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Tesis sobre el tema "US military"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 11 de febrero de 2022

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1

Doyle, G. "Bernard Schriever and early US military spaceflight." Thesis, University of Reading, 2017. http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/71366/.

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This thesis explores the life and work of General Bernard Schriever, principally with regard to his work introducing intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) into United States Air Force (USAF) service during the 1950s, and his related efforts to develop systems for manned and unmanned military spaceflight. It situates his life and work in the early Cold War of the 20th Century, and through exploitation of the Schriever Archive at the Library of Congress in Washington DC, and recently declassified US Government documents, principally those released by the National Reconnaissance Office, it seeks to explore his understanding of the strategic context of his work. It posits that to introduce a technically advanced system into military service, it is necessary to evaluate both technical and non-technical risks to progress, and to possess or achieve sufficient administrative control to reduce those risks and improve overall programme maturity in both domains. By considering Schriever's successful introduction of ICBMs into USAF service and his management of the early USAF reconnaissance satellite programmes, it demonstrates his understanding of all three facets of progress. It then examines two areas where Schriever failed to achieve his stated goals, firstly in his attempts to develop a military manned spaceflight programme in parallel with the national programme being run by NASA and secondly in respect of his advocacy for space weaponization. In each case, it shows that Schriever's failures can be explained by insufficient progress along one or more of the identified lines of activity. Recently declassified US Government sources, and the Schriever archive in the Library of Congress, which includes unpublished book-length manuscripts by Schriever and co-authors, are used to corroborate his views. The thesis concludes by critiquing the analytic model used and suggesting alternative sources that might shed further light on Schriever's work.

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2

JOY, DONALD J. JR. "CAMOUFLAGED EMOTIONS - STOICISM IN THE US MILITARY." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1155758720.

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3

Carlos, Manuel R. "US influence on military professionalism in the Philippines." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FCarlos.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Gaye Christoffersen, Harol A. Trinkunas. Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-73). Also available online.

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4

Šetina, Martin. "Risk Analysis of Sino-American Military Conflict: The Trends in China-US Military Relationship." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193920.

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The ascent of China to a global power status has created a new wave of theoretical discourse on what this means for the future of international relations. The general consensus on a unipolar order of international relations is slowly giving way to discourse. The time of polarity shift in the system is associated with a likely conflict between the descending hegemon and the ascending power (Snyder 2002; Mearsheimer 2010). This theoretical background suggest that in the future, we might witness a military conflict between the US and China. On the other side of the spectrum is a more optimistic view of China's rise, which emphasizes the role of economic interdependence and the extreme cost of any aggressive foreign policy that would escalate the conflict potential between China and the US (Ikenberry 2008; Kang 2007; Fravel 2010). This assumption of a future military conflict between the US and China is at the center of this research. In the following pages I will explore the idea of a military conflict between the US and China in an in-depth analysis of the most contested and conflict-prone issues between China and the US: the future of Taiwan and the Senkaku Island dispute.

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5

Cornstubble, Morgan Miller. "Dynamics of a US military theater medical evacuation policy." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/25634.

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6

Rose, Donald Gregory. "Peace operations and counterinsurgency : the US military and change /." Search "ADA381155" in "Accession number" field, 2000. http://stinet.dtic.mil/str/tr4%5Ffields.html.

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7

Campbell, Colin. "A social constructivist analysis of civil-military relations : US-Mexican bilateral military relations, 2000-2008." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2008. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/1189/.

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This thesis looks at the nature of civil-military relations in the post-Cold War and the post-9/11 era through the theoretical lens of social constructivism. The study looks at the inter-relationship between the respective civil-military relations and US-Mexican bilateral ties from a constructivist perspective, with the aim of deconstructing the ideational structures of civil-military relations within the state and the state based international system to promote stronger organic structures for civilian control over the state agents of violence. The aim of thesis is to provide a theoretical model to both unite the theoretical rationale for the humanisation, indeed demilitarisation, of security concerns within the Western Hemisphere and in particular the US and Mexico. Hence, creating a novel theoretical model for the understanding and explanation of civil-military and bilateral relations.

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8

Regan, Charlotte Louise. "Post-9/11 US civil-military relations and control of military strategy during Operation Iraqi Freedom." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2014. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/8yv5q/post-9-11-us-civil-military-relations-and-control-of-military-strategy-during-operation-iraqi-freedom.

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Current understanding of the post-9/11 US civil-military power relationship is clouded by the existence of various competing propositions as to whether civilian policymakers, military leaders or a combination of both have had the greatest influence in determining military strategy in Iraq. Motivated by the empirical and theoretical deficiencies of the post-9/11 US civil-military relations literature, this thesis traces the evolution of the shifting power relationship between civilian policymakers and military leaders in the formulation and implementation of US military strategy during Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) and explores the circumstances within which different balances of civil-military power occur. Using the policymaking process as an analytical framework, OIF is deconstructed into a series of decision points from 2001 to 2008 and the relative balance of civil-military power is identified at each according to one of five variations: Civilian Dominance; Shared Dominance Civilian; Shared Dominance; Shared Dominance Military; or Military Dominance. Using both qualitative and quantitative research methods, the thesis tests and explores the importance of six independent variables in explaining variations in the relative balance of civil-military power: civil-military preference divergence; civilian assertiveness; military assertiveness; civilian unity; military unity; and information advantage. In presenting a comprehensive analysis of civil-military power relations throughout OIF, the thesis offers a more nuanced response to the question of who controls US military strategy and demonstrates which independent variables hold the greatest potential for explaining variations in the relative balance of civil-military power. Analysis of the relationships between the dependent and independent variables reveals associations of varying strengths, thereby both confirming and challenging a number of the assumptions contained within the existing literature. By rooting contemporary research in the broader study of US civil-military relations, the thesis provides empirical clarity to the post-9/11 period as well as offering theoretical insight into the civil-military relationship beyond the limits of OIF.

