Tesis sobre el tema "Trade union representation"

This thesis considers the role of union full time officers in union organising strategies. Two decades of promoting union organising influenced by models developed by the AFL-CIO, has failed to arrest the decline of UK trade unions let alone produce evidence of renewal. Focusing mainly on one region in the UKs largest public sector trade union, Unison, the research provides for a detailed account of how organising strategies affect union work, presenting thick and deep data from full time officers (Regional Organisers), Regional Management, Senior National Officials, other Unison staff and lay representatives. The research focuses on the previously neglected role of full time officers in union organising strategies and considers how such strategies can change both the role of the full time officer and relations with other union constituencies. The research contributes to the ongoing study of trade union attempts to renew in the cold climate of globalisation and neo-liberalism. In doing so it also considers the much ignored area of the role of union bureaucracy in union organising strategies and the potential distortion or opposition it may present. Consequently the research also synthesises literature on union organising with classical theories of trade unions. Unison embraced the TUC’s promotion of grassroots organising and, it has been claimed, has been transformed into an organising union. The research questions this judgement by revealing a disconnection between organising strategies from workplace realities, resulting in an increasing managerialism and attempts to extend control over full time officers. A key consequence of these developments is the deterioration in the ability of Unison to represent members, both collectively and individually, leading to a potential crisis in representational capacity and ability providing the prospect for further union decline.

The under-representation of women and over-representation of men in trade unions raises questions as to why it occurs, its consequences for women and how it can be overcome. This thesis engages with these questions. It indicates the dominant ideologies and institutions which underpin the dominant male model of trade unions and discusses strategies designed to change the 'rules of the game'. The creation of UNISON on 1st July 1993 provides a research site in which to study the extent to which trade union democracy can be deliberately re-shaped so as to reflect the interests of women. UNISON represents 1.3 million workers within the public service sector, two-thirds of whom are women. It has been the express intention of UNISON to achieve gender democracy through empowering its women members to participate in its representative structures. In particular, the adoption of three key principles in the rule book: proportionality for women, fair representation at all levels and self-organisation for four disadvantaged groups, is intended to have a significant impact on the nature of women's involvement in the union. This thesis contains extensive case study material collected within UNISON over a two year period, ending November 1995. It reveals the opportunities which the three rule book commitments provide for effective representation by women in UNISON. By excluding men so that women can take the majority of representative positions, proportionality and fair representation change the predominant values and beliefs of trade union democracy. By providing opportunities for women to determine their own agenda, in the absence of men, self-organisation challenges the ideology that union strength is based on unity and common interests. However, the dominant model of trade unionism is not being re-shaped without tension or resistance. This thesis argues that ideologies and institutions remain which prevent women's access to representative structures being translated into the discussion of women's concerns in UNISON's decision making arena. VII

Paternalistic employment relations have been a tradition supported by the government in Taiwan whilst trade unions were brought in to support political development and economic growth. The government promulgated a ‘harmony culture’ in order to control employment relations, and in the 1980s set up the campaign of the ‘factory as one family, factory as one school’ to encourage employers to inculcate paternalistic beliefs in their employees’ everyday working lives. Authority, benevolence and morality, the characteristics of paternalistic management, make workers docile and loyal to management and stunt the sense of collective identity. This qualitative research selects one primary case, a privatised enterprise SteelCo and its union Steel-U, to conduct participant observation, in-depth interviews with union officers, labour representatives and management, surveys of union members, and documentary analysis of official documents and meeting minutes. One supplementary case is a state-owned enterprise SugarCo with its union Sugar-U; this mainly involved in-depth interviews with union representatives and limited access to some documents. Corporate trade unions take advantage of the paternalistic tradition to gradually develop their organisations as recognised by employers. Implementing nonunion representation is a practice of paternalistic ideology, offering trade unions another platform on which to work with management. Workers identify both themselves and the trade union as parts of the enterprise family rather than seeing the union as an agent of collectivity. The union has to be a service provider offering welfare and benefits to attract members before triggering any mobilisation. To conclude, paternalism has helped corporate trade unions to establish themselves in state-owned and privatised workplaces, and empowered trade unions to engage legitimately, effectively and autonomously in workplace affairs. To revitalise themselves from the paternalistic ideology, trade unions are expected to take the route of partnering unionism with the manipulation of nonunion representation in a top-down process of shaping labour’s collective identity.

