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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 25 de julio de 2024

Última modificación: 26 de julio de 2024

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1

Stihler, Daniel, and Stiftung Hamburger Institut für Sozialforschung. "Rezension von: Hamburger Institut für Sozialforschung (Hrsg.), Vernichtungskrieg." Württembergisch Franken 82 (June 16, 2023): 350–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.53458/wfr.v82i.6612.

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2

Weinberg, Gerhard L., and Hamburger Institut fur Sozialforschung. "Verbrechen der Wehrmacht: Dimensionen des Vernichtungskrieges 1941-1944." German Studies Review 26, no. 2 (2003): 440. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1433383.

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Dean, M. "Book Review: Verbrechen der Wehrmacht: Dimensionen des Vernichtungskrieges 1941-1944." German History 23, no. 1 (2005): 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635540502300120.

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4

De Toro, F. Miguel. "La exposición Vernichtungskrieg. Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941 bis 1944. El debate sobre los crímenes de la Wehrmacht." Kamchatka. Revista de análisis cultural., no. 15 (July 31, 2020): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/kam.15.15491.

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Durante décadas el mito de la “Wehrmacht limpia” sirvió a la sociedad alemana como una forma de evitar enfrentarse a los crímenes del Nazismo, impidiendo que los soldados alemanes se viesen implicados en la guerra de aniquilación en el Este, pero evitando también que se representase la imagen del perpetrador. La exposición Vernichtungskrieg. Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941 bis 1944 (1995-1999) fue la primera ocasión en que la sociedad alemana se enfrentó directamente con esos crímenes, que implicaban a una gran parte de la misma. Y, por primera vez, se ponía rostro a algunos de los perpetradores de los crímenes. La exposición abrió nuevas líneas de investigación para los historiadores sobre la mentalidad de los soldados, fuentes materiales, motivos de los perpetradores, etc. La reacción ante la exposición fomentó un debate historiográfico que ha permitido que se enfrente más abiertamente con su pasado, un paso más en la Vergangenheitsbewältigung sobre el pasado nazi. La investigación sobre la identidad social de los perpetradores se acaba de iniciar, pero las narrativas están desarrollándose de forma similar a la del Holocausto a mediados de los 1970. La controversia demostró, una vez más y como señala Nolte, que el pasado “no ha pasado”.

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Solchany, Jean. "Le premier âge de la «maîtrise du passé» : le nazisme dans les consciences allemandes de 1945 à la fin des années cinquante." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 32, no. 3 (2000): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.2000.5604.

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Abgesehen von rechtsradikalen und neokonservativen Kreisen ist die größte Mehrheit der Deutschen heute davon überzeugt, daß die Vergangenheitsbewältigung eine vordringliche Aufgabe der Bundesrepublik ist. Die Ausstellung «Vernichtungskrieg. Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941 bis 1944», der publizistische Erfolg von Daniel Goldhagen oder auch die Kontroverse zwischen Martin Walser und Ignatz Bubis sind Beweise dafür. Dies war allerdings nicht immer so. Die Notwendigkeit der Vergangenheitsbewältigung war in keiner Weise selbstverständlich für die Deutschen der Nachkriegszeit zwischen 1945 und 1960. Dieser Aufsatz umreißt, wie die nationalsozialistische Vergangenheit damals thematisiert wurde in der Zusammenbruchgesellschaft und dann in den fünfziger Jahren war der politische, gesellschaftliche und kulturelle Kontext nur bedingt geeignet für eine aus heutiger Sicht befriedigende Konfrontation mit der NS-Zeit. Diese Vorgeschichte der Vergangenheitsbewältigung war durch widersprüchliche Tendenzen zwischen Diabolisierung und Verdrängung gekennzeichnet.

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Nugent, Christine R. "The voice of the visitor: Popular reactions to the exhibition Vernichtungskrieg. Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941–1944." Journal of European Studies 44, no. 3 (2014): 249–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047244114532222.

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7

Messerschmidt, Manfred. "Das Bild der Wehrmacht in Deutschland seit 1945." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 30, no. 2 (1998): 117–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.1998.4058.

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Das Bild der Wehrmacht ist in Deutschland jahrzehntelang von Memoiren ehemaliger Generale und von Vertretern der Soldatenverbände geformt worden. In den Zeiten des Kalten Krieges konnten sich die personellen Kontinuitäten in Wirtschaft, Wissenschaften und Gesellschaft mehr oder weniger auf ein apologetisch eingestimmtes Geschichtsbewußtsein auswirken. Die Tradition der Bundeswehr forderte geradezu eine geschönte Wehrmachtgeschichte. Ehemalige Offiziere verlangten Ehrenerklärungen für «den deutschen Soldaten» von Bundeskanzler Adenauer und Präsident Eisenhower. Erst seit dem Ende der 60er Jahre veränderten kritische Historiker das undifferenzierte Bild, nicht ohne im sog. Historiker streit auf vehemente Kritik zu stoßen. Daniel Goldhagen und die Ausstellung Verbrechen der Wehrmacht des Hamburger Instituts für Sozialforschung haben die Kontroversen erneut auf brechen lassen.

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8

Volkmann, Hans-Erich. "»Vergessen prägt unser Dasein«. Rede zur Eröffnung der Ausstellung »Verbrechen der Wehrmacht. Dimensionen des Vernichtungskrieges 1941-1944«, Berliner Ensemble, Berlin am 27. November 2001." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 60, no. 2 (2001): 501–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/mgzs.2001.60.2.501.