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9

Vales, Jeffrey S. "US Army's Delay Entry Program: a survival study." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/28626.

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This thesis studies the phenomena of Delayed Entry Program (DEP) survival. Specifically, this study attempts to provide a method for estimating the number of DEP accessions from a pool of recruits in DEP contracts. When providing recruiter goals, the Army must consider the number of individuals it has in DEP inventory. Due to DEP losses (Attrition) the number of recruit goals must be adjusted up or down depending on the number of individuals anticipated surviving the DEP contract. To accomplish this end a logistic model is fit to provide accession estimates. The model is fit to the largest recruit category - the male, high-school graduate with an Armed Forces Qualification Test (AFQT) score in the top 50 percentile. By exploring how those in DEP survive (access) the contract, Army analyst can estimate future expected number of accessions based on the current inventory of recruits in DEP

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10

Nelson, Michael A. Jr. "Overstretched and Underfunded: The Status of the US Military in the GWoT." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/31165.

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<p>The events of 9-11 caused the US military to deploy across the globe in support of the Global War on Terror (GWoT) with the assurance it would receive the resources needed to fulfill those operations. As a subordinate arm of the government, the US military is entrusted to prosecute the policies of its civilian leadership provided they receive the required resources to do so. As this thesis demonstrates however, the military is struggling to reconcile how to deliver the goals of its civilian administration when it simultaneously fails to receive the resources needed to meet their demands.</p><p> The Department of Defense (DoD) is experiencing a stark increase in its deployments and combat operations. Unprecedented 'peacetime' use of Reserve and Guard forces and remarkable DoD personnel policies have stretched the military thin. Despite substantial military budget increases, the military fails to receive adequate funding for combat operations. Meanwhile, soldiers fail to receive the appropriate equipment needed to fight the emerging threats of the GWoT. The military continues to thin many of its own operations, increase the stress on its members, and over-work its equipment in order to meet the needs of its civilian government. </p><p> Three solutions exist: maintain the status quo, reduce the scope of the GWoT, or begin military funding on par with past wartime budgets. The status quo produced an overstretched/underfunded military. Threats to US security can not support a reduced GWoT. Therefore, the US should increase DoD end strength, increase GWoT funding, and accelerate weapons research and procurement. </p><br>Master of Arts

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11

Harper, Laurie Carrin Haddock C. Keith. "Smoking and low body weight as predictors of low military readiness among women in the US military." Diss., UMK access, 2006.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Dept. of Psychology. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2006.<br>"A dissertation in psychology." Advisor: Christopher Keith Haddock. Typescript. Vita. Title from "catalog record" of the print edition Description based on contents viewed Oct. 31, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 55-66). Online version of the print edition.

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12

Whalen, Michelle. "The Effects of Suicide Terrorism in Afghanistan and Iraq on US Policy and Military Strategy." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3729.

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The international political landscape of the 21st century is strewn with terrorist groups that choose to act violently in order for their political messages to be heard. Around the world groups have been formed to defend their ideologies and fulfill their political agendas through acts of terrorism. The Baader-Meinhof Gang [also known as the Red Army Faction], the Weather Underground, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, Hezbollah, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, HAMAS, and the Irish Republican Army have existed for many decades. They represent only a small handful of terrorist groups that have kidnapped, targeted public institutions with bombs, and employed suicide terrorism. More often than not innocent civilians become involved in the carnage of an act of terrorism when they are caught off guard as unassuming bystanders. On September 11th, 2001 both the American public and US government officials bore the weight of that horrific day. Since 9-11, Americans were robbed of their sense of safety, and the American dream of tranquility was shattered. A general unease spread from the wreckage of the World Trade Centers, and with the passing of time a keen sense of awareness about terrorism took its place. The events of 9/11 have made US citizens fully cognizant that there are many actors actively plotting the destruction of the US. Now, eight years later, Americans live with the daily realization that such a heinous act could happen again, in some other unimaginable form. For the US government, the past eight years have been marked with as many successes as failures. The consequences of the inability of the US intelligence community to foresee the international plot unfolding, within and outside of the homeland, resulted in a major reorganization within the US government. The US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) was established on November 25, 2002, and was created solely to address US vulnerabilities highlighted by the actions of nineteen al-Qaeda suicide terrorists. The DHS' main responsibility is to improve communication and information sharing among various intelligence-gathering agencies, so another attempt to plan an attack like 9/11 on US soil would be foiled before it materialized. The US government would no longer be noncommittal in the face of terrorism, as it had before 9/11. Clear messages to terrorists were sent on October 7th, 2001, through the US invasion of Afghanistan, and subsequently on March 20th, 2003 through the US invasion of Iraq. Thus, the US' stance on the War on Terrorism was effectively and clearly communicated to al-Qaeda and throughout the rest of the world. The US might once have been labeled a paper tiger, but hitting the US at the core of their financial and military symbols struck a nerve. The terrorist attacks of 2001 taught the US government a vital lesson, but the military campaigns of Afghanistan and Iraq would demonstrate that the US had even more to learn about the newest military tactics and techniques employed by the enemy, and how these tactics impacted on US military operations, strategies, and policies.<br>M.A.<br>Department of Political Science<br>Sciences<br>Political Science MA

