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Kodaneva, Svetlana I. "The consequences of Brexit for the constitutional system of the Great Britain". Gosudarstvo i pravo, n.º 1 (2023): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s102694520024108-9.
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The vote in the 2016 referendum on exit from the EU was held under the slogan “take back con-trol”, which, in particular, meant the return of parliamentary sovereignty, lost as a result of the transfer of some powers to the supranational level and the impossibility for the UK Parliament to influence decisions taken in Brussels. However, in the process of withdrawal, the UK faced a number of constitutional problems that led to one of the most serious constitutional crises in the history of British parliamentarism, caused by the clash of parliamentary and popular sovereignty, on the one hand, and the lack of a written constitution clearly delineating the powers of the three branches of government, on the other hand. This article is devoted to the analysis of the conse-quences of this crisis for the stability of the traditional constitutional system of Great Britain.
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MacEachern, Alan. "J.E. Bernier and the historical record". Polar Record 53, n.º 1 (26 de octubre de 2016): 102–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247416000681.
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ABSTRACTIn the 1920s, Canada developed and promoted a sector claim to the Arctic archipelago based on the 1880 transfer from Great Britain and on subsequent occupation, as expressed in licensing, patrols, and posts. The fact that in July 1909 the government-sponsored explorer J.E. Bernier had claimed the sector by planting a flag, indeed, the fact that Canada had him planting flags at all, complicated if not contradicted this narrative. This research note shows that Canadian government officials of the 1920s misunderstood or, more likely, deliberately mischaracterised Bernier's earlier sovereignty work, and in doing so have distorted our historical understanding of it. The note also argues that, contrary to recent writing in this journal, it is likely that Bernier did not make an earlier sector claim in August 1907.
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Pepper, Suzanne. "Elections, Political Change and Basic Law Government: The Hong Kong System in Search of a Political Form". China Quarterly 162 (junio de 2000): 410–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000008195.
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During the two decades preceding its 1997 reunification with China, imaginations in Hong Kong ran the gamut from fear to euphoria. Preparations for transfer from British to Chinese rule continued accordingly and Hong Kong's political development has been shaped by the conflicting imperatives responsible for those extremes. Most simply put, the imperatives grew from Hong Kong's fear of Chinese communism and China's fear of an anti-communist Hong Kong. Anxieties were greatest in the colony during 1982 and 1983, when Chinese leaders made known their determination to resume full sovereignty after the 1997 expiration of Britain's leasehold on 90 per cent of Hong Kong's territory. Apprehensions peaked again in 1989, following the military suppression of Beijing's student protest movement in Tiananmen Square. Yet fear also alternated with expressions of great bravado, when the dangers of latterday Chinese communism seemed to pale before the prospect of China's inevitable “Hong Kong-ization.” Between these two extremes, confidence levels waxed and waned as Chinese and British leaders responded, first by negotiating safeguards and then by writing them into law.
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Fedevich, Lyudmila. "Peculiarities of the Development of the Stock Exchange of Ireland During the COVID-19 Pandemic and the Full-Scale Invasion of the Russian Army on the Sovereign Territory of Ukraine". Modern Economics 38, n.º 1 (20 de abril de 2023): 171–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31521/modecon.v38(2023)-26.
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Abstract. Introduction. The market of securities is an important component of the financial market. Undoubtedly, the stock market is one of the most important parts of the economy of any country. With its help, the transfer of investment resources and capital from one branch to another is carried out, that is, there is automatic regulation of investment processes in the economy of the country and regions. Purpose. As, more correctly and efficiently the stock market will work, and then faster and more intensively the country's economy will develop. The need to study the stock exchange as a subject of the stock market is determined by the fact that to ensure the normal development of the economy, the mobilization of temporarily free funds of legal entities and individuals is required, as well as distribution and redistribution on a commercial basis between various sectors of the economy. These processes are carried out through stock exchanges in the securities market. Accordingly, the circulation of capital occurs in this market, and some business entities create savings, while others feel the need for additional financial resources in order to expand their activities. Ireland is different from Great Britain, has not left the European Union, and therefore is more connected to the European stock market than the United Kingdom. Considering the above is why the issues of stock market development remain very relevant today for any country. The Irish Stock Exchange General Index (ISEQ) is a major stock market index that tracks the performance of all (excluding UK listed) companies listed on the Irish Stock Exchange [5]. Results. This study examined the work of the Irish Stock Exchange, one of the oldest stock exchanges in the world. We have analyzed the main indices of the Irish Stock Exchange ISEQ and ISEQ20 for 2022. Conclusions. Based on this analysis, forecasts and conclusions were made regarding the trend of the ISEQ and ISEQ20 indices. Certainly, the main criteria that will influence the trend of these indices in 2023 are the geopolitical situation, which is developing against the background of Russia's military aggression against Ukraine, the aggravation of the crisis in the energy market, and inflationary processes in the world.
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Yakovleva, N. M. "Argentina vs Great Britain: the trajectory of one conflict". Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 10, n.º 3 (19 de enero de 2023): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-3-123-135.
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40 years ago, on April 2, 1982, Argentina made a failed attempt by military means to establish sovereignty over the archipelago in the South Atlantic, which was under the jurisdiction of Great Britain. The war was the result of a two-century dispute over the ownership of the islands. Upon joining the UN in 1945, Buenos Aires loudly announced its claims to the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) and began to seek from the international community to recognize its claims as legitimate. Since then, the problem has been a red thread through the history of the country. The policy of the Argentine authorities on the issue of disputed territories developed with a pendulum dynamic. Periods of de-escalation of the conflict and the development of cooperation with Great Britain, coupled with a friendly attitude towards the islanders, were replaced by phases of the dominance of irreconcilable discourse with a strong demand for the “termination of the colonization policy” by the British authorities. Relations between Argentina and Great Britain after the end of hostilities can be divided into several stages. Regardless of the direction of the course of the next government, the issue of sovereignty over disputed territories has never been removed from the agenda. The Argentine side certainly used the “Malvinas question” as an instrument of domestic policy. Currently, the conflict is in a latent phase with no prospect of an early resolution.
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Strang, David. "The Inner Incompatibility of Empire and Nation: Popular Sovereignty and Decolonization". Sociological Perspectives 35, n.º 2 (junio de 1992): 367–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389384.
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This paper argues that metropolitan political theories and institutions grounded in popular sovereignty help to produce decolonization. Radical distinctions between metropolis and dependency only arise when communities, and not rulers, are the theoretical source of political authority. Metropoles organized around popular sovereignty tend to legitimate peripheral claims to autonomy, and to construct political institutions (most importantly colonial legislatures) that voice such claims. An analysis of Western empires shows that, where political models were based on popular sovereignty (Great Britain, the United States, and France), decolonization resulted from internal tensions between theory and practice. Where empire was organized around dynastic principles (Spain and Portugal), empires dissolved as a result of external pressures. Dominant global models have additional effects, blurring differences between empires when popular sovereignty is widely accepted.
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Gooch, Geoffrey D. y Reinhold Castensson. "The Transfer of Technology from Great Britain to Sweden 1825–1850". Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography 73, n.º 3 (octubre de 1991): 175–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/04353684.1991.11879623.
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Bristol-Alagbariya, Edward T. "Ancient Niger Delta Trading States, 1884/85 Negative Sovereignty Treaties, Positive International Law, British Colonization & Good Governance towards the Advancement of Civilization in Nigeria". International Journal of Developing and Emerging Economies 10, n.º 2 (15 de febrero de 2022): 34–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/ijdee.13/vol10n23461.
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This socio-legal study examines the 1884/85 imperialistic vis-à-vis negative sovereignty treaties of friendship, commerce and protection, simply called treaties of protection, which were entered into by Great Britain and the Ancient Niger Delta Trading States, so as to maintain and strengthen the cordial relations that were existing between the parties. However, positive international law altered the hitherto proto natural law-based equal and cordial relations between the Ancient Niger Delta Trading States and the Western European nations, from the 15th Century AD, when the Portuguese explorers and merchants were dominant in the Niger Delta region, before the arrival of Great Britain and France in the region about the 18th Century AD. Positive international law, enhanced by British gunboat diplomacy associated with it, promoted Western imperialism and thereby enabled Great Britain to achieve her imperialist ambition of transforming the erstwhile naturally sovereign Ancient Niger Delta Trading States and their mainland and hinterland ethnic nationality areas into the 1885 British Protectorate of the Niger Districts. Based on British imperialist protectionism over the Niger Districts and the rest of pre-colonial Nigeria, the entire ethnic nationality areas of pre-colonial Nigeria became a single British colonial possession called the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria, otherwise called modern Nigeria, in 1914. The British colonial government eventually granted political independence to modern Nigeria in October 1960. From the background of the aforementioned 1884/85 negative sovereignty treaties and continuing agitation of separatist groups in post-colonial Nigeria for improvement of their lots, the study makes a case for good governance, boosted by ethos of natural law and the social contract of governance, towards the advancement of civilization in the country.