This thesis examines the moderating role of trade union representation in addressing the gap in employer-provided training between permanent workers and workers with fixed-term contracts (FTCs) from a cross-country, comparative perspective. The impact of trade union representation is measured on two different levels: (1) access to trade union representation at the workplace at the individual-level (2) average trade union representation at the country-level, measured as trade union power. The statistical analyses are performed using data from the 2015 European Working Conditions Survey (EWCS) and multilevel modelling. Our result suggests that, across the European countries, workers with FTCs receive less employer-paid training than permanent workers. Regarding the impact of trade union representation, statistically significant result is found only at the individual-level, where access to trade union representation increases employer-paid training regardless of employment contract. For the interaction between access to trade union representation at the individual-level and FTC, no significant relationship is found. However, the models with the cross-level interaction between trade union power and FTC indicate that employer-paid training increases for permanent workers only. Our findings suggest that trade union representation at the workplace could operate as an equalizer between permanent workers and FTC workers, while at the country-level, their lobbying effect is beneficial for permanent workers only

The purpose of this essay is to examine how racialized workers are represented in the magazine Kommunalarbetaren which is a part of the Swedish trade union Kommunal. The covers from twenty issues of this magazine published in 2017 were analyzed to study if the representation of these workers was affected by discourses of white normativity. The study is based on theories of intersectionality by Kimberlé Crenshaw and representations and stereotypification by Stuart Hall. My result shows how work is exposed as something white people do and with dichotomies where one is represented as either white, Swedish worker or as a refugee, the latter having vague subject position and as someone who recently arrived in Sweden. The presence, participation and labour of people of color seem to be missing and be a blind spot for the magazine.

A greve é um instrumento de força e pressão dos trabalhadores, constituindo um mecanismo de autotutela. O ordenamento jurídico brasileiro o reconhece como um direito constitucional e prevê a participação dos sindicatos para a sua deflagração. Entretanto, constatam-se greves que foram iniciadas sem a sua presença, objetivando a busca de melhores condições de trabalho e a defesa de posições contrárias ao sindicato da categoria. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo geral verificar se as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria decorrem da representação sindical dos trabalhadores prevista no atual modelo de organização sindical brasileiro. A pesquisa se pauta em um estudo dogmático, que partiu da revisão bibliográfica acerca do tema e adotou referenciais de análise de conteúdo a partir de acórdãos dos Tribunais Regionais do Trabalho e do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho que versaram sobre esses movimentos grevistas. Após a seleção do universo da pesquisa, verificou-se a presença de indicativos de que a representação sindical dos trabalhadores decorrentes do modelo de organização sindical brasileiro é um fator determinante para as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria, especialmente pela falta de instrumentos que permitam a aferição da representatividade dos sindicatos.
The strike is a instrument of force and pressure of the workers, constituting a mechanism of self-protection. The Brazilian legal system recognizes it as a constitutional right and establishes the participation of trade unions in its outbreak. However, it was observed that strikes were initiated without the trade union presence, aiming at the search for better working conditions and the defense of opposing positions to the union of the workers category. In this sense, the research work has as general objective verify if the strikes without the presence of the union of the workers category arise from the workers union representation established in the current model of Brazilian union organization. The research is based on a dogmatic study, which started with the bibliographical review on the subject and adopted benchmarks of content analysis of judgments of the Regional Labor Courts and the Superior Labor Court that handled these striking movements. After the selection of the research universe, it was verified the presence of indications that the workers union representation resulting from the Brazilian union organization model is a determining factor for strikes without the presence of the trade union of the workers category, especially due the lack of instruments to verify the unions representativeness.

In the Spanish legal system, the workplace employee representation but may have certain similarities with the political representation (regulatory origin, not voluntary for the principal, democratic legitimacy) poses a specificity both the subjective perspective, to be circumscribed workers who make up the constituency, as a material arises as to represent the professional interests shared by a community of individuals united by an identical legal relationship derived from belonging to the same company. Its uniqueness is that this function can be assumed, concurrently, for two types: some representatives of elective basis; others, union base. This legal decision set a pluralistic model of subjects, but strongly interconnected functional dimension, due to differing legal natures.
En el ordenamiento jurídico español, el modelo de representación de los trabajadores en la empresa aunque pueda tener ciertas similitudes con la representación política (origen normativo y no voluntario para el representado, legitimidad democrática) plantea una especificidad tanto desde la perspectiva subjetiva, al quedar circunscrita a los trabajadores que conforman la circunscripción electoral, como material pues surge para la representación de los intereses profesionales compartidos por una colectividad de sujetos unidos por una idéntica vinculación jurídica, derivada de la pertenencia a la misma plantilla. Su singularidad es que esta función puede ser asumida, de manera concurrente, por dos tipos de sujetos: unos representantes de base electiva; otros, de base sindical, configurando con esta decisión legal un modelo pluralista de sujetos que, aunque fuertemente interconectado en su dimensión funcional, obedece a naturalezas jurídicas distintas.

