalan was the second Romance language in which a full Bible was printed (1478), following the Tuscan Bible of 1471. Most of these translations were commissioned by Christians for the use of Christians. In some cases, however, it is clear that the translators were converted Jews. In some others, the translations appear to have been written by Jews for Jewish readers. We also find one case in which Catalan was the source rather than the target language: the first extant translation of the four Gospels into Hebrew (late fifteenth century) was undertaken, probably by a Jew, using the aforementioned fourteenth-century Catalan Bible.
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32

Thompson, Levi. "Vernacular transactions: Aḥmad Shāmlū’s Persian translations of Langston Hughes’s poetry". Middle Eastern Literatures 22, n.º 2-3 (2 de septiembre de 2019): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1475262x.2020.1855809.

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33

Classen, Albrecht. "The Lais of Marie de France: Text and Translation, ed. and trans. by Claire M. Waters. Peterborough, Ont., and Tonawanda, NY: Broadview Press, 2018, 424 pp." Mediaevistik 31, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2018): 409. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med012018_409.

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Famous medieval writers continuously find modern publishers willing to produce ever new translations into modern vernacular languages, while the vast majority of contemporary medieval authors linger in the margins and often continue to await even the publication of a critical edition of their works. This is the case with Marie de France as well, whose lais have now been translated into English once again by Claire M. Waters who is Professor of English at the University of California, Davis. She has previously published studies such as Angels and Earthly Creatures: Preaching, Performance, and Gender in the Later Middle Ages (2003), Virgins and Scholars: A Fifteenth-Century Compilation of the Lives of John the Baptist, John the Evangelist, Jerome, and Katherine of Alexandria (2008), and Translating Clergie: Status, Education, and Salvation in Thirteenth-Century Vernacular Texts (2016).
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34

Cummings, Robert. "Recent Studies in English Translation, c. 1590 – c. 1660. Part 2: Translations from Vernacular Languages". English Literary Renaissance 39, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2009): 586–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6757.2009.01058.x.

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35

Fidlerová, Alena A. "Translating the Life of Antichrist into German and Czech in the Early Modern Period". Studies in Church History 53 (26 de mayo de 2017): 242–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2016.15.

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Based on a sociocultural and functional approach to the history of translation, this article introduces the Leben Antichristi by the German Capuchin and famous preacher Dionysius of Luxemburg, first published in 1682 at Frankfurt am Main, as an example of the transmission of formerly elite content to a popular readership via its translation into simple vernacular prose. It then discusses possible reasons why three Czech translations of the book, created independently during the eighteenth century and preserved in manuscript, were never printed, although the German version went through twelve editions and similar works by Dionysius's fellow brother Martin of Cochem were among the most often printed books of the Czech Baroque.
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36

Toepfer, Regina. "Ovid and Homer in ‘German Rhymes’ (Ovid und Homer in ‘teutschen Reymen’)". Daphnis 46, n.º 1-2 (15 de marzo de 2018): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04601016.

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This contribution examines the relationship between vernacular translations of the sixteenth century and the history of the epic poetry genre in the seventeenth. To this end, it systematically analyses the Early Modern High German translations of Ovid’s Metamorphoses and Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey and identifies the various reasons why translators decided in favour of prose or verse. Of all the protagonists of the German reception of antiquity – including such figures as Jörg Wickram, Simon Schaidenreisser, and Johannes Baptista Rexius – it is the Meistersinger Johannes Spreng of Augsburg who most consistently chose rhyme for his translations of the classical epics into German.
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37

Winston-Allen (Emerita), Anne. "What is being Illustrated? Case Study of a “Revised” St. Agnes Vita in the Earliest German Translation of the Legenda Aurea (1362)". Hiperboreea 47, n.º 2 (1 de julio de 2021): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jmedirelicult.47.2.113.

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Abstract Very few copies of Jacobus de Voragine’s Latin “best seller,” the Legenda aurea, were supplied with illustrations. Yet a large number of its vernacular translations were generously illustrated. Accordingly, these “visual narratives” must also be “read” and interpreted. For, as Mieke Bal observed, an illustration “does not replace a text, it is one.” The image of St. Agnes painted in 1362 for the earliest German translation is a surprising example unlike any other depiction of the saint before or after it. Examining what was behind this image casts light on alternative ways in which different medieval audiences understood the text.
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38

Shibata, Ricardo Hiroyuki. "CULTURA CLÁSSICA E LITERATURA VERNACULAR NO SÉCULO XV EM CASTELA E PORTUGAL * CLASSICAL CULTURE AND VERNACULAR LITERATURE IN THE XVTH CENTURY IN CASTILLE AND PORTUGAL". História e Cultura 5, n.º 1 (30 de marzo de 2016): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v5i1.1785.