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9

Langenbacher, E. "Verbrechen der Wehrmacht: Bilanz einer Debatte." German History 26, no. 1 (2008): 140–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghm018.

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10

Fröhlich, Michael. "Michael Epkenhans / John Zimmermann: Die Wehrmacht – Krieg und Verbrechen." Das Historisch-Politische Buch (HPB) 68, no. 2 (2020): 263–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/hpb.68.2.263.

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MOMBAUER, ANNIKA. "FROM IMPERIAL ARMY TO BUNDESWEHR: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN THE ROLE OF THE MILITARY IN GERMAN HISTORY Willensmenschen: über deutsche Offiziere. Edited by Ursula Breymayer, Bernd Ulrich and Karin Wieland. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1999. Pp. 239. ISBN 3-596-14438-8. DM 28.80. Die anderen Soldaten: Wehrkraftzersetzung, Gehorsamsverweigerung und Fahnenflucht im Zweiten Weltkrieg. Edited by Norbert Haase and Gerhard Paul. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1995. Pp. 240. ISBN 3-596-12769-6. DM 19.90. Das Nationalkomitee ‘Freies Deutschland’ und der Bund Deutscher Offiziere. Edited by Gerd R. Ueberschär. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1995. Pp. 304. ISBN 3-596-12633-9. DM 24.90." Historical Journal 47, no. 1 (2004): 187–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003571.

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Twentieth-century Germany's (military) history has been the subject of heated, sometimes acrimonious controversies in the Federal Republic. In recent years, historians and the German public have been engaged, for example, in debates over the relative merit of different kinds of German resistance against National Socialism, and over the place of deserters in German history of the Second World War. Such soul-searching has culminated in angry debates over the role of the Wehrmacht in crimes against humanity which followed in the wake of the exhibition ‘Verbrechen der Wehrmacht’ (crimes of the Wehrmacht) in Austria and Germany. The books under consideration here all have a contribution to make to our understanding of this troubled and contested past, and in particular to the question of the role of the military in German history.

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GUMZ, JONATHAN E. "WEHRMACHT PERCEPTIONS OF MASS VIOLENCE IN CROATIA, 1941–1942." Historical Journal 44, no. 4 (2001): 1015–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01001996.

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During the Second World War, the Independent State of Croatia was the scene of intense guerrilla warfare as well as a programme of ethnic cleansing undertaken primarily, though not exclusively, by the Croatian state under the control of the Ustaša fascist party. This article investigates the Wehrmacht’s contrasting perceptions of its own violence in the anti-partisan war and its views of the Ustaša’s assault on Croatia’s Serb minority. The author argues that these different views emanated from the Wehrmacht’s conviction that its strategic concepts offered the only correct strategy for the prosecution of modern warfare. As the key to victory, Wehrmacht staff officers emphasized the maximization of force on the operational level. By contrast, the Ustaša state pursued a strategy of nationalizing war that moved away from Wehrmacht strategic concepts and infuriated Wehrmacht staff officers. Moreover, the Wehrmacht employed a starkly different vocabulary in describing its own violence and Ustaša violence. These descriptions more deeply entrenched the Wehrmacht’s sense of difference regarding the two types of violence. By examining the Wehrmacht’s views of violence, this article suggests that factors other than anti-Slavic racism more strongly determined the way in which the Wehrmacht both perceived and acted out violence in Eastern Europe.

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Litovski, Aleksandar, and Roberto Trajkovski. "The development of national: Liberation and anti-Fascist struggle in Vardar Macedonia in 1941-1944 according to Wehrmacht's records." Vojno-istorijski glasnik, spec br (2022): 223–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vig2200223l.

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Although the Vardar part of Macedonia was briefly under the direct occupation of the Third Reich between 1941 and 1944, the documentation of the Wehrmacht represents a large database for the beginning and rise of the Macedonian liberation and anti-fascist movement, in all its phases, starting from the autumn 1941 to the late autumn 1944. The most of the documents are those of the military and intelligence character, but also some political, economic, cultural and national aspects related to the Vardar part of Macedonia and Macedonian liberation and anti-fascist movement are presented in them. In this paper the authors are concentrated on several important historical milestones related to the elaborated historical problematic s with analyzing, synthesizing and evaluating the documentation of some military-operational-territorial commands and services-institutions of the Wehrmacht.

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14

Balaban, Mykola. "Nachtigall in the battle for Lviv Ledge. Structure, tasks, actions." Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 56, no. 3 (2022): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/sdr.2021.en6.04.

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Thea article discusses the Nachtigall unit, its command structure, and functional characteristics in the advancing Wehrmacht. It also covers Nachtigall’s purpose and tasks during the battles for Lviv. The unit is studied in the context of the German military structure as of 1941.

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15

Núñez Seixas, Xosé M. "Good Invaders? The Occupation Policy of the Spanish Blue Division in Northwestern Russia, 1941–1944." War in History 25, no. 3 (2017): 361–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344516666422.

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Between 1941 and 1944, the Spanish Division of Volunteers took part in the Russian campaign as a unit integrated in the German Wehrmacht. Post-1945 war memoirs and even some historians have suggested that the ‘Blue’ Division was exceptional for their benign treatment of civilians and prisoners, distanced from the German War of Extermination. This image has not been subjected to critical enquiry. To what degree were the Spanish troops different from other Wehrmacht troops? Was the collective behaviour of the Spanish soldiers determined by the circumstances they encountered at the front, or was it related to their prior political socialization?