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13

Bitar, Sebastian. "US military bases, quasi-bases, and domestic politics in Latin America." Thesis, American University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3618084.

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<p> This dissertation explores the obstacles for US formal military bases in Latin America. While in the past, the United States managed to establish bases in several countries in the region, despite Washington's efforts every negotiation to open new bases has failed since 2000, and older bases have been terminated, as in the case of Ecuador. Using evidence from Ecuador, Colombia, El Salvador, and other countries in the region, the dissertation finds that shifts in government preferences do not explain this failure. Instead, domestic challenges to host governments in Latin America systematically appear as blocking mechanisms that impede the establishment of foreign military bases, even when leaders support them. </p><p> The dissertation builds on the work of Alexander Cooley and others and develops a model of base politics to explain how domestic political calculations affect foreign basing negotiations. Furthermore, the dissertation finds that when formal bases have not succeeded, interested governments have worked around domestic constrains to establish alternative and informal arrangements that allow US military presence and operations in their countries. These alternative arrangements, or quasi-bases, have advanced US security interests in Latin America even in the absence of formal base leases, while at the same time their secrecy and informality protects Latin American leaders from domestic contestation.</p>

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14

Anderson, Stephen Frederick. "Establishing US Military Government: Law and Order in Southern Bavaria 1945." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4689.

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In May 1945, United States Military Government (MG) detachments arrived in assigned areas of Bavaria to launch the occupation. By the summer of 1945, the US occupiers became the ironical combination of stern victor and watchful master. Absolute control gave way to the "direction" of German authority. For this process to succeed, MG officials had to establish a stable, clearly defined and fundamentally strict environment in which German officials would begin to exercise token control. The early occupation was a highly unstable stage of chaos, fear and confusing objectives. MG detachments and the reconstituted German authorities performed complex tasks with many opportunities for failure. In this environment, a crucial MG obligation was to help secure law and order for the defeated and dependent German populace whose previously existing authorities had been removed. Germans themselves remained largely peaceful, yet unforeseen actors such as liberated "Displaced Persons" rose to menace law and order. The threat of criminal disorder and widespread black market activity posed great risks in the early occupation. This thesis demonstrates how US MG established its own authority in the Munich area in 1945, and how that authority was applied and challenged in the realm of criminal law and order. This study explores themes not much researched. Thorough description of local police reestablishment or characteristic crime issues hardly exists. There is no substantial local examination of the relationship between such issues and the early establishment of MG authority. Local MG records housed in the Bayertsches Hauptstaatsarchiv (Bavarian Main State Archives) provide most of the primacy sources. This study also relies heavily on German-language secondary sources.

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15

Holtz, Pamela M. "Personality and Mental Health Attitudes Among US Army ROTC Cadets." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc700103/.

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With the current military mental health crisis, it is important to understand the role of the leader in military mental health. First, the impact of military leader behaviors on the well-being of military personnel is reviewed. Next, the role of leader attitudes as a precursor to leader behaviors is discussed. The relation of leader behaviors to leader personality using the NEO Five Factor Model (FFM) is reviewed, as well as the relation of prejudicial attitudes to the NEO FFM personality factors. A research project is described that attempted to draw these concepts together, assessing the NEO FFM personality dimensions and mental health attitudes of US Army ROTC cadets, the future leaders of the US Army. No significant relations were observed between NEO FFM personality traits and mental health attitudes, even after controlling for Impression Management. Also, the predicted positive correlation between positive mental health attitudes and Impression Management was not found. These results suggest that more research and more refined measures are needed in the area of leader attitudes toward soldier mental health problems, and how those attitudes might impact the soldiers.

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16

Bolen, Michael Todd. "United States-People's Republic of China military-to-military relations : prospects for progress /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FBolen.pdf.

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17

Wheeler, Larry L. "A prototype supply point locator for US Army divisions." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/24926.

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18

Sheddan, Marylin Kellett. "Policy implications of a permanenet US presence on moon." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/32850.

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19

Ramirez, Armando J. "From Bosnia to Baghdad : the evolution of US Army Special Forces from 1995-2004 /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FRamirez.pdf.

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20

Chaffee, Neil T. "Expanding fixed-wing aircraft capability in US Army aviation operations /." Fort Leavenworth, Kan. : Ft. Belvior, VA : Alexandria, Va. : U.S. Army Command and General Staff College ; Available to the public through the Defense Technical Information Center ; National Technical Information Service [distributor], 2009. http://www.dtic.mil/dtic/.