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Resumo: Neste artigo, procuramos pensar a questão da apropriação da cultura clássica na Península Ibérica, notadamente, nas cortes de Portugal (corte de Avis) e de Castela, no século XV, a partir de uma série de iniciativas de contornos humanistas. Em particular, trata-se de examinar as ações de alguns homens de letras do período, que, por meio de traduções, glosas e comentários, indicaram os caminhos para a constituição estratégica de uma literatura de caráter vernacular. Palavras-chave: Humanismo; século XV; literatura vernacular; Corte de Avis Abstract: In this article, we try to establish the ways of appropriation of classical culture in the Iberian Peninsula, especially, in Portugal (reign of Avis) and Castile courts, in the XVth century according to some works of humanist character. In particular, it means to examine the actions of some men of letters from that period, which, by translations and commentaries, pointed out the directions of a strategic constituion of a vernacular literature. Keywords: Humanismo; XVth century; vernacular culture; Avis Court
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39

Morrison, Susan Signe. "Don't Ask, Don't Tell: The Wife of Bath and Vernacular Translations". Exemplaria 8, n.º 1 (enero de 1996): 97–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/exm.1996.8.1.97.

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40

Corbellini, Sabrina. "Reading, Writing, and Collecting: Cultural Dynamics and Italian Vernacular Bible Translations". Church History and Religious Culture 93, n.º 2 (1 de enero de 2013): 189–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-13930203.

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41

Anderson, Timothy. "There’s Something about Murray: Victorian Literary Societies and Alfred Forman’s Translation of Richard Wagner’s Der Ring des Nibelungen". Modern Language Quarterly 82, n.º 3 (1 de septiembre de 2021): 281–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00267929-9090280.

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Abstract Alfred Forman’s translations of Richard Wagner’s operas are often derided for their weird diction and minute imitation of German poetic devices. Forman has seemed to represent a zealous and uncritical approach to Wagner that was typical of the early London Wagner Society. But London’s literary societies were important preprofessional gatherings for the appreciation and research of vernacular literature at a time when universities restricted who could study and what could be studied. Forman contributed to other London societies and organized for them dramatic readings of Wagner’s poetry featuring Forman’s wife, Alma Murray. In making Wagner legible and audible for these societies, Forman aligned Wagner with contemporary radical poets and promoted the Ring as a political allegory. Forman’s translations, far from cranky or cultish, show how Victorian society culture affected translation practices, renewed study of poetic alliteration, and inaugurated the political interpretation of Wagner’s works.
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42

Faulkner, Amy. "The Mind in the Old English Prose Psalms". Review of English Studies 70, n.º 296 (27 de enero de 2019): 597–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgy124.

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Abstract The Prose Psalms, an Old English translation of the first 50 psalms into prose, have often been overshadowed by the other translations attributed to Alfred the Great: the Old English Pastoral Care, with its famous preface, and the intellectually daring Old English translations of Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy and Augustine’s Soliloquies. However, this article proposes that, regardless of who wrote them, the Prose Psalms should be read alongside the Old English Consolation and the Soliloquies: like the two more well-studied translations, the Prose Psalms are concerned with the mind and its search for true understanding. This psychological interest is indicated by the prevalence of the word mod (‘mind’) in the Old English text, which far exceeds references to the faculty of the intellect in the Romanum source. Through comparison with the Consolation and the Soliloquies, this article demonstrates that all three texts participate in a shared tradition of psychological imagery. The three translations may well, therefore, be the result of a single scholarly environment, perhaps enduring for several decades, in which multiple scholars read the same Latin, patristic writings on psychology, discussed these ideas among themselves, and thereby developed the vernacular discourse observable in these three translations. Whether this environment was identical with the scholarly circle which Alfred gathered at the West Saxon court remains a matter for debate.
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43

Berger, Shlomo. "A Note on the Opening Sentence of Pirqei Avot in Two Eighteenth-Century Yiddish Editions of the Tract". Zutot 13, n.º 1 (11 de marzo de 2016): 4–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750214-12341279.