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16

Badia, Gilbert, and Christian Streit. "Keine Kameraden. Die Wehrmacht und die sowjetischen Kriegsgefangenen 1941-1945." Le Mouvement social, no. 171 (April 1995): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3779552.

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Grimmer-Solem, Erik. "»Selbständiges verantwortliches Handeln«. Generalleutnant Hans Graf von Sponeck (1888–1944) und das Schicksal der Juden in der Ukraine, Juni–Dezember 1941." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 72, no. 1 (2013): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2013-0002.

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Abstract While the crimes of the Wehrmacht in the Russian campaign have been critically reappraised over the last 20 years, General Hans von Sponeck’s command over units of the 11th Army in the Ukraine in 1941 has been obscured by legends that serve his public commemoration as a military resistance hero and victim of the Nazi regime. The well-documented war crimes of the 11th Army and their units’ close cooperation with the SS in genocide in the summer and autumn of 1941 raise the question of Sponeck’s involvement in them. An analysis of the orders and a reconstruction of events within the area of Sponeck’s command reveal that Sponeck and his units participated actively in the struggle against »Jewish Bolshevism« and thus enabled the Nazi regime’s policy of »ethnic cleansing« in the Soviet Union. That this has until now been unknown and that von Sponeck continues to be commemorated as a resistance fighter raises renewed questions about the public‘s awareness of the role of the Wehrmacht in the Holocaust.

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18

Römer, Felix. "Die Wehrmacht und der Kommissarbefehl. Neue Forschungsergebnisse." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 69, no. 2 (2010): 243–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/mgzs.2010.0014.

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Zusammenfassung Der sogenannte Kommissarbefehl vom Juni 1941 verpflichtete die deutschen Fronttruppen zur sofortigen Tötung aller gefangenen Politoffiziere der Roten Armee – ein zentrales Element in Hitlers Vernichtungskrieg gegen die Sowjetunion. Bis in die Gegenwart blieb die Geschichte dieses völkerrechtswidrigen Befehls umstritten. Erst vor kurzem erfolgte die vollständige Auswertung aller diesbezüglichen Wehrmachtakten. Die quantifizierende Analyse der deutschen Quellen von der Ostfront zeigt: Es gab kaum einen Frontverband, der den Kommissarbefehl nicht befolgte. Obwohl beträchtliche Handlungsspielräume bestanden, nutzten nur wenige Truppenführer sie dazu aus, den Befehl zu umgehen. Der Vernichtungspolitik setzten letztlich allein die äußeren Umstände und das Scheitern des Feldzugs Grenzen. Die zuletzt in der Forschung geäußerte These, dass die Fronttruppen den Kommissarbefehl zurückhaltender umgesetzt hätten als die rückwärtigen Besatzungsformationen, findet dagegen keine Bestätigung. Dies zeigen auch die Befunde aus den alliierten Vernehmungslagern: Wenn die abgehörten Wehrmachtsoldaten dort überhaupt vom Kommissarbefehl sprachen, dann von seiner gehorsamen Durchführung.

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19

Hilger, Andreas. "Sowjetische Justiz und Kriegsverbrechen. Dokumente zu den Verurteilungen deutscher Kriegsgefangener, 1941–1949." Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 54, no. 3 (2006): 461–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/vfzg.2006.54.3.461.

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Vorspann Kein Land hatte im Zweiten Weltkrieg so sehr unter der deutschen Besatzungsherrschaft zu leiden wie die Sowjetunion. Um so nachdrücklicher stellt sich die Frage, wie diese Verbrechen nach 1945 geahndet wurden. Im Zentrum der sowjetischen Nachkriegsprozesse stand jedoch nicht das Prinzip der Wahrheitsfindung. Stattdessen wurden diese juristischen Prozesse bestimmt von den Prinzipien von Politik, Propaganda und Ideologie. Daran lassen die hier präsentierten Dokumente keinen Zweifel.

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Ларинцев, Р. И., and А. Н. Заблотский. "Defectors from the Wehrmacht at the Soviet-German Front in 1941–1943 (on the problem statement)." Historia provinciae - the journal of regional history 7, no. 4 (2023): 1479–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2023-7-4-8.