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Bolshakov, A. "Regulatory Autonomy of Great Britain: Problems and Perspectives". World Economy and International Relations 65, n.º 7 (2021): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-7-71-79.
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Sovereignty does not imply regulatory autonomy. After Brexit, the UK should align its regulatory policy with European norms, if it is interested in close partnership with the EU. Compromises must be made by both sides in order to ensure stability of the partnership. The EU will have to acknowledge the UK’s right to diverge from European rules. Britain will have to partly accept the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice. The structure of dispute settlement mechanism which will be created under the partnership agreement should be a product of a compromise. The present study shows that optimal structure of dispute settlement mechanism must include two different procedures: one for political issues and the other for commercial issues. The central role for the European Court of Justice must be envisaged as a part of politically oriented procedure. There must be no role for the European Court of Justice or any Union to set the pace of political communication. The latter reflects the interest of Great Britain to simplify economic relations, which means that, firstly, disputes are resolved by independent arbiters; secondly, the EU acknowledges the UK’s right to diverge from European regulations; and thirdly, the UK accepts the EU’s right to impose countervailing duties to compensate for adverse effects of divergence on competition. This article also examines the main problems of future British regulatory policy, especially in the field of state aid. Boris Johnson’s government has decided not to form a full-fledged regulatory regime in the area of state aid. Its stance is politically appropriate since Conservative party manifesto for the 2019 general election promised to support local industries without limitations. But that decision created a great deal of economic risk. Firstly, the absence of a domestic subsidy control regulator can cause chaos within regulation system because workable norms and rules can only be sustained by a tight enforcement mechanism. Secondly, the EU can cite lack of subsidy control as an obstacle for British business to have unrestricted access to the European market.
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Gipson, Ronnie R. "Signposts Signify Troubled Waters Ahead for Taiwan-U.S. Relations". American Journal of Trade and Policy 9, n.º 2 (31 de agosto de 2022): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajtp.v9i2.624.
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The issue of Taiwan's independence and protection is reminiscent of Poland’s position in the late 1930s, facing unbridled aggression from Nazi Germany. Great Britain and France promised to declare war if Germany attacked Poland. However, after Germany attacked Poland on September 1, 1939, neither Great Britain nor France deployed troops to Polish soil to rebuff the attack and restore Poland’s sovereignty. The promise of assistance was an empty promise that the Polish people paid dearly. History teaches us that an ambiguous assistance policy will not stop naked aggression. A firmer stance and a more transparent approach are warranted from a diplomatic standpoint. This article is an essay that sets forth and supports the premise that the United States should clarify and strengthen its position of support for Taiwanese independence.
Preprint (November 18, 2021). Available at SSRN: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3939120
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İlqar oğlu İlyasov, Mirpaşa. "Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period". SCIENTIFIC WORK 77, n.º 4 (17 de abril de 2022): 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/77/232-236.
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Bu məqalədə XXI əsrdə Böyük Britaniyanın xarici siyasətində strategiyaları, əsas istiqamətləri, siyasi arenada fəaliyyəti analiz ediləcək. Böyük Britaniyanın qarşısına qoyduğu məqsədlər, Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması prosesi, xarici siyasəti ilə bağlı yanaşmalar və xarici siyasətdə dövlətlərlə olan əlaqələrinin təhlil olunması aparılacaq. Brexit-ə səbəb olan amillər, Böyük Britaniyanın Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması və Brexit-nin səbəb olduğu reaksiyaların analizləri öz əksini bu yazıda tapacaq. ABŞ və Rusiya ilə olan münasibətləri, gələcək geosiyasi mənzərəsi, marağı və əməkdaşlıq etmək istədiyi regionlar haqqında məlumatlar əks olunacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın təhlükəsizlik və müdafiə məsələlərindən, təhlükəsiz enerji mənbələri və dövlətlərlə iqtisadi-ticari əməkdaşlıqdan danışılacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın köhnə müstəmləkələri ilə olan əlaqələri və bu əlaqələrin gələcək perpektivləri nəzərdən keçirilib analiz ediləcək. Hazırkı dövrdə Ukrayna məsələsi ilə bağlı Böyük Britaniyanın mövqeyi təhlil olunacaq.Müasir dövrdə Böyük Britaniyanın aktiv rolunun artması və faəliyyətinin əsas prioritet istiqamətləri bu məqalədə təhlil olunub, ümumiləşdiriləcək. Açar sözlər: siyasət, strategiya, BREXİT, inteqrasiya, maraqlar, suverenlik, beynəlxalq nizam, müttəfiqlik, ABŞ, Rusiya Mirpasha Ilgar İlyas Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period Abstract This article is about the XXI century of the United Kingdom. will analyze the foreign policy strategies, main directions and activities in the 20th century. The goals set by the United Kingdom, the process of leaving the European Union, its approaches to foreign policy and relations with states in foreign policy will be analyzed. The factors leading to Brexit, the UK's departure from the European Union and the analysis of the reactions caused by Brexit will be reflected in this article. Information about relations with the United States and Russia, the future geopolitical outlook, interests and regions with which it wishes to cooperate will be reflected. Britain's security and defence, secure energy sources and economic and commercial cooperation with states will be discussed. The relations with the former British colonies and the future prospects of these relations will be discussed and analyzed. At this time, the UK's position on Ukraine will be analysed. The growth of the UK's active role in modern times and the main priorities of its activities will be analyzed and summarized in this article. Key words: politics, strategy, BREXIT, integration, interests, sovereignty, international order, alliance, USA, Russia
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Cavell, Janice. "‘As far as 90 north’: Joseph Elzéar Bernier's 1907 and 1909 sovereignty claims". Polar Record 46, n.º 4 (26 de febrero de 2010): 372–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247409990556.
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ABSTRACTJoseph Elzéar Bernier's well known sector claim of 1 July 1909 was predated by a similar, but until now unknown, proclamation in 1907. Prime Minister Sir Wilfrid Laurier, although eager to assert Canadian sovereignty, was unwilling to countenance the first claim because he did not think that the right time for such a gesture had yet come. However, in 1909 Bernier's action was welcomed, but only as a convenient way to counter the widely publicised American claim made by Robert Peary. In the eyes of government officials, neither of Bernier's proclamations held any real importance for Canada's northern sovereignty which rested primarily on the 1880 transfer of ownership from Britain. Bernier believed that his achievements had never been sufficiently recognised, but in fact the problem was that he himself overrated their significance.
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Zherlitsina, Natalia. "The “Entente cordiale” and the rivalry of Great Britain and France in North Africa in 1830s–1840s. The example of Morocco". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n.º 4 (2021): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013914-3.
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The article examines the relationship between the two leading powers of the 19th century, Great Britain and France, against the background of colonial rivalry in North Africa. Analyzing relevant English, French, and Moroccan diplomatic documents, the author concludes that the issue of establishing a dominant influence in Morocco was one of the main issues in the relations between Great Britain and France in 1830–1840. The French takeover of Algeria disrupted the regional and European balance of influence and gave a conflicting character to the relations between the competing powers. The “Entente Cordiale” (“Cordial Accord”), designed to contribute to the preservation of peace in Europe, acted as a deterrent that did not allow Great Britain and France to move to an open phase of confrontation in the Maghreb. The sharp phase of the rivalry between the two powers in Morocco occurred in 1837–1844 and was associated with the name of the hero of the liberation struggle of Algeria from the French invaders, Emir Abd al-Qadir. The Franco-Moroccan War of 1844 ended with the defeat of Morocco, facing the threat of French occupation. Due to the pressure from British diplomacy, the Franco-Moroccan treaty was concluded, and the sultanate existed as an independent country for about sixty years, although in fact the European powers did not stop systematically undermining the country's sovereignty.
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Whatmore, Richard. "Vattel, Britain and Peace in Europe". Grotiana 31, n.º 1 (2010): 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607510x540231.