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The opening sentence of Pirqei Avot evokes a history of Torah transmission which is also of particular importance in legitimizing the existence and roles of the Oral Torah as an integral section of Torah. Up to the end of the eighteenth century, Yiddish translators of the tract frequently expanded the original Hebrew text while following the strategy of Yiddish translations of the Bible known as Khumesh mit khiber, or ‘a Yiddish rendition with additions’: a Yiddish version of the Hebrew text aimed at providing its reading public a coherent text to understand in their Ashkenazi vernacular. As may be expected, the boundaries between translation and commentary were consequently blurred, but the Yiddish version was nevertheless considered as a translation of the original Hebrew text.
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44

Wang, Yunhong y Gao Zhang. "Translation of Narrative Voice and Reproduction of a Simulated Storytelling Mode". SAGE Open 11, n.º 4 (octubre de 2021): 215824402110603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211060349.

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Chinese vernacular fiction is characterized by a simulated storytelling mode through which the narrator manipulates narration and facilitates interaction with the reader. There is little research on the representation of this distinctive Chinese narrative mode across languages and cultures. Recently scholars in translation studies have begun to focus on how different types and levels of voice are represented in translated texts. The present article investigates how the overt voice of the simulated storyteller characterizing the Chinese vernacular narrative style is represented in three complete English translations of a Chinese classic entitled Shuihu Zhuan. The article includes a comparative study of how the storyteller-narrator manifests his narrative voice through storytelling formulae and rhetorical narratorial questions and more importantly, on how the storyteller-narrator’s voice has been rendered by different translators. Besides, by relating the reproduction of narrative voice to translatorship, it shows that the professional role and status of each translator influence their strategy-making as to whether, and to what extent, the narrative voice of the source text should be reconstructed.
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45

Manzi, Silvia. "Nella lingua di ciascuno: Church Communication between Latin and Vernacular during the Counter-Reformation". Studies in Church History 53 (26 de mayo de 2017): 196–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2016.12.

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This article investigates the reasons for the choice of vernacular language instead of Latin in the communications of bishops with clergy and laity at the end of the sixteenth century and into the first decades of the seventeenth. The spread of Lutheran doctrine, which encouraged the use of the vernacular in the Scriptures and in the mass, was confronted by a reaction: the Catholic Church denied all access to the mysteries of faith to anyone ignorant of Latin through the three Indices of prohibited books issued in the second half of the sixteenth century (1559, 1564, 1596). However, concurrently with the issuing of these prohibitions, the bishops of Italy used the Italian language to translate some papal bulls and decrees of the Council of Trent. On which issues and under what circumstances did they feel it was necessary to be understood by the non-Latinate and therefore find it necessary to supply Italian translations of official documents, such as papal constitutions and Tridentine decrees? Was the local translation of such documents faithful to the original? And if not, why not?
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46

NEKRIACH, Т. N. y O. M. SUNG. "DYNAMICS OF RENDERING THE COCKNEY ETHNOSOCIOLECT IN THE UKRAINIAN TRANSLATIONS OF G. B. SHAW’S PLAY «PIGMALION»". Movoznavstvo 320, n.º 5 (28 de octubre de 2021): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33190/0027-2833-320-2021-5-004.