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В статье рассматривается феномен «измены флагу» – перехода военнослужащих вермахта на сторону Красной армии. Хронологические рамки статьи ограничены 1941–1943 гг. Это обусловлено наличием значительного количества архивных документов указанного периода из фондов ЦАМО, в которых зафиксированы факты перехода военнослужащих противника на сторону Красной армии, а также соответствующих трофейных документов вермахта, хранящихся в Национальном архиве США. Данное обстоятельство позволяет сравнить отношение противоборствующих сторон к исследуемому явлению. В частности, советские опросные листы военнопленных в обязательном порядке отражали сведения о добровольной сдаче в плен или переходе на сторону Красной армии. На основе анализа документов из российских и зарубежных архивов установлена численность и выявлены мотивы подобной стратегии поведения военнослужащих германской армии и ее союзников. Отмечено, что переходы военнослужащих вермахта на сторону противника фиксировались даже в период наиболее успешных немецких операций 1941–1942 гг. Подчеркивается, что численность перебежчиков существенно увеличивалась во время любых кризисных явлений на Восточном фронте. По мнению авторов, при принятии решения о переходе линии фронта основную роль играли мотивы личного, а не идеологического плана. Значительную часть перебежчиков вермахта составляли военнослужащие ненемецкой национальности, менее устойчивые к воздействию неблагоприятного развития ситуации на фронте. The article examines the phenomenon of the “deserters of the flag,” i.e. the defection of the Wehrmacht soldiers to the Red Army. The chronological scope of the article is limited to the period between 1941 and 1943, which is due to the existence of a significant number of archival documents that contain information about the facts of deflection of the enemy’s military personnel to the Red Army during this specific period in the fonds of the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation (TsAMO) as well as the corresponding captured Wehrmacht documents stored in the US National Archives. This circumstance allows us to compare the attitude of the warring parties to the phenomenon under study. In particular, the questionnaires filled in by the Soviet side for prisoners of war necessarily contained information about voluntary surrender or defection to the Red Army. Based on the analysis of documents from Russian and foreign archives, the number of defectors was determined and the motives for such a strategy of behavior of military personnel of the German army and its allies were identified. It is noted that instances of defection of Wehrmacht military personnel to the enemy’s side were recorded even during the period of the most successful German operations in 1941–42. It is emphasized that the number of defectors increased significantly during any crises at the Eastern Front. According to the authors, when the decision to cross the front line was made, personal rather than ideological motives played the main role. A significant part of the Wehrmacht defectors included military personnel of non-German ethnicity, who were less resistant to the effects of unfavorable developments at the front.

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Schubert, Werner. "Hartmann, Christian, Wehrmacht im Ostkrieg. Front und militärisches Hinterland 1941/42." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 128, no. 1 (2011): 845–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.2011.128.1.845.

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Heer, H. "Killing Fields: The Wehrmacht and the Holocaust in Belorussia, 1941-1942." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 11, no. 1 (1997): 79–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/11.1.79.

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Franzenburg, Geert. "Versöhnung durch Erinnerung und Dialog: Religionspsychologische Notizen." Roczniki Teologiczne 69, no. 7 (2022): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rt22697.6.

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Das Jahr 2021 war unter anderem durch das Gedenken an den Überfall der Wehrmacht auf die damalige Sowjetunion im Juni 1941 und den anschließenden Vernichtungskrieg geprägt. Dieser Angriff war eng verbunden mit den dadurch gebrochenen Moskauer Verträgen zwischen Deutschland und Russland 1939, die eigentlich als Nichtangriffs- und Freundschaftspakte propagiert wurden, aber die doppelten Besetzung Polens durch Wehrmacht und Rote Armee sowie die Besetzung der Baltischen Staaten und die Gelegenheit zum deutschen Westfeldzug zum Ziel hatten und in den Angriff auf die Sowjetunion mündeten. Somit sind mit diesem Datum mehrere Traumata in zahlreichen europäischen Ländern verbunden. Die folgenden Ausführungen zeigen aus religionspsychologischer Sicht auf, wie diese seit 1990 nach Ende des „Kalten Krieges“ reflektierten Traumata durch konstruktives Erinnern im Dialog zu Stufen der Versöhnung mit sich selbst, mit anderen und mit dem Leben beitragen können

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Orishev, A. B., and V. V. Ryapolov. "ABVER-3: METHODS OF COUNTER-INTELLIGENCE ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE USSR (June 1941 - February 1942)." History: facts and symbols, no. 1 (March 12, 2023): 130–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2410-4205-2023-34-1-130-139.

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The key to the successful operation of any army is the well-organized work of its units responsible for counterintelligence. In the Wehrmacht, this function was assigned to abwehr-3 – one of the departments of abwehr (German military intelligence and counterintelligence). The source base is based on captured German documents, a set of which was found in the funds of the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that for the first time documents are introduced into scientific circulation that were previously inaccessible to the scientific community and the public. The article analyzes the methods used by the Abwehr-3 in the period from June 1941 to February 1942 in the occupied Soviet territories. The activities of the German counterintelligence to suppress enemy propaganda, the Abwehr method of preserving state secrets, and instructions on the behavior of Wehrmacht soldiers in captivity that were in force during the Second World War are considered. Such an Abwehr-3 method as conspiracy is considered in detail, the main requirements for the storage of secret documents in the Wehrmacht are given. It is shown that officers of the Abwehr-3 performed the role of censors in Nazi Germany. The main scientific result: the authors showed that the work of the German counterintelligence was strictly regulated and placed on a fairly high methodological level. This conclusion emphasizes the fact that on the fields of the secret war, Soviet intelligence was confronted by a serious enemy, which was possible to defeat only with high professionalism and devotion to duty.

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Harrisville, David. "Unholy Crusaders: The Wehrmacht and the Reestablishment of Soviet Churches during Operation Barbarossa." Central European History 52, no. 4 (2019): 620–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000876.