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AbstractThis paper underlines Vattel's commitment to maintaining the sovereignty of Europe's small states by enunciating the duties he deemed incumbent upon all political communities. Vattel took seriously the threat to Europe from a renascent France, willing to foster an equally aggressive Catholic imperialism justified by the need for religious unity. Preventing a French version of universal monarchy, Vattel recognised, entailed more than speculating about a Europe imagined as a single republic. Rather, Vattel believed that Britain had to be relied upon to prevent excessive French ambition, and to underwrite the independence of the continent's smaller sovereignties. Against those who saw Britain as another candidate for the domination of Europe, Vattel argued that Britain's commercial interests explained why it was a different kind of state to the great empires of the past. The paper goes on to consider the reception of Vattel's ideas after the Seven Years War. Although further research is required into readings of Vattel, especially in the smaller states of Europe in the later eighteenth century, the paper concludes that by the 1790s Vattel was being used to justify war to defeat the gargantuan imperialist projects of newly republican France, in order to maintain Europe itself, and the smaller states within it.
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TSYRKUN, NINA A. "Celtic Triad: Cinemas of Britain’s National Minorities and Internal Colonialism". Art and Science of Television 20, n.º 1 (2024): 45–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.30628/1994-9529-2024-20.1-45-77.
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The global success, both in viewership and expert community, of auteur feature films Belfast, directed by Kenneth Branagh, and The Banshees of Inisherin, directed by Martin McDonagh, and produced by independent Northern Irish companies in 2022–2023, prompts a closer examination of the challenges faced by the national minority cinemas of Great Britain. Specifically, we focus on the culturally and linguistically related regions of Northern Ireland, Wales, and Scotland, collectively referred to in this article as the Celtic Triad, which represent a significant presence in the world cinema landscape. A number of British film historians and sociologists argue that national film industries are on the verge of survival, highlighting two main trends in the context of national cinema: inclusivity and sovereignty. From the perspective of the dominant ethnic group and its major production companies, inclusivity entails assimilation into the mainstream, while sovereignty involves preserving distinct national cultural characteristics. The representatives of national minorities are striving to safeguard these characteristics in the face of what American sociologist Michael Hechter termed internal colonialism—a policy implemented by the dominant Anglo-Saxon ethnic group towards cultures of national minorities and expressed in their marginalization and Anglification. A negative consequence of these dynamics, according to Hechter, is ethnocentrism, that is, the prevalence of one’s own culture in shaping perceptions of the world. Nevertheless, as this article demonstrates, the strategies employed by the Celtic Triad in pursuit of economic independence and artistic self-determination not only ensure the survival of national cinema but also establish its distinct sovereignty and success beyond the borders of Great Britain. Television broadcasting in national languages, which has gained popularity with the advent of digital broadcasting, plays a significant role in this process. An important contributing factor here is the economic and socio-cultural collaborations of these cinemas with both domestic and international partners, relying primarily on the influence of soft power and implying adaptation not only by adjusting to them, but also by active interchange and cross-fertilization of cultures.
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PICKARD, JOHN. "Wire Fences in Colonial Australia: Technology Transfer and Adaptation, 1842–1900". Rural History 21, n.º 1 (5 de marzo de 2010): 27–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793309990136.
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AbstractAfter reviewing the development of wire fencing in Great Britain and the United States of America in the early nineteenth century, I examine the introduction of wire into Australia using published sources only. Wire was available in the colonies from the early 1850s. The earliest published record of a wire fence was on Phillip Island near Melbourne (Victoria) in 1842. Almost a decade passed before wire was used elsewhere in Victoria and the other eastern colonies. Pastoralists either sought information on wire fences locally or from agents in Britain. Local agents of British companies advertised in colonial newspapers from the early 1850s, with one exceptional record in 1839. Once wire was adopted, pastoralists rejected iron posts used in Britain, preferring cheaper wood posts cut from the property. The most significant innovation was to increase post spacings with significant cost savings. Government and the iron industry played no part in these innovations, which were achieved through trial-and-error by pastoralists. The large tonnages of wire imported into Australia and the increasing demand did not stimulate local production of wire, and there were no local wire mills until 1911.
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Carassai, Sebastián. "‘The Dagger of Dispossession Will Be Ripped Out’: The Malvinas/Falkland Islands in Argentine Song (1941–82)". Journal of Latin American Studies 53, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2021): 717–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x21000766.
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AbstractIn April 1982, Great Britain and Argentina went to war over the Falkland Islands/Malvinas. On 14 June, the defeated Argentine military began the evacuation of the Islands. Most Argentines came to view this short war as an absurd adventure entered into by a military dictatorship in decline trying to cling on to power. Yet by analysing Argentine songs about the Malvinas from 1941 to 1982, this article shows that the national imaginary had long included ideas of sovereignty usurped and captive islands awaiting redemption. Argentine songs about the Malvinas, I maintain, can be analysed as expressions of an ‘emotional community’ around the Islands. By examining the emphases, constants and changes in the songs emerging from that community, we get a clearer picture of how ideas about the territory and its recovery changed over time.
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Rashed, Daher. "A két világháború közti libanoni rendszer természetrajza". Belvedere Meridionale 31, n.º 3 (2019): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2019.3.4.
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The reconfiguration of the Middle East after the First World War can be regarded as the first wave of Europeanization in the Middle East. The centuries-long imperial order that defined the region and originated from local factors were replaced by a European-type modern state system, in which mandate powers such as France and Great Britain established Western institutions with their secular ideology, administrative basis, and understanding of sovereignty. It was evident from the beginning, that the arbitrarily designated borders broke many wellestablished local compromises and subverted the delicate balance between different sects, religions, language groups, and nations. The case of Lebanon – as the most complex area concerning the ethnic and sectarian divisions – illustrates the fact that implementing a European style nationstate into a Middle Eastern environment met with resistance and these set of internal contradictions have been exerting influence on the political situation of the region ever since. Although the mandate system of the interwar period broke up and Lebanon gained independence after the Second World War, the original demands by local movements (e.g. establishing a Greater Syria) was not possible owing to the firm establishment of new borders after 1918. In practice, this meant that independence was materialized in a framework defined by France and Great Britain and this condition considerably limited the space of action both on the political and the social level.
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Burachok, Liliia y Mariia Demkiv. "Elizabeth II ― forming and becoming of personality". History Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, n.º 56 (30 de diciembre de 2022): 114–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2022.56.114-120.
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The monarchy is the oldest governing institution in Great Britain; called the British Monarchy or the Monarchy of Great Britain. It is one of the oldest European monarchies, as well as the most famous. Queen Elizabeth II is the head of state from 1952; she is also a symbol of stability and the main figure in Great Britain. Researching the stages becoming personality of queen, we see how formed her strong, unshakable character through the prism of historical events with which Elizabeth II managed to adapt to present and remain a national symbol for the Britishs. The epoch of Elizabeth II ruling (especially from the end of ХХ to beginning of XXI century) is an important period in British history. It is time for serious reforms in country and also for major changes on global: the collapse of the socialist system in Central and Eastern Europe, the collapse of the Warsaw Pact Organization, the end of the Cold War, unification of Germany, disintegration of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. During the queen's reign and her life in general, many important events took place. Her Majesty has also been involved in numerous changes to the monarchy, from becoming Queen at the age of twenty-five to traveling the world more than any other monarch before her. Elizabeth II managed to unite the countries of former British colonies and create Concord of nations, that she heads by now. Analysing activity of Her Majesty, it is possible to notice that Elizabeth ІІ supports conservatism, for example, she gives preference to classic style, old books and other things like that. However, at the same time, modernity makes Queen to get used also to new realities, such as radio, television and internet. The Queen is supposed to be impartial, but she is still the head of the executive, legislature and judiciary, as well as the role of Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces and Supreme Governor of the Church of England. Elizabeth II symbolizes the sovereignty of the state and her carries out only ceremonial functions in Great Britain and in the countries of Concord, mainly carrying out only official visits, since a leading role in political life of Great Britain is played by Prime Minister. Meantime a queen cares about representativity of her country and propagandizes such values, as following and unity, supports good relationships with foreign leaders out of politics. It seems that the reign of Elizabeth II, due to the individuality of the queen and the length of her reign, may go down in history as the "New Elizabethan Era".
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Mirzoeva, Svetlana G., Elena Kh Apazheva y Natalya S. Lavrova. "The Czechoslovak national tragedy of the 1938 year". Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, n.º 2(2021) (25 de junio de 2021): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-2-50-58.