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Thesis (M.S. of Military Art and Science General Studies)--U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, June 2009.<br>"June 2009." Thesis advisor: David W. Christie. Performed by the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. "Presented to the faculty of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Military Art and Science General Studies from the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, June 2009."--P. [i]. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online from the Combined Arms Research Library (CARL) at the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College and the DTIC Online Web site.

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21

Coverdale, David R. "Potential applications of the ORBCOMM global messaging system to US military operations." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA302515.

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Thesis (M.S. in Systems Technology (Command, Control, and Communications)) Naval Postgraduate School, June 1995.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Paul H. Moose, Dan C. Boger. "June 1995." Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.

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22

Cheng, Sea-Ling. "Transnational desires : 'trafficked' Filipinas in US military camp towns in South Korea." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.396155.

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23

Croser, Caroline Mary. "Operationalising Uncertainty The US military and the new spatiality of new security." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.514414.

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24

Blakeley, Ruth. "Repression, human rights, and US training of military forces from the South." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/cbdf6917-ab7b-497b-848d-70881d75aa3b.

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In order to understand whether US training of military forces from the South has resulted in the use of repression or improvements in human rights, we need to situate the training within the broader context of US foreign policy objectives and strategies. The main aims of US foreign policy are to maintain its dominant global position and to ensure control of resources and markets in the South. These objectives are being pursued through an emerging, US-led transnational state, using the instruments of legitimation at least as much as repression. This contrasts with the Cold War, during which US foreign policy strategy towards the South emphasised repression. US training of military forces from the South during the Cold War played a key role in a US-led network, through which many states in the South were connected to the US and each other by cooperation between their militaries, police and intelligence services. The training was dominated by a particular form of counterinsurgency instruction which advocated repression of groups that might potentially threaten US control of Southern economies and assets. This contributed to widespread human rights violations, particularly in Latin America. Following the end of the Cold War, reliance on coercion diminished, and it was subsumed within the emergent transnational state. In line with this shift in US foreign policy strategy in the South, some aspects of the training began to be characterised by the promotion of legitimation. In the wake of 9/11, the US has intensified both its legitimation efforts and its use of repression, and the training continues to play a significant role in the service of US foreign policy objectives.

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25

Yu, Tsung-Chi Max. "The impact of US-China relations on Taiwan's military spending (1966-1992)." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3100/.

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Previous research has shown that Taiwan's military spending is affected either by China's military buildup or the US's military pipeline. This study investigates whether it is also true an ongoing US-China relationship has dynamic effects. Three major findings are obtained from the statistical analyses. First and foremost, the level of US-China conflict has a contemporaneous positive effect on Taiwan's military spending. Second, the analyses also indicate that the volatility of US-China relations has negative effects on Taiwan's military spending. This finding suggests that instability in US-China relations will prompt Taiwan to decrease its military spending due to a higher amount of perceived security on the one hand, and Taiwan wants to avoid further provoking China on the other. Third, analyses indicate that an error correction model fares better than a simple budgetary incremental model in explaining the re-equilibrating effects of GNP growth on Taiwan's military spending. Overall, the results demonstrate the interplay of domestic and international constraints and may help to predict what will be the expected military spending when Taiwan's economy changes. I suggest that Taiwan's military spending is likely to be influenced by US-China relations as well as by foreign investment and domestic economic constraints as long as the United States policy toward the Taiwan problem remains unchanged.

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26

Barry, Steven Thomas. "Battle-scarred and Dirty: US Army Tactical Leadership in the Mediterranean Theater, 1942-1943." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1313541748.

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27

Rivera, Richard. "Absence of Tactical Level Cyber Capabilities for the US Army Special Operation Warfighters." Thesis, Utica College, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10980859.

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<p> The purpose of this study is to analyze existing United States Army Special Operations Forces (ARSOF) cyber capabilities, identify gaps, and explore the possible need for US Army special operations warfighters to build a robust cyber skill set. This research reviews the current status of cyber-capacity and capability for ARSOF to conduct cyberspace operations, the vulnerabilities that inhibit Army Special Operations Forces from conducting Cyberspace Operations at the Tactical Level, and provides recommendations as to what steps to take to improve the warfighting posture of ARSOF in the cyber domain. </p><p> This research found that it is critical to train and equip Army Special Operators in cyberspace operations at the tactical echelon, in order to compete with adversaries with sophisticated cyber capabilities in combat operations within multi-domain operations. The Doctrine, Organization, Training, Materiel, Leadership Education, Personnel, Facilities, and Policy (DOTMLPF-P) analysis is used to study problems to help solve the warfighters cyber capability gaps. In addition, this research reviewed historical cyber attacks to ascertain if the success cyberspace operations proved efficacious when integrated during conflicts. </p><p> This research provided recommendations to support ARSOF in the ways-ahead to contest in today's digital warfare. The Army Special Operations should be able to employ organic cyber capabilities at the tactical echelon with dedicated personnel to compete in modern-day warfare. ARSOF leaders must be prepared to operate with proper authorities and permissions it might gain in the future to employ robust cyberspace operations capabilities. </p><p>

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28

Righello, Joseph D. "Russian influence on NATO member/non-member relationships : a case study of the US-Ukraine military to military relationship." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Dec%5FRighello.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2002.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Mikhail Tsypkin, Jeffrey Knopf. Includes bibliographical references (p. 51-52). Also available online.