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AbstractDuring the summer and fall of 1941, as they took part in Operation Barbarossa—the invasion of the Soviet Union—Wehrmacht personnel paused to reopen churches that had been shuttered by the communist regime. These events, which drew enormous crowds, brought together conquerors and conquered in a surprising display of shared faith before being halted by a directive from the Führer. This article addresses the question of why they took place at all, given the genocidal nature of the campaign in which they were embedded, as well as what they can tell us about the role of religion in the Wehrmacht, its relationship to Nazi ideology, and the nature of the military occupation. The reopening ceremonies, it is argued, were the spontaneous outcome of a number of interrelated factors, including Nazi rhetoric, the pent-up yearnings of Soviet Christians, and above all the vision of the invasion as a religious crusade against an atheist power adopted by many chaplains and soldiers. Although often overlooked, religion remained a powerful force in the Wehrmacht, one that could serve both to undermine and justify Nazi goals. Further, the reopenings demonstrate the army's capacity for flexibility in its dealings with the population, particularly during the war's opening months.

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MAZOWER, M. "MILITARY VIOLENCE AND NATIONAL SOCIALIST VALUES: THE WEHRMACHT IN GREECE 1941-1944." Past & Present 134, no. 1 (1992): 129–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/134.1.129.

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Beyda, Oleg. "‘Wehrmacht Eastern Tours’: Bulgarian Officers on the German-Soviet Front, 1941–1942." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 33, no. 1 (2020): 136–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518046.2020.1723237.

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Bartov, Omer. "Keine Kameraden: Die Wehrmacht und die Sowjetischen Kriegsgefangenen, 1941-1945. Christian Streit." Journal of Modern History 66, no. 2 (1994): 441–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/244877.

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Kondratenko, Sergei Yu. "“BLOODY JACKALS ARE GERMAN FASCIST DOGS!’ THE IMAGE OF THE ENEMY IN TULA NEWSPAPERS IN 1941." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. "Literary Theory. Linguistics. Cultural Studies" Series, no. 10 (2020): 282–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7249-2020-10-282-290.

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The article considers specifics in the formation of the image of the enemy – Nazi Germany and the Wehrmacht – by Tula newspapers in the first months of the Great Patriotic War. Based on materials published in the newspapers “Kommunar” (Tula), “Stalin’s Banner” (Uzlovaya), “Stalinogorskaya Pravda” (Stalinogorsk), features in the description of the enemy are traced that influenced the creation and transformation of the image enemy in the minds of Soviet citizens. From the first days of the war, journalists in their publications used vivid negative images to characterize Germany and Wehrmacht soldiers, borrowed from the practice of criminal law. The attribution of zoomorphic traits to Nazi leaders and German soldiers was also widely used. It was especially emphasized that enemy soldiers and officers are war criminals who have stained their hands with the blood of innocent citizens, who have violated the norms of international law, the laws and customs of war, and all their military victories were achieved through overwhelming numerical superiority. Thus, among Soviet citizens there created the image of a cruel enemy devoid of moral principles, of human appearance, who strives to enslave the Soviet people and is capable of winning only with the help of primitive, very resource-intensive tactics.

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30

Burgwyn, H. James. "The Legacy of Italy's Participation in the German War Against the Soviet Union: 1941-1943." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 2 (December 2011): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2011-002006.

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The reasons behind Mussolini's decision to join Hitler in the invasion of the Soviet Union and the subsequent behavior of the Italian troops have sparked lively controversy in the historical literature. In this historiographical essay, the author initially poses the question: was the Duce driven to intervene by sound, or warped, Realpolitik, or by ideological conviction? The author then turns to the nature of the Italian occupation and examines the extent to which Fascist ideology permeated the minds and influenced the conduct of the Italian soldiers fighting along side the Wehrmacht. Did they believe in the Fascist definition of anti-Communist crusade, or were they fighting more out of duty, honor, and country? Next, the author tackles the thorny question of racism and anti-Semitism in the Italian ranks. In his treatment of these questions, the author discusses the important writings of recent historians on the subject. The author then addresses the nature of the relationship between the Italian and German soldiers. Did they, as «good Italians» forge closer ties with Soviet citizens, thanks to a common outlook and experience, than the socalled killer Wehrmacht warriors? Again, the writings of eminent historians who have recently written on these questions are analyzed. In conclusion, the author evaluates Mussolini's decision to send a large contingent of his military to fight on the Eastern Front.

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31

Römer, Felix. "„Im alten Deutschland wäre solcher Befehl nicht möglich gewesen”. Rezeption, Adaption und Umsetzung des Kriegsgerichtsbarkeitserlasses im Ostheer 1941/42." Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 56, no. 1 (2008): 53–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/vfzg.2008.0003.

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Vorspann Der „Kriegsgerichtsbarkeitserlass Barbarossa“ stand lange Zeit im Schatten des wissenschaftlichen und erst recht des öffentlichen Interesses. Schon die sperrige Bezeichnung dieses „Führererlasses“ wirkt abschreckend. Dabei gab es keine Bestimmung, die für das Verhalten der Wehrmacht in der Sowjetunion so folgenreich sein sollte. Noch nie wurde das auf einer so umfassenden Quellenbasis nachgewiesen wie in dieser Darstellung.

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32

Haack, Kathleen, and Ekkehardt Kumbier. "Verbrechen an Kindern und Jugendlichen in der NS-Zeit." Zeitschrift für Kinder- und Jugendpsychiatrie und Psychotherapie 41, S1 (2013): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1024/1422-4917/a000226.