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The article deals with the problem of the internal situation in Czechoslovakia, its political and economic development in the specified period. Particular attention is paid to the efforts of Czechoslovakia aimed at preventing the division of the country. The leadership of Czechoslovakia entered into international treaties, strengthened the state’s defenses, and modernized the army. The article also touches upon the international relations of Germany, Great Britain, France, Italy on the further fate of Czechoslovakia in the second half of the 30s. XX century. The leadership of Czechoslovakia and its president Edvard Beneš felt the threat looming over the country from Germany, so they took certain steps to preserve the integrity of the Czechoslovak republic. The reform of the army began in the country, it was modernized, equipped with new equipment, weapons, aviation. A new line of fortifications was built along the borders. The diplomatic department of Czechoslovakia was also not idle. Consultations were constantly held with the USSR, Great Britain, France and Germany on the issue of preserving the country’s sovereignty, international treaties were concluded on assistance in the event of an attack by a third party. But, despite all these efforts, at the end of September 1938, Czechoslovakia was divided by force, the Sudetenland was torn away from it, fascist troops were brought into the country, and the leaders of the state were leaders of the fascist party. All these changes were enshrined in an international treaty - the Munich Agreement. Germany, Italy, France and Great Britain took part in its signing. Representatives of the Czechoslovak Republic were not even invited to the conference. The Czechoslovak side was familiarized with the terms of the agreement only after their adoption. Czechoslovakia could not in any way influence the decisions of Hitler, Mussolini, Deladier and Chamberlain. As a result, throughout the Second World War, Czechoslovakia existed as two separate parts: the Protecto-rate of Bohemia and Moravia and the Slovak Republic.
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Earle, Thomas Blake. "‘A sufficient and adequate squadron’: The navy, the transatlantic slave trade, and the American commercial empire". International Journal of Maritime History 33, n.º 3 (agosto de 2021): 509–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08438714211037680.
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From its creation, the Africa Squadron, although tasked with suppressing the slave trade, did more to defend American sovereignty and expand American commercial access along the west coast of Africa. In both of these regards, Great Britain and the British Navy were the most prominent obstacles in the way of the United States achieving its goals. These tasks were among the most important imperatives that drove American foreign relations during the antebellum era. Thus the Africa Squadron is best understood as a case study of the vital role the navy played in not just conducting but also shaping American diplomacy. This article examines the circumstances surrounding the creation of the Africa Squadron, concluding that the flotilla was less concerned with actually ending the transatlantic trade in humans than with serving as a check on British power at sea.
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Ohinok, S., N. Stakhova y Ya Sukhovych. "ECONOMIC STATE AND PROSPECTS OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION OF GREAT BRITAIN AFTER BREXIT". Journal of Lviv Polytechnic National University. Series of Economics and Management Issues 7, n.º 2 (1 de noviembre de 2023): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/semi2023.02.048.
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Introduction. The onset of the migration crisis in Europe, triggered by the massive influx of refugee from the Middle East and Africa, escalated further due to the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. This complex scenario necessitates a reformulation of migration policies to align with evolving realities. The multifaceted nature of the crisis intertwines political, economic, and humanitarian dimensions, emphasizing the urgency for comprehensive policy adjustments. The aim of this article is twofold: first, to conduct an in-depth analysis of the United Kingdom’s economic landscape following Brexit; considering factors such as trade dynamics, investment patterns, and sectoral shifts. Second, it aims to evaluate the potential pathways for its international collaborations with diverse nations and regions across the globe, emphasizing the significance of forging new trade alliances and diplomatic partnerships in the evolving global context. Methods. Employing a comprehensive approach, this study utilizes analytical, synthetic, and comparative methods, drawing insights from normative regulations, academic research, and statistical data. By examining a wide array of economic indicators, trade patterns, and investment flows, the study provides a nuanced understanding of the post-Brexit economic challenges and opportunities. Results. The research underscores that the United Kingdom, post-Brexit, confronts substantial economic intricacies. On one hand, it can actively engage in renegotiating trade agreements with an array of partners and foster a dynamic regulatory environment. This dual approach holds the promise of cultivating enhanced economic autonomy and broadening avenues for growth. On the other hand, the relinquishment of privileges linked to EU membership might engender challenges in terms of adaptability. The need to diversify trade partnerships while managing potential disruptions remains a pivotal consideration. In conclusion, this study emphasizes the imperative of meticulous analysis and strategic economic planning to actualize effective economic sovereignty and facilitate sustainable advancement for the United Kingdom in the aftermath of Brexit. It calls for a balanced approach that harnesses new global opportunities while addressing domestic economic vulnerabilities. Practical implications. Policymakers in the United Kingdom can utilize the insights provided to shape effective economic strategies that navigate the challenges posed by Brexit. The analysis of potential pathways for international collaborations can guide the country’s diplomatic efforts and trade negotiations with other nations and regions. Businesses operating within the UK can gain valuable insights into the changing economic landscape, helping them adapt, innovate, and explore new markets. Investors and international partners can make informed decisions based on the assessed economic prospects, identifying areas of potential cooperation and growth. Originality and value. This article contributes to the existing body of knowledge by offering a comprehensive analysis of the economic landscape and international cooperation prospects of the United Kingdom post-Brexit. The integration of various research methods, normative regulations, and statistical data enhances the robustness of the study. The article’s originality lies in its dual focus on the economic state and the potential for international collaboration, providing a holistic view of the country’s post-Brexit prospects.
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Hing, Lo Shiu. "The Politics of the Debate over the Court of Final Appeal in Hong Kong". China Quarterly 161 (marzo de 2000): 221–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000004008.
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Before the transfer of Hong Kong's sovereignty from Britain to the People's Republic of China (PRC) on 1 July 1997, the politics of interpreting the Basic Law had already become apparent. This article aims to use the debate over the Court of Final Appeal (COFA), which was set up in July 1997 to replace the Privy Council in Britain as the court of final adjudication in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR), to analyse how the Basic Law had already been interpreted by PRC officials, their British counterparts and the Hong Kong people. The interpretation of the Basic Law involves many people from both Hong Kong and China. As one legal scholar writes: “In one sense all kinds of people [in the HKSAR] will have to interpret the Basic Law: civil servants and other administrators and lawyers in their day-today work, legislators to ensure that their legislation and motions are consistent with it, the State Council [in the PRC], the National People's Congress Standing Committee, even private parties since some provisions affect private acts.” The debate over the COFA may also help towards an understanding of the ongoing interpretation of various provisions of the Basic Law, which serves as the mini-constitution of the HKSAR.
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Colley, Linda. "Empires of Writing: Britain, America and Constitutions, 1776–1848". Law and History Review 32, n.º 2 (3 de abril de 2014): 237–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000801.
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Approximately 50 years ago, R. R. Palmer published his two volume masterworkThe Age of the Democratic Revolution. Designed as a “comparative constitutional history of Western civilization,” it charted the struggles after 1776 over ideas of popular sovereignty and civil and religious freedoms, and the spreading conviction that, instead of being confined to “any established, privileged, closed, or self-recruiting groups of men,” government might be rendered simple, accountable and broadly based. Understandably, Palmer placed great emphasis on the contagion of new-style constitutions. Between 1776 and 1780, eleven onetime American colonies drafted state constitutions. These went on to inform the provisions of the United States Constitution adopted in 1787, which in turn influenced the four Revolutionary French constitutions of the 1790s, and helped to inspire new constitutions in Haiti, Poland, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and elsewhere. By 1820, according to one calculation, more than sixty new constitutions had been attempted within Continental Europe alone, and this is probably an underestimate. At least a further eighty constitutions were implemented between 1820 and 1850, many of them in Latin America. The spread of written constitutions proved in time almost unstoppable, and Palmer left his readers in no doubt that this outcome could be traced back to the Revolution of 1789, and still more to the Revolution of 1776. Despite resistance by entrenched elites, and especially from Britain, “the greatest single champion of the European counter-revolution,” a belief was in being by 1800, Palmer argued, that “democracy was a matter of concern to the world as a whole, that it was a thing of the future, [and] that while it was blocked in other countries the United States should be its refuge.”
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Junbo, Jian y Yao Le. "Britain’s China policy after Brexit: Based on pragmatism or values first?" Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 16, n.º 1 (2023): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2023.101.