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29

McCrisken, Trevor David Brammeier. "American exceptionalism and U.S. foreign policy : the influence of traditional beliefs on American foreign policy, 1974 to the present." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302252.

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30

Aleksa, Karolis. "The Impact of the US Military Transformation on Russian and Chinese Security Policy." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2012. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2012~D_20121211_095626-96389.

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Although US remained the strongest military power in international system after the Cold War, it was still deeply concerned how to retain its military dominance in the longer term, that could guarantee US further predominance in solving major international issues. Three US military transformation initiatives, namely the transformation of the US conventional forces, the development of missile defence systems and long-range conventional precision-strike capability, are considered as the main instruments to maintain US military dominance in the future. Considering that for Russia and China, which are perceived as the major US opponents, the US military transformation emerged as a big challenge, the research problem is formulated as an attempt to understand whether and how the US military transformation poses a threat to Russia and China’s security and in turn, how this affects Russian and Chinese security policy towards the United States. Accordingly, the goal of the dissertation is to examine the impact of the US military transformation on Russian and Chinese security policy since the end of the Cold War and until 2010. The offence-defence balance theory provides the theoretical and analytical basis for the research. The results of the research have shown that US has managed to achieve an offensive advantage in the conventional offence-defence balance against Russia and China and has had a real possibility to gain such an advantage in the nuclear offense-defence balance... [to full text]<br>Po Šaltojo karo JAV išliko stipriausia kariniu požiūriu valstybė, tačiau, nepaisant to, JAV buvo itin susirūpinusi savo karinio pranašumo išlaikymu ateityje, kuris leistų užtikrinti tolesnę JAV lyderystę sprendžiant svarbiausius tarptautinius klausimus. JAV karinio pranašumo išlaikymo priemonėmis po Šaltojo karo tapo trys karinės JAV tranformacijos iniciatyvos: konvencinių pajėgų transformacija, priešraketinių gynybos sistemų ir ilgo nuotolio tikslaus konvencinio smūgio pajėgumų kūrimas. Atsižvelgiant į tai, kad Rusijai ir Kinijai – oponuojančioms JAV valstybėms, JAV karinė transformacija tapo dideliu iššūkiu, disertacijoje tyrimo problema apibrėžta kaip siekis suprasti, ar ir kaip JAV karinė transformacija kelia grėsmę Rusijos ir Kinijos saugumui, ir kaip tai veikia Rusijos ir Kinijos saugumo politiką JAV atžvilgiu. Atitinkamai darbo tikslas buvo ištirti JAV karinės transformacijos poveikį Rusijos ir Kinijos saugumo politikai nuo Šaltojo karo pabaigos iki 2010 m. Puolimo-gynybos balanso teorija buvo pasirinkta kaip disertacijos tyrimo teorinė ir analitinė prieiga. Disertacijos tyrimas parodė, kad, nepaisant įgyto konvencinio puolimo pranašumo ir realios galimybės siekti branduolinio puolimo pranašumo, JAV nevykdė agresyvios saugumo politikos Rusijos ir Kinijos atžvilgiu. Rusija ir Kinija jautriai reagavo į JAV karinę transformaciją, stengdamosi įgyti konvencinį puolimo pranašumą, išsaugoti branduolinį puolimo-gynybos balansą, o taip pat užkirsti kelią JAV susikurti... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

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31

Tidy, Joanna. "Duty to dissent : critical patriotism and discourses of the US Military in Iraq." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.633146.

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This thesis presents an account of contemporary military dissent in the United States in which dissent is practised through continuities and negotiations of the military subjectivity of the soldier dissenter. The project focuses upon a strand of contemporary US military dissent characterised by critical patriotism, in which dissent is represented as part of the continuing duty of the soldier and congruent with American ideals. The analysis is grounded in a conceptualisation of military subjectivity, with its immanent security logics, as simultaneously the resource for, and the target of, dissent. Therefore, the approach avoids conceptualising military subjects as straightforward conduits for state power and official discourse. To explore these dynamics, the thesis presents an analysis of veterans group Iraq Veterans Against the War (2008-2012), the writing of military blogger The Usual Suspect (2005-2009), and the release by Wikileaks' of the 'Collateral Murder' footage (2010). The analysis utilises a synthesis of theory drawing on Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory, ideas of public memory, a Foucauldian conceptualisation of power, and Butler's account of the subject and performativity. The thesis focuses on representations of killing in Iraq within the discursive struggle to define the public memory of the US experience in Iraq after 2003. The key findings of the thesis are that the concept of 'ground truth' is highly significant in critical patriotic discourses of dissent; that such dissent involves the re-working of soldierly subjectivity; that representations produce the ground truths of soldiers' experiences as inimical to that subjectivity; and that critical patriotic military dissent can reinforce the privileges, silences and absences it seems to disrupt. This thesis has implications for critical security studies which lie in foregrounding the contingency of the subject in 'alternative' accounts and projects of change. The thesis also has implications for our understanding of military dissent - and dissent more broadly - as it argues for dissenters to be conceptualised not as wielders of dissenting political strategy but as the strategy itself.