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Der Mord an psychisch Kranken und Behinderten in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus traf die Schwächsten der Gesellschaft, darunter mehrere tausend Kinder. Ihr Weg in die Vernichtung konnte auf mehreren Ebenen stattfinden. Allein im Rahmen des so genannten «Reichsausschußverfahrens» wird die Zahl der getöteten Kinder auf 5.000 bis 10.000 geschätzt. In den hierfür eigens eingerichteten mehr als 30 «Kinderfachabteilungen» wurden die als bildungsunfähig angesehenen jungen Patienten systematisch ermordet und, wie das Beispiel der Abteilung in Loben zeigt, zu wissenschaftlichen Zwecken genutzt. Dafür arbeiteten die Psychiater Ernst Buchalik und Elisabeth Hecker eng mit dem Neuropathologischen Institut in Breslau zusammen. Doch auch innerhalb der zwischen 1940 und 1941 stattfindenden «Aktion T4» wurden Kinder getötet. Ausschlaggebendes Kriterium für eine Selektion und die damit verbundene Vergasung in einer «Euthanasie»-Anstalt waren auch hier neben dem Verhalten und dem Pflegeaufwand vor allem die Bildungsunfähigkeit. Auszugsweise werden Krankenakten von Kindern vorgestellt, die in den Landesheilanstalten Uchtspringe und Görden untergebracht waren und von dort in die Tötungsanstalten Brandenburg bzw. Bernburg verlegt worden sind. Nur sehr wenige der an den Morden beteiligten Psychiater wurden nach 1945 zur Rechenschaft gezogen. Die meisten konnten ihre ärztlichen Karrieren uneingeschränkt fortsetzen.

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33

NAIMARK, NORMAN M. "War and Genocide on the Eastern Front, 1941–1945." Contemporary European History 16, no. 2 (2007): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307003839.

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The historical connection between war and genocide is clear and apparent. Scholars of mass killing have repeatedly pointed out the linkages between the First World War and the Armenian genocide of 1915, between the Second World War and the Holocaust, between the 1993–4 war and the genocide in Rwanda, and between the war in Bosnia and the genocide in Srebrenica. Scholars of war, most often military historians, have been less ready to tie what they see as two distinct social phenomena – war and genocide – into the same bundle. This was especially the case, until recently, for the Nazi attack on the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941, and the subsequent mass murder of the Jews. The Wehrmacht, the German fighting forces, were seen to be implementing an enormously ambitious military campaign against the Soviet Union, which, in the end, they lost. Meanwhile, the Nazi security organs – the SS, the SD, and the Einsatzgruppen – carried out the ‘Final Solution’, inspired primarily by Hitler and the Nazi hierarchs.

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Lomagin, Nikita. "Soldiers at War: German Propaganda and Soviet Army Morale During the Battle of Leningrad, 1941-44." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1306 (January 1, 1998): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1998.79.

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These words, spoken by Stalin at a victory celebration in the Kremlin, may be true, but the main question-why the Russian people "did not take this path"-remains to be answered. Indeed, what was behind this choice: Patriotism? Security agents ready to shoot down their own troops if they turned and retreated? German policy which made Russians fight against the Wehrmacht? Was the Soviet regime truly close to political collapse in 1941? Why did the great losses in the beginning of war and the severe situation during the siege of Leningrad not result in revolt?

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35

Grakhotskiy, A. P. "The V. Schoeneman Case: Einsatzkommando 8, the Wehrmacht and the Holocaust." Lex Russica 74, no. 10 (2021): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2021.179.10.113-124.

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In 1964, the trial of Werner Schoenemann, the commander of one of the 6 punitive units of the Einsatzkommando 8, took place in Cologne. The criminal was charged with mass executions of Jews on the territory of Belarus in late June — September 1941. The paper shows how the former Nazi tried to avoid criminal responsibility and what legal assessment by the German justice his atrocities received. V. Schoeneman denied his guilt and sought to shift responsibility for what he had done to the Wehrmacht troops. The defendant argued that the actions of extermination of Jews were carried out on the initiative of the German armed forces and were in the nature of reprisals; they were designed to force the local population to abandon the conduct of guerrilla warfare. Based on the testimony of the accused, law enforcement officers detained three officers of the 354th Infantry Regiment involved in the liquidation of the Jewish community of the town of Krupki (September 18, 1941). During the investigation, it was established that the service members provided support to members of the Einsatzkommando 8 during the execution, but were not the initiators of this atrocity. For complicity in the grave murders of 2,170 Jews in the settlements of Slonim, Borisov, Smolevichi, Krupki and others, V. Schoeneman was sentenced to 6 years in prison. When assigning such a lenient punishment, representatives of the German Themis relied on the dominant approach to assessing the criminal activities of former Nazis in the 1960s. According to the jury, the defendant was only a submissive executor of orders, an impersonal, devoid of his own motives “cog” in the mechanism of the Nazi state. V. Schoeneman did not repent of what he had done. For the former punisher, Jewish victims were still just dry figures in the reports, thanks to which he sought to make a career. Schoeneman’s case proves that Wehrmacht service members took an active part in the Holocaust along with members of the Einsatzkommandos. The genocide, unprecedented in the history of humankind, became possible only because of the broad participation of German citizens representing various social strata and professional groups.

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36

Poluda, Volodymyr. "Legislative Regulation of Prisoners’ of War Labour in Ukraine Occupied by Wehrmacht (1941–1944)." Ukrainian Studies, no. 1(58) (April 4, 2016): 191–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.1(58).2016.151672.

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Wade Beorn, Waitman. "Genocide in a Small Place: Wehrmacht Complicity in Killing the Jews of Krupki, 1941." Holocaust Studies 16, no. 1-2 (2010): 97–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17504902.2010.11087255.