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After Brexit, Britain has vowed to build a “Global Britain”. Guided by this strategy, the Great Britain’s policy towards People’s Republic of China is undergoing a more dramatic adjustment, which has brought the relations between China and the United Kingdom from a “golden era” to a more turbulent and unpredictable period of today. Overall, Britain’s current policy toward China is based on a range of policy tools, such as investment screening, Indo-Pacific Policy, as well as bilateral mechanisms, to catch the Chinese market for economic gain, while politically following the United States and provoking China on ideological and sovereignty matters in order to maintain its alliance with the West. Given in general the increase of negative perceptions of British public opinion of China, as well as the dramatic changes in the international situation (including the occurrence of major geopolitical events such as the Russian-Ukrainian military conflict), adjustments in the UK’s policy toward China will continue for some time, which will impact the stability of Sino-British relations. In the future, based on pragmatism, Britain’s China policy will maintain a flexible balance between maintaining selective cooperation with China in economy and global governance and deepening confrontation with China in the political sphere.
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Kuznetsova, E. G., O. M. Kuryleva, L. A. Salomatina, V. Yu Belov y V. I. Sevastianov. "The cyclosporine transdermal transfer possibility study on model systems". Russian Journal of Transplantology and Artificial Organs 21, n.º 1 (18 de mayo de 2019): 135–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15825/1995-1191-2019-1-135-141.
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Aim: to develop the emulsion transdermal therapeutic system (TTS) of cyclosporine and the research of its diffusion from TTS.Materials and methods. The quantitative evaluation of cyclosporine in model media was performed on liquid chromatograph Agilent 1100 G1311 with spectrophotometric detector G1315B (Germany). For the production of the emulsion matrix, the Heidolph DIAX900 disperser (Germany) and the ultrasonic homogenizer Hielscher UIS250V (Germany) were used. The cyclosporine diffusion from TTS through Strat-M membrane (25 mm in diameter, Merck Millipore) was studied using Copley diffusion analyser (Great Britain).Results. Using the developed method of micro-HPLC, it was established that the amount of cyclosporine passed through the Strat-M membrane over 24 hours from 10 sm2 TTS, containing 173 mg of the substance, was 5.9 mg. The estimated blood concentration is ~ 50 ng/ml which corresponds to the therapeutic maintenance blood concentration during organ transplantation (50–75 ng/ml).Conclusion. The model studies demonstrate the possibility of the cyclosporine transdermal transfer.
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Gorbunov, Alexander A. "Some issues of Russia's transport policy in the context of Western sanctions". Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania 10, n.º 2 (24 de junio de 2024): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2024-2-144-151.
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The aspects of Russia's transport policy at the present stage in the context of the tightening of Western sanctions pressure are considered. The project of the North-South international transport corridor is considered as a transport response to attempts to push Russia away from the global South. Particular attention is paid to the political and technological aspects of the formation of the international transport corridor of the North-South project, the negative consequences of the sanctions imposed by Western countries against the transport industry of Russia are shown. An assessment of the actions of the United States and partners to counteract the creation of the North-South international transport corridor through the formation of alternative transport projects of the Lapis Lazuli Corridor and the Zangezur land transport corridor is given. Showing actions of the Government of the Russian Federation to defend the North-South project. In order to counter the threats from Britain and Great Britain, Russia and its partners in the formation of the North-South International Transport Corridor need to preserve sovereignty in international relations, counteract the interference of third countries in their plans, and strengthen the collective military security of their countries. It is important not to succumb to provocations, to show flexibility and mutual willingness to cooperate. This will not only help to overcome obstacles to the implementation of the North-South ITC project, but will also help the participating countries to move forward on integration issues, strengthening their relations.
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Gooch, Geoffrey D. y Reinhold Castensson. "The Transfer of Technology from Great Britain to Sweden 1825-1850: A Study of the International Diffusion of Machine Technology". Geografiska Annaler. Series B, Human Geography 73, n.º 3 (1991): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/490460.
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Galdan A., Galdanov. "«MONGOLIAN QUESTION» AT THE YALTA CONFERENCE (1945)". Human research of Inner Asia 2 (2021): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18101/2305-753x-2021-2-9-14.
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The article is devoted to the historical significance of the Yalta (Crimea) Conference held from 4 to 11 February 1945 for the history of Mongolia. The struggle of the Mongolian People’s Republic for independence and its participa-tion in World War II are the subject of constant study of Russian and Mongolian his-toriography. However, as a rule, these events are considered partially and are not an independent subject of research. The process of restoring the sovereignty of Mongo-lia has gone a long grassroots and difficult way. In 1911 Mongolia declared itself a sovereign state, and after that for almost fifty years it defended the right to be an in-dependent state, primarily in front of China, which remained the main sound-forming opponent of Mongolia’s sovereignty when it was reunited. China’s policy remained unchanged even after the military balance on this side changed in favor of the USSR. It was only after World War II that China officially recognized the independence of the Mongol People’s Republic. It is also worth noting the position of the allies of the USSR on the anti-Hitler coali-tion represented by the United States and the Great Britain on this question. Because of the strategic plans, the United States and the United Kingdom did not oppose it. But it should be emphasized that the United States carefully studied this question up to the trip of the American delegation to Mongolia in 1944. In the conclusion we have emphasized the important role of the Yalta (Crimea) Conference for Mongolia.
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Ti, Haowei, Zhiyun Hu y Gang Bian. "Comparison between Sino-US Trade War and the Opium War of the Qing Dynasty". International Journal of Trade, Economics and Finance 12, n.º 2 (abril de 2021): 58–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijtef.2021.12.2.694.
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The Sino-US trade war has become more and more fierce. From March 2018 to the present, China and the United States have begun to constantly increase tariffs and restrict each other. Negotiations are still going on and it seems that no real progress has been made. Soybean procurement, sanctions against Huawei, chip battles, intellectual property wars, and technology transfer have been escalated, and both sides of the trade have been affected to varying degrees. At the end of 2019, if all the tariffs in the Trump plan were implemented, it meant that almost all goods from China (worth about $550 billion) would be subject to punitive tariffs. First Opium War‘ Britain often called it the first Sino-British war or "commercial war". It was a war of aggression launched by Britain from China from 1840 to 1842, and it was also the beginning of modern Chinese history. In 1840, the British government used Lin Zexu's Humen cigarettes as an excuse to decide to send the expeditionary forces to invade China. In June 1840, the British warships arrived in the Pearl River Estuary in Guangdong, blocking the seaport, and the Opium War began. The Chinese and British sides signed the "Nanjing Treaty", the first unequal treaty in Chinese history. China began to rip land, indemnify, and negotiate tariffs to foreign countries. The Nanjing Treaty seriously endangered China's sovereignty. China began to become a semi-colonial, semi-feudal society, losing its independent status and promoting the disintegration of the natural economy.
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Fabig, Holger. "Income mobility and the welfare state: an international comparison with panel data". Journal of European Social Policy 9, n.º 4 (1 de noviembre de 1999): 331–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/a010295.
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This article examines gross and net equivalent income mobility in the western and eastern states of Germany, in Great Britain and in the United States, using panel data of these countries from the period 1989-95. By comparing the differences between the mobility of gross and net equivalent income internationally, it analyses to what extent the welfare state reduces income mobility, thereby testing hypotheses concerning international differences in the mobility-reducing effect of the welfare state. The results show that the largest mobility-reducing effect is observed in eastern states of Germany, followed by western Germany. While the reduction of gross equivalent income mobility by the tax and transfer system is much smaller in Great Britain, this reduction cannot be observed in the USA at all. These results support the hypothesis that the mobility-reducing effect of the tax and transfer system is much stronger in conservative welfare states like Germany than in liberal welfare states like Great Britain and the USA. Résumé Cet article étudie les flux de revenus brut et net (y compris transferts) des individus dans le temps en Allemagne de l'Est et de l'Ouest, en Grande-Bretagne et aux Etats-Unis à partir de données couvrant la période 1989-95. Sur base d'une comparaison international sur les dynamiques entre revenus équivalents nets et bruts, il analyse dans quelle mesure le système de protection sociale réduit ces différences. Les résultats indiquent que l'effet de réduction le plus important s'observe en Allemagne de l'Est, suivie de l'Allemagne de l'Ouest. Si en Grande-Bretagne, cette réduction par le système de redistribution et d'imposition est nettement plus faible, aucune réduction ne s'observe aux Etats-Unis. Ces résultats soutiennent l'hypothèse selon laquelle l'effet réducteur de la mobilité des revenus par le système d'imposition et de redistribution est plus important dans les systèmes de sécurité sociale conservateurs comme l'Allemagne que dans le systèmes de protection sociale qualifié de libéraux comme la Grande-Bretagne et les Etats-Unis.
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Pasztor, Maria. "Sprawa statku „Hel” w relacjach polsko-belgijskich w 1955 roku". Prace Historyczne 149, n.º 1 (28 de marzo de 2022): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.22.010.14623.