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32

De, La Cruz Maria Zosa S. "US military presence in Latin America : making the Manta Forward Operating Location work /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03sep%5FDeLa%5FCruz.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2003.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Harold A. Trinkunas, Jeanne K. Giraldo. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.

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33

Gillespie, Ciaran. "Aid & the ouroborus : US foreign military assistance and human security in Pakistan." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2016. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/811560/.

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The politics of aid and the effect aid strategies have on recipient populations has been a significant interest area in international politics and economics. While studies of this behaviour have tended to focus on economic or developmental impacts, the security implications of military based aid have enjoyed less attention. It is an important area as the transfer of military capacity from states to allies or allied non-state actors is having resurgence in the midst of new, intersecting proxy conflicts in the Middle East and Europe. This article questions whether military aid strategies can contribute to the conditions of political violence and terrorism that they are ostensibly intended to address. The study uses a structured within-case comparative analysis of two periods of recent Pakistani history in which the state has been both the recipient of massive influxes of US military aid, and a target for embargo from such programs. A modified human security framework is used to assess changes in the security environment for the recipient population in these two time periods with a focus on the frequency and intensity of political violence. It finds that in this particular case, military aid has correlated with the entrenchment of military power and increasing political violence within the recipient state.

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34

Schneiker, Andrea. "Privatisierung des Militärischen? : Private Militärfirmen als Akteure in der US-Außenpolitik." Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4831/.

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Since the early 1990s the use of private military companies (PMCs) has proliferated. Especially the United States are increasingly turning to private contractors to perform military tasks. Privatization advocates claim that PMCs work cheaper than the military. In addition to that, PMCs give the cover of plausible deniability that regular troops lack. But the fact that legislative control or public debate are missing raises the question of accountability and underlines the need for legal means to control and regulate PMCs and their operations.

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35

Robinson, Zoe Catherine. "Women in Blue: Women in the US Navy during World War Two." W&M ScholarWorks, 2001. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626315.

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36

Harvey, Conrad E. "An Army without doctrine the evolution of US Army tactics in the absence of doctrine, 1779 to 1847 /." Fort Leavenworth, KS : US Army Command and General Staff College, 2007. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA471336.

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Thesis (M. of Military Art and Science)--U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, 2007.<br>"A thesis presented to the Faculty of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Military Art and Science, Military History." Title from cover page of PDF file (viewed: May 29, 2008).

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37

Samad, Yunas. "The Pakistan-US conundrum: Jihadists, the military and the people : the struggle for control." C. Hurst, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5840.

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38

Garner, Thomas Nathaniel. "The economy of military engagement| An analysis of positive externalities of US troop deployments." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1554475.

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<p>Since the end of the Second World War, US troops have served as a powerful tool of US foreign policy. Although there seems to be overwhelming anecdotal evidence indicating the effectiveness of US military intervention in promoting conflict resolution, democracy, and US interests abroad, little is known about the economic impact of US military interventions in countries where US troops have been deployed. This study examines critical factors in determining international Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in countries where US troops are deployed. Using data from approximately 95 countries from 1982 to 2012 the study estimates complimentary effects of the presence of US troops on international foreign direct investments. It finds that US troops have a positive effect on international foreign direct investment in those countries to which they are deployed. These findings suggest that US foreign policy makers might augment or complement US foreign policy applied to those countries affected with the results found in this research. For instances where US troops deploy anyway (e.g., continuing or traditional allied training missions) the complimentary effect is of no additional cost. </p>

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39

Dauenhauer, Katrin [Verfasser]. "The Shadow of Torture: Debating US Transgressions in Military Interventions, 1899-2008 / Katrin Dauenhauer." Frankfurt : Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1080456430/34.

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40

Moores, Simon Robert. "'Neutral on our side ' : US-Swedish military and security relations during the Eisenhower administration." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.420528.

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41

Dieck, Hélène. "The influence of American public opinion on US military interventions after the Cold War." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0014.