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Delacor, Regina M. "Weltanschauungskrieg im Westen. Zur Rolle der Wehrmacht bei Geiselexekutionen im besetzten Frankreich 1941/42." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 62, no. 1 (2003): 71–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/mgzs.2003.62.1.71.

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Eckl, Laura. "Sowjetische Evakuierung und deutscher Rückzug – Evakuierungserfahrungen der Charkiver Bevölkerung im Zweiten Weltkrieg." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 81, no. 1 (2022): 62–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2022-0003.

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Zusammenfassung Die Stadt Charkiv war zu Beginn des Zweiten Weltkriegs ein wichtiger Ballungsraum der sowjetischen Rüstungs‑ und Metallindustrie im Nordosten der Ukrainischen Sozialistischen Sowjetrepublik. Nach dem Angriff der Wehrmacht auf die Sowjetunion am 22. Juni 1941 entwickelte sich die Stadt aufgrund ihrer kriegswichtigen Ressourcen zu einem intensiv umkämpften Standort, der in ständiger Frontnähe mehrmals evakuiert wurde. Dieser Beitrag untersucht zwei der insgesamt vier Evakuierungen bzw. Räumungen der Stadt – zum einen die sowjetische Evakuierungspolitik im Herbst 1941 vor Beginn der deutschen Besatzung und zum anderen die deutsche Räumung im Januar/Februar 1943 vor der kurzzeitigen Rückereroberung durch die Rote Armee. Im Mittelpunkt steht, wie die Charkiver Bevölkerung diese zwei Phasen erlebte, sie sich als Alltagserfahrungen aneignete und in Teilen in Beziehung zueinander setzte. Eine zentrale These des Beitrags ist, dass sich Evakuierungs‑ und Rückzugspraktiken während des Zweiten Weltkriegs inhärent in (Vor‑)Kriegs‑ und Besatzungspraktiken einfügten, sodass auch Evakuierungserfahrungen und Aneignungsprozesse der Bevölkerung untrennbar mit (Vor‑)Kriegs‑ und Besatzungsalltag verknüpft waren.

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Vashkau, Nina, and Andrei Lakiziuk. "Desert Zone: History of Warfare and Crimes Committed by the Nazis in 1941 on the Territory of the Present-Day Lipetsk Oblast." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2021): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.4.11.

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Introduction. This research focuses on the previously unexplored Nazi crimes on the territory of the modern Lipetsk Oblast in the fall and winter of 1941. It is conducted as part of the nationwide project “Bez sroka davnosti” (No statute of limitation). Newly declassified information from the archives as well as historical evidence from both sides of the conflict allowed us to present a detailed description of those events. Methods and Materials. We used the principles of historicism and objectivity in order to explain the concept of Hitler’s Blitzkrieg against the USSR. We also employed the quantitative method to analyze the structure and equipment of German troops, their readiness for the upcoming battle. Analysis. The leadership of Nazi Germany initially considered the territory of the Soviet Union as their future possessions. Based on this, a policy of treatment of the local population and state property was built, which fits the definition of genocide. The Plans and legal basis for future crimes were developed prior to the outbreak of hostilities. Army corps 45, 134, 95, 262 and 293 Wehrmacht Infantry Divisions, which fought against the 34th and 35th army corps (Red Army), committed various atrocities against the civilian population, as evidenced in detail by archival materials and interrogations of German prisoners of war. Results. The system of the occupation regime was planned in such a way that it was possible to squeeze the maximum out of the occupied lands in favor of Nazi Germany. The behavior of the Wehrmacht soldiers in the occupied territory was destructive in relation to the Soviet population, cultural values and the economy. Technically and morally, the German troops were unable to recover from the defeat received in November-December 1941, while the Red Army was building up its forces and gaining the necessary experience in the fight against the enemy.

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Moll, Martin. "Hasenclever, Jörn, Wehrmacht und Besatzungspolitik in der Sowjetunion. Die Befehlshaber der rückwärtigen Heeresgebiete 1941-1943." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 128, no. 1 (2011): 890–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.2011.128.1.890.

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Ceva, Lucio. "La campagna di Grecia 1940-1941 Riflessi politici e conseguenze strategiche." ITALIA CONTEMPORANEA, no. 258 (September 2010): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ic2010-258004.

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Nell'ottobre 1940 l'Italia aggredě la Grecia subendo rovesci rimediati. Solo nell'aprile-maggio 1941 i tedeschi, attraversando Ungheria, Romania e Bulgaria, soggiogarono l'intero paese, Creta compresa. Mentre in Italia barcollava il prestigio del fascismo, in Grecia l'orgoglio per le vittorie sull'Italia era pagato con anni di occupazione militare tedesca. Lo studio della consistenza e dei piani della Wehrmacht prova che la campagna di Grecia non influě né sulla data d'inizio (22 giugno 1941) dell'attacco all'Urss né sul suo esito disastroso dovuto a incredibile sottovalutazione della potenza sovietica. Neppure successivamente la Grecia divenne un fattore importante, benché nel 1943 Hitler vi concentrasse forze aeree nel timore che gli angloamericani, approfittando del crollo italiano, invadessero la Balcania. Tale sarebbe stata la volontŕ di Churchill che sperava di provocare anche l'intervento della Turchia. Ma Roosevelt decise invece che le maggiori forze puntassero sull'invasione della Francia (giugno 1944). La Grecia fu liberata da forze britanniche nell'autunno 1944 senza contrasto da parte dei tedeschi che mantennero indisturbato il controllo delle isole egee sino all'epilogo del maggio 1945.