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The case of the “Hel” ship in Polish-Belgian relations in 1955 The article deals with the Polish-Belgian legal dispute (1955) over the legality of the arrest imposed on the Polish “Hel” ship in Antwerp. The detention of the ship resulted from previous rulings of the courts of the United Kingdom of Great Britain made enforceable by the Belgian judiciary. The Polish authorities tried to transfer the legal dispute to the political and diplomatic level. This led to a Polish-Belgian “war of notes” and the degradation of relations between Warsaw and Brussels.
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Shchevelev, S. S. "THE BRITISH MANDATE AND THE UPRISING OF 1920 IN IRAQ". Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), n.º 1 (2021): 140–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-1-140-153.
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The article examines the initial period of the mandate administration of Iraq by Great Britain, the anti-British uprising of 1920. The chronological framework covers the period from May 1916 to October 1921 and includes an analysis of events in the Middle East from May 1916, when the secret agreement on the division of the territories of the Ottoman Empire after the end of World War I (the Sykes-Picot agreement) was concluded before the proclamation of Faisal as king of Iraq and from the formation of the country՚s government. This period is a key one in the Iraqi-British relations at the turn of the 10-20s of the ХХ century. The author focuses on the Anglo-French negotiations during the First World War, on the eve and during the Paris Peace Conference on the division of the territory of the Ottoman Empire and the ownership of the territories in the Arab zone. During these negotiations, it was decided to transfer the mandates for Syria (with Lebanon) to the France, and Palestine and Mesopotamia (Iraq) to Great Britain. The British in Iraq immediately faced strong opposition from both Sunnis and Shiites, resulting in an anti-English uprising in 1920. The author describes the causes, course and consequences of this uprising.
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Brazier, Rodney. "The Constitution of the United Kingdom". Cambridge Law Journal 58, n.º 1 (marzo de 1999): 96–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197399001063.
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BEFORE the dawn of the millennium new legislative and executive authorities will have been established in Edinburgh, Cardiff and (subject to further political and other progress) in Belfast. This article analyses the nature of these constitutional initiatives, and examines their place in the unitary state which is the United Kingdom. It begins by tracing the history of constitutional union between England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. The legal effect of the 1998 devolution statutes is examined, in particular on the legal sovereignty of the United Kingdom Parliament. A triple constitutional and legal lock exists in the Scotland Act 1998 to ensure that the devolution settlement is the final step away from the pure unitary state which has enfolded Scotland in Great Britain. The nature and likely success of that lock are analysed in some detail. The lawmaking powers of the Scottish Parliament, the Welsh Assembly, and the Northern Ireland Assembly are assessed. The similarities and differences between each of the three devolved governments and the British Government are highlighted, and consequences and possible lessons for future government-making at Westminster are drawn. The article concludes with a peer into the possible constitutional futures for the United Kingdom.
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BlagoveÅ¡Äenskij, Roman. "Right-wing euroscepticism in the UK: the cases of the uk independence party and the conservative party between 1993 and 2015". New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, n.º 2 (12 de enero de 2016): 104–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v2i2.422.
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The outcome of the 2014 elections of the European Parliament and the results of the 2015 national elections begged the question of whether the parties defending Eurosceptic positions are becoming prominent political forces in the UK. The research question is as follows: what are the similarities and differences between the two main right-wing parties of the UK, namely the Conservatives and the UKIP, in their anti-EU rhetoric in the last two decades? I used public speeches of the UKIP leader which showed that the national identity and national sovereignty are of a great value for the party. In this work, I also used other primary sources: the parties’ manifestos (1997, 2001, 2005, 2010, 2015), the Eurobarometer surveys (in 1999, 2004 and 2015) and YouGov surveys (between 2012 and 2015). They show that the British public is hostile towards Europe and immigrants from Europe. This article draws the similarities between the Conservatives and the UKIP. They both criticize Brussels for over-centralization of power. According to them, the aim of any British government is to reduce the competences of supranational bodies and return certain powers to the state capitals. In addition, the Conservatives and the UKIP pledged to fight against immigration. However they have different approaches towards the same problems: the Conservatives would have Britain renegotiate the membership terms, while the UKIP favors a withdrawal from the EU. The main difference between the parties in question is that the Tories are far more cautious than UKIP. They believe that Britain can renegotiate the terms of membership and returning certain powers back to the national level. For the UKIP, the EU is bad in its nature. The Conservative party wants to be in Europe but not run by Europe while the UKIP argues that it is impossible to be in Europe but not run by Europe.
Keywords: Euroscepticism, UKIP, Conservatives, Britain
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Samarukha, Victor, Alexey Samarukha y Tatyana Sorokina. "The Role of Finance in Ensuring the Economic Security of Russia in the Conditions of the Geopolitical Transformation of the World Economy". Bulletin of Baikal State University 32, n.º 3 (8 de noviembre de 2022): 474–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-2759.2022.32(3).474-484.
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After the collapse of the USSR, Russia regained its sovereignty and embarked on the path of building a democratic (capitalist) state with a market economy. At the same time, the country's economy to this day (more than 30 years) is characterized as a transitional one, with an unstable national currency and financial system. The article substantiates the role of finance in the geopolitical transformation of the world economy in the context of deepening crisis phenomena, increased competition and contradictions in the global market in connection with the geo-economic redistribution of the world, the strengthening of the Western countries, primarily the United States and Great Britain, of a hybrid war against Russia and the organization of a proxy war through Ukraine. These circumstances lead to the need for the state to move from an ultra-liberal model of economic management to a planned-market, result-oriented, import substitution, economic growth (above the world level) based on the modernization of production. This requires increasing the powers of the state in the management of reproductive processes, sets the task of a deep theoretical understanding of the problems of financial security including in the aspect of transformation of management to unconditionally ensure the sovereignty of the country, its national and economic security. In this regard, it is necessary to restructure the system of state institutions to ensure the formation and implementation of large-scale modernization projects in the medium and long term on a scientific basis; stable economic growth; increasing the competitiveness of Russia, taking into account the growing uncertainty of economic relations between countries; spread of digital technologies. At the same time, it is necessary to take into account the historical world and domestic experience in the development of production processes.
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Smyth, Jim. "‘Like amphibious animals’: Irish protestants, ancient Britons, 1691–1707". Historical Journal 36, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1993): 785–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014503.
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ABSTRACTIreland in the 1690s was a protestant state with a majority catholic population. These protestants sometimes described themselves as ‘the king's Irish subjects’ or ‘the people of Ireland’, but rarely as ‘the Irish’, a label which they usually reserved for the catholics. In constitutional and political terms their still evolving sense of identity expressed itself in the assertion of Irish parliamentary sovereignty, most notably in William Molyneux's 1698 pamphlet, The case of Ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in England, stated. In practice, however, the Irish parliament did not enjoy legislative independence, and the political elite was powerless in the face of laws promulgated at Westminster, such as the i6gg woollen act, which were detrimental to its interests. One possible solution to the problem of inferior status lay in legislative union with England or Great Britain. Increasingly in the years before 1707 certain Irish protestant politicians elaborated the economic, constitutional and practical advantages to be gained from a union, but they also based their case upon an appeal to the shared religion and ethnicity of the sovereign's loyal subjects in the two kingdoms. In short the protestants insisted that they were English. This unionist episode thus illustrates the profoundly ambivalent character of protestant identity in late seventeenthand early eighteenth-century Ireland.
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Braun, Dietrich. "Origins and Development of Initiation of Free Radical Polymerization Processes". International Journal of Polymer Science 2009 (2009): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2009/893234.
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At present worldwide about 45% of the manufactured plastic materials and 40% of synthetic rubber are obtained by free radical polymerization processes. The first free radically synthesized polymers were produced between 1910 and 1930 by initiation with peroxy compounds. In the 1940s the polymerization by redox processes was found independently and simultaneously at IG Farben in Germany and ICI in Great Britain. In the 1950s the systematic investigation of azo compounds as free radical initiators followed. Compounds with labile C–C-bonds were investigated as initiators only in the period from the end of the 1960s until the early 1980s. At about the same time, iniferters with cleavable S–S-bonds were studied in detail. Both these initiator classes can be designated as predecessors for “living” or controlled free radical polymerizations with nitroxyl-mediated polymerizations, reversible addition fragmentation chain transfer processes (RAFT), and atom transfer radical polymerizations (ATRP).
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Taylor, Barbara. "THE DEMISE OF THE ASYLUM IN LATE TWENTIETH-CENTURY BRITAIN: A PERSONAL HISTORY". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 21 (4 de noviembre de 2011): 193–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440111000090.