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Les études académiques récentes sur l'influence de l'opinion publique sur les interventions militaires dans les démocraties occidentales concluent pour la plupart que l’opposition du public n’a pas empêché le président de faire usage de la force. Ces études se concentrent souvent sur le choix d'intervenir dans un conflit donné et omettent d'analyser les ajustements apportés à l'intervention elle-même du fait de l'opinion publique. Cette étude tente au contraire de montrer qu'on ne peut comprendre l’influence de l'opinion publique si l'on se limite à la décision d'intervenir et n’étudie pas les décisions connexes liées à la conduite et à la réussite d'une intervention: le choix des moyens humains et financiers, les objectifs, la stratégie de communication. La littérature scientifique actuelle omet également de dévoiler la manière dont l'exécutif tente de gérer la contrainte de l'opinion publique et comprendre ainsi quelle est sa véritable marge de manœuvre vis-à-vis de celle-ci. En effet, l’opinion publique et la présidence s’influencent mutuellement : le président est souvent contraint de trouver un compromis entre les objectifs politiques et militaires désirés et ce que le public est prêt à accepter. En incluant l'impact de l'opinion publique sur la mise en œuvre des opérations militaires, cette recherche conclut que le public américain a eu une influence majeure sur le degré d'engagement, les objectifs et la durée des interventions militaires de l'après Guerre froide. Notre étude s’appuie principalement sur des entretiens avec des responsables politiques impliqués dans le processus décisionnel ayant conduit à l’usage de la force après la Guerre froide. Ce processus décisionnel sera analysé à travers cinq études de cas<br>Recent qualitative studies of the relationship between public opinion and U.S. foreign policy put decisions into the following two categories: the President tends to lead or to follow public opinion; public opinion influences decision-making, constrains the decision, or has no impact. These studies typically research the initial decision to intervene, but fail to examine the subsequent decisions to sustain and win a war: financial and human means, conduct, objectives, duration, and communication. I argue that these elements of a winning strategy are impacted by concerns with public support at home. The impact of public opinion on the decision whether to use force is better understood when analyzing the compromise between the perception of anticipated public opinion and the necessities of a military campaign. Public opinion impacts the strategy, the timing, and length of an intervention, and inversely, those elements impact the anticipated public opinion and ultimately the decision to use force or choose a different course of action. The president can expect to influence public opinion and raise the acceptability of an intervention through various means. As a consequence, there is a back-and-forth process between anticipated public support for a given intervention and the consideration of the use of force. Contrary to the current literature, which tends to conclude that the president enjoys a substantial margin for maneuver, an analysis of post Cold War cases of interventions, limited interventions, and military escalations shows that anticipated public opinion limited the president's margin for maneuver and influenced not only the decision to intervene but also the military strategy and in the end, the result of the intervention. These findings contradict the realist paradigm for which only the structure of the international system matters and domestic politics are irrelevant in the study of international relations

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42

Cox, Gary C. "Beyond the Battle Line US Attack Theory and Doctrine, 1914-1941 /." Maxwell AFB, Ala. : Air University Research Coordinator Office, 1998. http://www.au.af.mil/au/database/research/ay1995/saas/coxgc.htm.

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Thesis (M.M.A.S.)--School of Advanced Airpower Studies, 1995.<br>Subject: The development and usefulness of US air attack theory and doctrine during the interwar period, 1919-1941. Cover page date: June 1995. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

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43

Hawks, Alison. "The transition from the military to civilian life : becoming a private security contractor after military service for US and UK service leavers." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2015. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-transition-from-the-military-to-civilian-life(54246c1b-ef5c-47a0-8d14-558b360d46e3).html.

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This thesis asks the question what role does becoming a private security contractor after military service play in an individual’s transition from the military to civilian life? Situated in sociology, this project is concerned with the role that becoming a private security contractor after military service plays in both the life course of the individual and what effect it has on their military to civilian life transition. The post-9/11 conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan created an unprecedented market for outsourcing security. Most visible of this market during this time were private security contractors. These contractors provided security for individuals, organisations, buildings and convoys – and most recently, ships. Newspapers, magazines and the internet became saturated with pictures of men in sunglasses, draped with guns. This visibility attracted intense attention resulting in the development of national law, standards and codes for the private military and security company industry. Academic inquiry has subsequently run along two broad lines; theoretical implications of outsourcing and the regulation and accountability of the PMSC industry for state sovereignty. As a result, research and examination has taken a ‘top-down’ approach, leaving the individual private security contractor – whose behaviours regulation and accountability seek to influence and regulate – absent from analysis or application. This project aims to fill this gap by addressing US and UK military veterans-turned-private security contractors by way of their transition to civilian life. Using qualitative and quantitative methods, this project examines how becoming a private security contractor after military service effects an individual’s transition to civilian life.

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44

Aubone, Amber. "Examining the Effect of Security Environment on U.S. Unilateral Military Intervention in Civil Conflicts." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2011. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc84164/.

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This study focuses on how perceived security environment affect U.S. unilateral, military intervention in civil conflicts, using the concept of Bayesian learning to illustrate how threat perceptions are formed, how they change, and how they affect the U.S. decision to intervene militarily in civil conflicts. I assess the validity of two primary hypotheses: (1) the U.S. is more likely to intervene in civil conflicts with connections to a threatening actor or ideology; and (2) the U.S. is more likely to intervene in civil conflicts for humanitarian motives in a less threatening security context. To test these hypotheses, I compare U.S. military intervention in three temporal contexts reflecting more threatening security contexts (Cold War and post-9/11) and less threatening security contexts (1992-2001). Results of logit regression analysis reveal that a conflict’s connection to a threatening actor or ideology is the most statistically and substantively significant determinant of U.S. military intervention in civil conflicts, both in more and less threatening security contexts. They also indicate that humanitarian motives are not a statistically significant determinant of U.S. military intervention in civil conflicts, even in a more benign security environment. These findings imply that U.S. unilateral military intervention is reserved for more direct national security threats, even those that are less grave, and that the perception of the U.S. as “global cop” may be misleading, at least in terms of unilateral military intervention.