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43

Jensen, Jens Fog, and Tilo Krause. "Wehrmacht occupations in the new world: archaeological and historical investigations in Northeast Greenland." Polar Record 48, no. 3 (2011): 269–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247411000180.

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ABSTRACTAs the axis powers were denied access to data from international weather stations under allied control, soon after the outbreak of World War II Germany had to establish her own network of manned and automatic weather stations throughout the north Atlantic. These operations were primarily run by the Kriegsmarine and the Luftwaffe. In Greenland, several manned weather stations were established by the former. The two most successful of those were Holzauge and Bassgeiger in Northeast Greenland, each in operation for almost an entire year in 1942–1943 and 1943–1944 respectively. The allied forces, in return, had established the North-East Greenland Sledge Patrol in 1941, in order to defend the Northeast Greenland coast against German activities. In 2007 and 2008, archaeologists and historians from the National Museum of Denmark investigated the remains of the allied station at Eskimonæs on Clavering Ø (Clavering Island) and the German station Holzauge at Hansa Bugt on Sabine Ø (Sabine Island).

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Spohr, Johannes. "»Evakuierende« und »Evakuierte«." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 81, no. 1 (2022): 116–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2022-0005.

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Zusammenfassung Die mobilen Formationen der ukrainischen Hilfspolizei, genannt Schutzmannschaften (kurz Schuma), wurden bereits 1941 nach dem Einmarsch deutscher Truppen in die Ukrainische SSR gebildet. Im Kontext der Kriegswende, die sich im in dieser Studie untersuchten, zivil verwalteten »Generalbezirk Shitomir« ab 1943 immer stärker wahrnehmbar machte, und des Rückzugs der Wehrmacht durch diese Gebiete änderten sich die Aufgaben, die den Schutzmannschaften seitens der Besatzer zugeordnet wurden. Vor allem nahmen Einsätze im Partisanenkampf stark zu, der häufig auch Terror gegen die Zivilbevölkerung beinhaltete. Gleichzeitig schlug sich der allgemeine Trend einer Re-Sowjetisierung bei den Angehörigen der Hilfspolizei nieder, etwa in Form von Meutereien. Sie wurden gleichsam zu Evakuierten wie auch zu Evakuierenden und nahmen teils widersprüchliche Rollen ein, um ihre Überlebenschancen zu erhöhen.

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45

Kilian, Jürgen. "Krieg auf Kosten anderer. Wehrmachtfinanzierung in Griechenland während des Zweiten Weltkriegs / War at the Expence of Others Financing the „Wehrmacht“ in Greece during the Second World War." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (2014): 38–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2014-0104.

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Abstract After Greece had been conquered by the troops of the Axis Powers in spring 1941, they installed a rule of occupation existing until october 1944. The Government in Athens had to finance this occupation by making payments in advance and besides, making a forced credit available. This method led to an exorbitant overloading of the Greek economy and to a galloping inflation. The German Tax and Finance Ministry played an important, yet hardly noticed role as to the concrete implementation of the monetary exploitation. Almost unknown documents throw a light on the financing of the German Wehrmacht during WW II. Besides, the real burden on the Greek economy shall be estimated and connected with the general questions of war financing in the Third Reich.

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46

Terry, Nicholas. "Wehrmacht und Besatzungsherrschaft im Russischen Nordwesten 1941-1944. Praxis und Alltag im Militärverwaltungsgebiet der Heeresgruppe Nord." Global War Studies 13, no. 1 (2016): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5893/19498489.130105.

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Ruppert, Karsten. "Pohl, Dieter, Die Herrschaft der Wehrmacht, Deutsche Militärbesatzung und einheimische Bevölkerung in der Sowjetunion 1941-1944." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 127, no. 1 (2010): 866–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.2010.127.1.866.

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Berkhoff, Karel C. "Dieter Pohl. Die Herrschaft der Wehrmacht: Deutsche Militärbesatzung und einheimische Bevölkerung in der Sowjetunion 1941–1944." American Historical Review 117, no. 4 (2012): 1313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/117.4.1313.

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Nebelin, Manfred. "»Barbarossa« und Ungarn. Aus dem Kriegstagebuch des Deutschen Generals beim Oberkommando der Königlich Ungarischen Wehrmacht 1941." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 53, no. 1 (1994): 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/mgzs.1994.53.1.101.

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Cseh, Valentin. "Fighting in North Africa in 1942/1943 and the 1943 Casablanca Conference and their Consequences." Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 3, no. 1 (2023): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.59569/jceeas.2023.3.1.175.

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1941 brought a significant change in the course of the Second World War. The German offensive against the Soviets and the Japanese fleet's attack on Pearl Harbor rearranged the balance of power, as the Soviet Union and the United States of America became belligerents. On the eastern battlefield, a bloody fight broke out between the Wehrmacht and the Red Army, while in Africa the German-Italian troops faced off against the British and American units. At the turn of 1942/1943, a turning point occurred in the course of the Second World War both on the eastern battlefield and in Africa, and in 1943, the military formations led by Field Marshal Erwin Rommel had to face the fact that Africa could be permanently lost for the Axis powers.

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