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ABSTRACTMental health care in Britain was revolutionised in the late twentieth century, as a public asylum system dating back to the 1850s was replaced by a community-based psychiatric service. This paper examines this transformation through the lens of an individual asylum closure. In the late 1980s, I spent several months in Friern mental hospital in north-east London. Friern was the former Colney Hatch Asylum, one of the largest and most notorious of the great Victorian ‘museums of the mad’. It closed in 1993. The paper gives a detailed account of the hospital's closure, in tandem with my personal memories of life in Friern during its twilight days. Friern's demise occurred in an ideological climate increasingly hostile to welfare dependency. The transfer of mental health care from institution to community was accompanied by a new ‘recovery model’ for the mentally ill which emphasised economic independence and personal autonomy. Drawing on the Friern experience, the paper concludes by raising questions about the validity of this model and its implications for mental healthcare provision in twenty-first century Britain.
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Rafiee, Ahmad, Mehdi Karimi, Amir Safari y Fahimeh Abbasi Talabari. "The Future Impact of Carbon Tax on Electricity Flow between Great Britain and Its Neighbors until 2030". Applied Sciences 11, n.º 21 (7 de noviembre de 2021): 10460. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/app112110460.
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This paper investigates the future role of cross-border electricity flow between Great Britain (GB) and its neighbors until 2030, considering high deployment of renewable energy sources (e.g., wind, solar, and biomass), enhanced interconnection capacity, and a partly electrified heating sector. It was assumed that two cross-border interconnectors links will connect GB’s power system to its neighbors: (1) a one-way interconnector (IC1) that imports electricity to GB, and (2) a two-way one (IC2) between France and GB. The IC2 was allowed to transfer electricity from a cheaper power system to a more expensive one. The results show that at a fixed CO2 price, a change in power imported via IC1 will affect the power dispatch of the CO2 emitting power plants and biomass-fired power plants, and electricity trade via IC1 and IC2. At IC1 importing of £60/MWh, by raising the CO2 price from 60 to £70/ton, the share of CCGT power plants will reduce by 75%, and the power imported via IC1 link will face 19-times growth. With a constant IC1 import price, raising the CO2 tax will reduce the total quantity of electricity being exported to France via IC2. Moreover, increasing the CO2 tax will increase the emissions cost of gas and coal-fired generators, and the power required to meet the demand will be imported via IC1. With the IC1 electricity price set to £20/MWh and the CO2 tax set to £50/ton, there may be 595 periods out of 17,520 in which GB will be used as an electricity trade corridor. GB’s total CO2 emissions should drop as the CO2 tax increases.
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Kleinowski, Marcin. "The impact of Brexit on the voting power in the Council of the European Union". Przegląd europejski 4 (6 de agosto de 2019): 95–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.3456.
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The article analyses the potential impact of Brexit on the voting power of member states and indirect voting power of EU residents in the Council, in the case of adopting decisions by the qualified majority of votes. The leading hypothesis of the paper assumes that the fact of leaving the EU by Great Britain leads to another transfer of voting power to the benefit of five countries with the largest populations. The aim of the paper is also to determine to what extent the indirect voting power of residents from individual member states is equal. The obtained results indicate that a flow of voting power towards the five member states with the largest populations will be a consequence of Brexit.
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Ponypalyak, Oleksandr. "Cooperation of the OUN with the USA and Great Britain IN 1945–1955 (based on Soviet materials)". Ethnic History of European Nations, n.º 67 (2022): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.67.11.
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In this article, the author explores the issue of cooperation between the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and Great Britain and the United States of America in the first postwar decade. The object of the author’s study is the Ukrainian liberation movement, the subject of study is the cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the special services of Western countries in the context of the confrontation with the Soviet Union in the early stages of the Cold War. The sources of the study are internal documents of the Soviet security services, reports, orders of the Ministry of State Security and the Committee of State Security of the USSR and protocols of interrogations of participants and leaders of the Ukrainian underground. In this context, the interrogation reports of V. Okhrymovych, the head of intelligence of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad, who was trained in intelligence at the school of spies and in 1951 was landed in Soviet-controlled territory, were discovered and arrested by the KGB. The author analyzed the peculiarities of the geopolitical situation in Ukraine and the entire region of Central and Eastern Europe in the postwar period. Separately, the researcher studied the specifics and features of cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the intelligence agencies of the United States and Great Britain. The author analyzed the documents available in the archives of Ukraine for evidence of cooperation and coordination of efforts of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad with representatives of special services of foreign states to gather intelligence in the USSR anti-Soviet sentiments, etc. The analysis of the facts in the documents showed the complexity of the situation of the Ukrainian liberation movement at the final stage of the armed struggle on the territory of Ukraine. In fact, Western special services were in dire need of intelligence from the Soviet Union, while centers of the Ukrainian movement abroad needed support in weapons, equipment, radio, new methods of sabotage and intelligence, and financial support. OUN members also had to study and learn about parachuting abroad, as illegal land routes were blocked by socialist countries. The transfer of Ukrainian underground was carried out illegally on American or British planes, from which landings were carried out over the territory of Ukraine together with walkie-talkies and equipment. The overthrown had to get in touch with the underground in Ukraine and renew the line of communication with the network of the Ukrainian liberation movement in the USSR. This article will be of interest to researchers of the history of Ukraine, the Soviet Union, the United States and the European continent of the ХХ century, specialists in military affairs, intelligence and the Ukrainian liberation movement, students and anyone persons interested in history.
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Dyrina, Anna. "ON THE POST-SOCIALIST PATH OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS AND THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA". Urgent Problems of Europe, n.º 2 (2021): 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.13.
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The article examines the current state of affairs in Belarus and Serbia - two countries that previously were parts of the socialist federal states, but currently belong to the regions of Eastern Europe and the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe, respectively. The first part of the article is devoted to Belarusian-Serbian relations. Political cooperation is developing at the presidential, governmental and parliamentary levels, and interaction is also carried out at the level of various departments, regions and cities. For Serbia, the support from Belarus on the international scene is important, in particular, in the issue of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia. The second part of the article is devoted to Serbia’s relations with the EU and the countries of the Adriatic Euroregion. On December 22, 2009 Serbia applied for EU membership. Despite the significant progress in the negotiations, Serbia has not yet become one of the EU member states. The third part of the article analyzes relations between Belarus and its neighbors, as well as cooperation with the EU. The European Union is the second most important market for Belarusian exports (after Russia). The main trading partners of Belarus among European countries, based on the indicators of bilateral trade in 2019, are Germany, Poland, Great Britain, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Italy, Turkey, Latvia, France, Belgium, and the Czech Republic. The article concludes on the state and prospects of Belarusian-Serbian relations, cooperation of Belarus and Serbia with the EU and neighboring countries, and gives a description of the political systems and foreign policy of Belarus and Serbia.
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Khanal, Dr Uttam. "Role of the Nepali Army for Geo-Strategic Importance in the Past Four Centuries". Social Science, Humanities and Sustainability Research 4, n.º 1 (19 de marzo de 2023): p19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sshsr.v4n1p19.
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The history of the Nepal army is brave and glorious in the context of the world military. They protect their own motherland and also making independence, integrity, sovereignty for the nation is its motto. The great campaign for the nation’s security, freedom and protection of the nation through movement is the main goal. It has made an incomparable contribution to the nation; war with the British-Nepal, Nepal-Tibet-China and World War also. It has been successfully achieved with skillful leadership of the military in the past four and half centuries. This paper is fully gathering important information of Nepal army for past to present now. It is getting to answer the question: What was the role of the army to protect the nation? What skill full tactics made to British war? Was Nepal’s army leading a symbolic role of national unity? Why is the Nepali army bravery in the world? All evidence is taken using analytical methods, briefly of the army’s history, role and geo-strategic importance, activities of historical expectation, skills used in different wars for national unity and integration. The army was organized in 1744 by the Gorkha state of Prithvi Narayan Shah and it was the first military structure in South Asian countries. The War of British-Nepal has been a proud history since 1814 and also written as golden words by the side of Britain to the Nepali army. It is very useful evidence for all Nepali people and from other countries of the world that the military will be bright in the future.
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Kutepova, Maryna. "Preconditions and stages of devolution in the UK". Acta de Historia & Politica: Saeculum XXI, n.º 03 (28 de mayo de 2022): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.26693/ahpsxxi2021-2022.03.022.