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45

Hooyer, Katinka. "Mentally disordered or culturally displaced? How the PTSD label transforms personhood in US military veterans." Thesis, The University of Wisconsin - Milwaukee, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3712433.

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<p> Medical experts claim that Posttraumatic Stress Disorder among United States military service personnel, who served in Iraq and Afghanistan has contributed to an “epidemic of suicide” in the U.S. However, veterans, military commanders, and mental health providers argue that feelings of grief, guilt, mistrust, rage, and alienation are actually normal moral reactions to the abnormal situations that war creates. Furthermore, they argue that these normal reactions are currently transformed into a psychiatric diagnosis that promises clinical solution – a cure. Recent epidemiologic studies suggest that evidence-based clinical treatments are ineffective for a majority of veterans with PTSD and that the main barrier to seeking treatment is self-stigma by veterans. This ethnography interrogates the failure in care and vectors of blame that surround it by documenting veterans’ own critical reactions to being diagnosed and/or labeled with PTSD. These narratives provide a moment to critically examine the medicalization and commodification of trauma, as well as the bureaucratization of care, that continue to negatively impact what I describe as veteranhood – a deep constellation of personal and military values. Everyday life for veterans becomes a clash of cultural models, worldviews and various stakeholders of their care. The lack of common ground or “cultural consonance” (versus PTSD/stigma) lies behind the social processes that contribute to veterans’ uneven reintegration into civilian life. This ethnography provides counter-narratives of emergent veteranhood that challenge the dominant cultural script of “stigma as the main barrier to care.” These narratives dismantle concepts of self-stigma by shifting the focus from the standard trauma model of victimization towards a productive veteranhood, where agency remains essential to identity and everyday life. Veterans that reframe the post-effects of war as an issue of <i>cultural dissonance,</i> as opposed to a mental disorder, are creating new personal scripts for healing that a medical anthropology and caregivers must account for. Veterans desire solutions for their distress within their communities, their culture(s), not within the confines of a medical clinic or within the categorical parameters of PTSD.</p>

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46

Tubbs, Aimee. "Bibliotherapy for Children Coping with a Loved One's Military Deployment: What do Children's Books Tell Us?" BYU ScholarsArchive, 2015. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/4391.

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This study extracted descriptive information and analyzed content in 23 children's books related to military deployment using a coding instrument entitled, “Military Bibliotherapy Coding Instrument for Children's Books,” developed for this study. Additionally, the content from the books was compared to themes found in current research literature. The books were not as racially diverse as the military population. Books for black children are underrepresented with only 8% of books having black characters compared to the 16.9% black population in active duty military service. The most prevalent response to the deployment of a loved one described is sadness with 65% of the books describing this response. Finding ways to keep the main character and the deployed person connected is the most prevalent coping strategy described in the books (82%). A surprising find is that pride in the deployed person's military service is described as a coping strategy in some of the books although it was not found in the research literature. All phases of deployment were described with the exception of reintegration. No books addressed this important phase of deployment. Information from this analysis will assist parents, educators and mental health professionals in selecting books for bibliotherapy use that align with the unique circumstances and characteristics of military children. Information presented will also inform and encourage publishers to seek out and publish books to more adequately meet the demographics and meet the unique experiences faced by military children.

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47

Vallet, Victor Jay. "Infection and Infectious Disease US Military Medicine in the Pacific Theater of Operations during WWII." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193017.

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48

Thomson, Matthew Ian Malcolm. "Military computer games and the new American militarism : what computer games teach us about war." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2009. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/10672/.

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Military computer games continue to evoke a uniquely contradictory public, intellectual, and critical response. Whilst denigrated as child’s play, they are played by millions of adults; whilst dismissed as simplistic, they are used in education, therapy, and military training; and whilst classed as meaningless, they arouse fears over media effects and the propagandist influence of their representations of combat. They remain the object of intense suspicion, and as part of a new and growing mass medium, they are blamed for everything from obesity to falling literacy standards, and from murder to Abu Ghraib. Much of the suspicion surrounding military computer games has been caused by the development of the military-entertainment complex - the relationship between the computer game industry and the U.S. military which has seen the production of dual-use games, co-produced by the military and the computer game industry and released for both military training and commercial sale. This relationship has placed military computer games at the centre of an intensely politicized debate in which they have become characterized as a mass medium which functions under the control of the military and political establishment and which promotes the militaristic ideals of the neoconservative Bush administration. This thesis serves as a fundamental reevaluation of such preconceptions and prejudices, and in particular, a complete reevaluation of the understanding of the relationship between computer games and American militarism. Its analysis focuses on three main areas: firstly, the content of military computer games; secondly, the determinants which affect the production and representation of war in computer games; and thirdly, the contribution of the representation of war in computer games to the misunderstandings and misconceptions concerning warfare which, in turn, have supported American militaristic beliefs.

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49

Lövgren, Anton. "The independence movement on Okinawa, Japan : A study on the impact of US military presence." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Avdelningen för japanska, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-145149.

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50

McGregor, Otis W. "Command and control of special operations forces missions in the US northern command area of responsibility /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA432342.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Sceurity and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Christopher Bellavita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-89). Also available online.

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