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This article reviews the strategies used in three Ukrainian translations of George Bernard Shaw’s play «Pygmalion» focusing upon different approaches to representing the sociolect Cockney. Two of the translations (done by M. Pavlov and O.Mokrovolskiy) resort to surzhyk — a mixed Ukrainian-Russian vernacular, thus employing the strategy of domestication, while the third, and the latest, one (done by T. Nekriach and N. Ferens in collaboration, with the general editing of T. Nekriach) rejects surzhyk in principle, proceeding from the idea that cockney is not a contamination of two languages but a socially and culturally marked set of deviations from the norm within one language. The latter translation unites foreignization in indicating the time and place of action and domestication in consistent using the Ukrainian supradialectal popular parlance, which is termed ad hoc the «harmonizing strategy» in the article. Cockney as a specific ethnosociolect has been researched in the translation perspective in the works of I. Akopyan, V. Komissarov, O. Rebriy, T. Nekriach, A. Hughes, P. Trudgill etc., which form the theoretical foundation of the present article. The aim of the article is to study and systematize the optimal strategies and tactics of reproducing Cockney in the available Ukrainian translations of «Pygmalion». The principal method of research is the comparative translation analysis, which allows to evaluate the gains and losses in employing a particular strategy in order to achieve a faithful translation. The topicality of the research is accounted for by the growing interest on the part of both practical translators and translation scholars in the appropriate handling of translation strategies and tactics within one text in order to reveal the author’s intent to the full with the retaining of the distinguishing features of the form. Special attention is paid to the specific «double» nature of drama works which requires taking into account the “pronounceability” of cues in translation. It is argued that M. Pavlov and T. Nekriach/N. Ferens take this parameter into account, translating «for stage», whereas O.Mokrovolskiy translates «for page» only, which results in his alternatives for Cockney representation being understood visually, not audially. The research prospects are seen in applying the proposed methodology to the study of recent Ukrainian translations of fiction in comparison with the previous ones in order to survey the dynamics and effectiveness of applying various translation strategies and tactics in reproducing a particular language or cultural phenomenon used in the original text.
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47

Vedal, Nathan. "Dame Wang’s Dumplings: Mediating the Obscene in Manchu Translations of Erotic Literature at the Turn of the Eighteenth Century". NAN NÜ 24, n.º 2 (9 de noviembre de 2022): 263–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685268-02410048.

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Abstract This article examines the surprising attention to taboo works of Chinese erotic literature within the corpus of early Manchu literary translations, focusing on the Manchu interpretations of Jinpingmei (The plum in the golden vase), Xixiang ji (The story of the western wing), and Rouputuan (The carnal prayer mat). The Qing court is well known to have sponsored translations of core works of the Chinese classical and historical tradition, while simultaneously banning texts perceived as heterodox, lascivious, or politically sensitive. A lively engagement among Manchu commercial publishers with the literary tradition, including vernacular novels and plays, highlights the broader reading habits of the early Qing Manchu reader in practice. In mediating erotic material for this new audience, translators employed a variety of interpretive choices, ranging from expurgation to the opposite extreme of hyper-sexualization. This study situates these translation practices within the broader Manchu justifications of reading this material, shifting our attention from the conventional representation of Manchu literary repression.
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48

Pardue, Bradley C. "‘Them that furiously burn all truth’". Moreana 45 (Number 175), n.º 3 (diciembre de 2008): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2008.45.3.9.

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This paper argues that William Tyndale’s vernacular translations of scripture were initially conceived primarily as an Erasmian humanist project. In the summer of 1523, Tyndale traveled to London to seek the patronage of Bishop Cuthbert Tunstall for an English bible. Only three years later, it would be Tunstall who presided over the burning of Tyndale’s New Testament at Paul’s Cross in October 1526. Through a careful analysis of Tyndale’s subsequent reflections on these events, this paper explores how a potential patron becomes the destroyer of vernacular bibles and suggests that it was Tyndale’s experience of “them that furiously burn all truth” that drove him firmly into the Protestant camp.
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49

Vollandt, Ronny. "Translations as Linguistic Commentaries? On the Interpretative Dimension of Early Bible Translations into Judaeo-Arabic". Philological Encounters 3, n.º 3 (13 de noviembre de 2018): 253–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-12340048.

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Abstract Arabic translations of the Scriptures were an early vehicle for satisfying the need for versions that the masses, as well as the more educated strata, could understand, and for adapting the biblical text to a new world at a time of profound political and cultural change. Most of the languages that had been in general use prior to this time had been supplanted by Arabic. For the majority of communities that were now under Muslim rule, the languages of religious learning became a scholastic medium that had to be acquired and preserved through instruction. This led to a multiglossic culture, in which Arabic was the daily vernacular, used alongside central religious texts in Hebrew and Aramaic (or Syriac, Greek, and Coptic for Christian communities). In this contribution I seek to demonstrate how early Jewish translations of the Bible into Arabic promoted continuing and close study of Hebrew, rather than the reverse.
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50

Pastreich, Emanuel Yi. "The Transmission and Translation of Chinese Vernacular Narrative in Chosŏn Korea: Han’gŭl Translations and Gentry Women’s Literature". Korean Studies 39, n.º 1 (2015): 75–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.2015.0002.

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