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The article analyses preconditions and stages of devolution in the UK. It is shown, that the decentralization of public administration in the UK means the devolution of central government and increasing the responsibility of local government in the expansion and development of various forms of interaction between state and society. In this context, devolution is primarily a process of transferring power from the central to the lower level. Devolution has become the most important event of recent decades in the political and socio-economic development of Great Britain. In contrast to decentralization, devolution aims at a more substantial transformation of the territorial system of government – the transfer of not only executive powers but also some legislative ones.
Thus, the decentralization of power, which has signs of devolution in Britain, is complex and ambiguous process. The process of devolution in the UK is characterized by asymmetry, as evidenced by the lack of legislative powers of England. In this context, it is stated that the procedure of interaction between public authorities at different levels is not well established. Today, there are a significant number of control functions, levers of administrative and financial pressure on central offices, as well as the lack of clear recommendations by which local authorities could determine what is within their competence and address urgent issues more effectively.
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Schultz, Kenneth A. "The Politics of the Political Business Cycle". British Journal of Political Science 25, n.º 1 (enero de 1995): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007079.
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Existing models of the political business cycle have performed poorly in empirical tests because they have misspecified the interests of their primary actors – the incumbent politicians. While these models assume that governments face similar incentives to manipulate the economy at each election, governments' incentives can in fact vary from election to election depending upon their political needs at the time. The more likely the government is to be re-elected, the less it can gain by inducing cycles that are costly because of their impact on both the government's reputation and future macroeconomic performance. The degree to which the government manipulates the economy should thus be negatively correlated with its political security going into the election.This prediction is tested by examining transfer payments in Great Britain, 1961–92. While a traditional model that is insensitive to the government's political needs finds no evidence of politically-motivated manipulations, a model which takes these factors into account reveals a robust, and at times sizeable, electoral-economic cycle.
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Andreeva, T. "The Illegal Migration: Challeng for the UK (February 2020 – July 2021)". World Economy and International Relations 66, n.º 4 (2022): 75–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-4-75-83.
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The article is devoted to the problem of the rapid growth of number of illegal migrants smuggled into the United Kingdom after the end of its exit from the European Union (Brexit, 31 December 2020) – during the transition period (1 February – 31 December 2020) and in the first part of 2021. The topic of illegal migration into the UK during its withdrawal from the EU (Brexit, 29 March 2017–31 December 2020) is considered in the article to the extent that it helps to highlight the different facets of the main subject of the research. Scrutinizing the genesis of the problem of illegal migration in the United Kingdom from 2003 to 2021, the article shows that the rapid rise of the migrants’ smugglings across the English Channel in small boats in 2020 – the first part of 2021 has become the challenge for the country. The termination of Great Britain’s membership in the European Union and the COVID 19 pandemic are regarded as the main reasons for it. The author enumerates actions made by the Boris Johnson’s cabinet which aimed at creating new legal framework for readmission of illegal migrants by the EU countries after the end of the transition period. The article pays attention to the strengthening of Anglo-French boarder cooperation as a way to cope with the transfer of illegal migrants to the UK. The creation of new British immigration law after the transition period is seen as a method of struggling with gangs of smugglers and as a means to curb rising influx of illegal migrants. The article considers the dependence of public and social security from tackling of illegal immigration as a source of the Islamist terrorism activity in the country. The author answers the question about the perspectives of the migrant transfer to Great Britain in the nearest future.
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Dutkiewicz, Piotr y Yuriy M. Pochta. "Issues of Democratic Development and Construction of National Identity at the End of the Age of Imitations: Editorial Introduction". RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, n.º 3 (31 de agosto de 2021): 339–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-3-339-347.
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In the article, the guest editor Piotr Dutkiewicz and editor-in-chief Yuriy M. Pochta introduce the current issue of the journal, interpreting cross-cutting topics such as democratic development and the construction of national identity in the societies of the East and the West. They believe that the most appropriate heuristic explanation for these issues today is the idea that after the end of the Cold War the hopes for the final victory of the liberal democratic project on a global scale ended in disappointment. The end of history never took place, just like the victory of communism did not take place previously. All these years we have been witnessing an imitation of liberalism, the era of which is already over. There is currently a global revolt against the liberal imitation imperative. From this point of view, there is a great interest in articles devoted to Russian-Turkish relations, the place of the Central Asian states in the international rankings of democratic development, the evolution of the political development of the Lebanese Republic, the formation of democratic political regimes in such Eastern European EU member states as Poland and Hungary, the role of parties in the political life of Great Britain and Nigeria, as well as such theoretical and methodological problems of political science as the processes of forming future political leaders, methodology of the study of GR-management and approaches to the study of the political and psychological characteristics of the heads of Russian regions. In general, this issue of the journal pictures the current state of democratic development of Western and non-Western countries in the context of globalization, which is at the stage of transition from American monopolarity to multipolarity, from imitation of the Western liberal-democratic project to the search for its own development projects. The authors believe that from the point of view of Russia and its interests the materials of this issue allow for outlining the prospects for further research on ways to build the most effective relations with world and regional powers, the possibilities of protecting its sovereignty and its geopolitical interests, and the mechanisms for forming the Russian post-Soviet identity at the national and regional levels.
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Zaborovskyy, V. y V. Kharuta. "Implementation of the principle of people’s ownership: nutritional theory and legal status". Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 2, n.º 79 (25 de octubre de 2023): 415–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2023.79.2.65.
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It appears that the Constitution of Ukraine has voted for the sovereignty and united power of the people, which it implements directly through the bodies of state power and local self-government. The main manifestation of the power of the people is the referendum and free elections. The forms of centralized people’s rule, which are enshrined in Section 3 of the Constitution, play an initial role for the current political constitutionalism, which directly contributes to the development of a huge partnership between the powers that we hope is possible It is possible to provide the free-willed population with the widest range of nutrition. State power and local self-government function effectively due to the presence of developed institutions of direct democracy. Today’s practice of establishing the hidden forms of middle-free democracy significantly outpaces the theoretical developments in this area. The nutrition itself is voluminous, and at the same time there are a great number of gaps and gaps in the possibility of constitutional consolidation of new forms of unmediated democracy, especially in justice.
It appears that direct democracy in the state-legal system means ensuring the control and accountability of representative bodies before their voters, interspersed with Swaville. In other words, direct democracy is a specific mechanism, an institution in the middle of a democratic regime, which is equally important to the functioning of representative democracy. It appears that in legal literature there are different meanings of the concept of “form (institution) of middle-of-the-road democracy.” From the legal scientific literature it is clear that the forms of direct democracy mean “the ways and means of direct control over the people or any part of them, which includes the transfer of ownership to any bodies or individuals.”
On the basis of the analysis of scientific issues, the authors share the firm belief (L. Shipilov) in favor of direct democracy, that access to the stated ideal implies the convergence of “pure” non-median forms of economic power from the professional sphere the integrity of the state authorities. Only through the steady mutual interaction of the representative form in all types of people, permanent legitimation of delegated power, bilateral communication Together with the people and their representatives, mass political participation will be ensured. In this case, the ideological basis of people’s rule is popular sovereignty, the supremacy of power over the people, which actually works in the interests of the people. The idea of popular sovereignty played an extremely important role in the development of marriage, in the formation of democratic ambushes in the political life of various countries (A. Kolodiy).
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Galevskii, G. V. y V. V. Rudneva. "The XXI international scientific and practical conference “Metallurgy: technologies, innovations, quality”". Ferrous Metallurgy. Bulletin of Scientific , Technical and Economic Information 76, n.º 1 (7 de febrero de 2020): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.32339/0135-5910-2020-1-5-11.
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Results of the XXI International scientific and practical conference “Metallurgy: technologies, innovations, quality” presented, devoted to the 90-th anniversary of SibGIU, which took place on October 23–24, 2019, at the SibGIU site (Novokuznetsk). The work of the conference was organized in the frame of plenary session and sessions of the following sections: fundamental research; theory, simulation and technology of metallurgical processes; theory and technology of metal materials processing; foundry; metal forming; thermal treatment; theory and technology of welding processes; powder metallurgy and composition materials and coatings; heat- and mass-transfer in metallurgical processes and facilities; resources- and energy saving; ecology and wastes utilization. Scientists-metallurgists and specialists took part in the conference, representing 80 education and research organizations, industrial plants from 40 cities of Russia, China, Japan, Great Britain, Germany, Brazil, Austria, Israel, Poland, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Ukraine, Belarus, Latvia. 160 reports were received by the organization committee of the conference. The review of the reports, devoted to solving of scientific and application tasks in the area of ferrous metallurgy that arose the highest attention of the conference participants.