Magister Legum - LLM (Private Law)
A trade mark is defined as a sign that is capable of distinguishing the goods or services of one enterprise from those of other enterprises. Trade marks, copyright, patents and designs are some of the forms of intellectual property. Trade marks can be divided into traditional trade marks and non-traditional trade marks. Traditional trade marks are capable of being represented graphically, for example logos, service marks or company names. Non-traditional trade marks are generally not capable of being represented graphically. Examples of these marks are inter alia, scent, taste, touch and sound marks. Technology is changing the way business is being conducted. The registration of nontraditional trade marks has grown exponentially as businesses seek to use innovative ways to protect their brands. Non-conventional trade marks may be visible signs, examples of which include colours, shapes, moving images, holograms and positions or non-visible signs such as sounds, scents, tastes, textures. Visible signs may easily be registered since they satisfy the requirement of graphical representation. Non-visible marks do not generally meet this requirement which makes their registration more complicated. An example of a registered visible non-traditional trade marks is the four finger shape of Kit Kat chocolates.

Vi har i detta arbete undersökt och analyserat hur den stereotypiske läraren representeras i de fyra svenska filmerna: Hets (1944), Ole dole doff, (1968), Lust och fägring stor (1995) och Vikarien (2006). Senare har vi genomfört en jämförande analys med hur den stereotypiske läraren representeras i tre fackliga tidskrifter ifrån samma tid: Svensk Lärartidning, Svensk Skoltidning och Skolvärlden. I vår jämförande analys fann vi stora likheter, exempelvis mellan diskursen om bristande resurser i skolan samt elevdemokrati. Vidare fann vi också skillnader, exempelvis presenterade en av filmerna en karaktär som tidsenligt inte stämde överens med hur den svenska skolan under den aktuella tiden såg på lärande, samt hur en lärare skall vara. Vår önskan är att lärare och lärarstudenter skall kunna använda denna analys för att ifrågasätta samt fundera kring sin egen lärarroll, och se likheter och skillnader i hur den idealiska läraren representeras dels inom filmens värld samt inom de fackliga tidskrifter som existerar inom skolvärlden.

We have in this study examined and analyzed how the stereotypical teacher is represented in the four Swedish movies: Torment (1944), Ole dole doff (1968), All Things Fair (1995) and The Substitute (2006). Then a comparative analysis was made, of how the stereotypical teacher is presented in three union trade journals from the same period of time: Svensk Lärartidning, Svensk Skoltidning and Skolvärlden. We found large similarities in our comparative analysis. For example, the discussion regarding the lack of resources in school, and also student democracy was analyzed. We also found differences, for example one of the movies presented a character not contemporary with the Swedish school regarding the concept of learning and how a teacher should be like. Our aim with this study is that teachers and student teachers will use this analysis to question and pounder upon their own roles as teachers’, and to se similarities and differences in how the ideal teacher is represented in movies and in union trade journals connected to the school world.

Siekiant išvengti socialinių konfliktų ir sudaryti realias socialinės partnerystės principo įgyvendinimo sąlygas, Lietuvos teisės sistemoje įtvirtintas darbo teisinių santykių subjektų atstovavimo institutas. Darbo tikslas yra išnagrinėti atstovavimo darbo teisėje instituto reglamentavimą Lietuvos teisės aktuose. Tačiau pagrindinis uždavinys yra išryškinti tiek darbuotojų, tiek darbdavių atstovavimo reglamentavimo trūkumus, išaiškinti pagrindines praktikoje iškylančias bei galinčias iškilti problemas, nustatyti dėl netobulo šio instituto reglamentavimo esamas spragas bei kolizines normas. Šiame darbe bus nagrinėjami tokie klausimai, kaip asociacijos laisvės principo esmės atskleidimas, be kurio nebūtų atstovavimo teisės, darbo teisės subjektų steigimo pagrindiniai principai bei didžiausias dėmesys skiriamas darbuotojų ir darbdavių atstovavimo problemoms išnagrinėti. Aptariant šiuos klausimus yra analizuojami tiek Lietuvos teisės aktai, tiek Tarptautinės darbo organizacijos konvencijų normos. Taip pat darbe trumpai aptarta darbo subjektų atstovų praktinė padėtis Lietuvoje.
Lithuania Law sistem legitimate the representation institute of Labour Law subjects to avoid social conflicts and to make real conditions to implement social partnership. The purpose of this work is to analyse the legal regulation of institution of representation of Labour Law subjects in Lithuanian national laws. However the main task is to expose shortcomings of legal regulation of the institution of the representation of employers and employees, to ascertain basic practical problems, to reveal breaches and collisions in legal regulation caused by it’s imperfection. In this work author analises a lot of questions with a view to reveal basic problems of this institute in Lithuania, examines the ways in which employee/employer relationships have changed and developed. There is aduced principle of liberty of association, which is the base of representation institute, discussed basic establishment rules of Labour Law subjects. As it was mentioned, the basic part of work describes the main problems of the representation of employee and employer. The writer considers the role of trade unions and how these have declined. There is a short review of real Labour Law subjects status in Lithuania.

This thesis examines the strategies applied by two German trade unions after the collapse of the GDR. It looks at the causes of stability and instability of corporatist systems and their institutions and how these maintain membership and organizational coherence. The study explores the reconstruction strategies of two contrasted West German trade unions seeking to maintain their organizational position and to protect the neo-corporatist industrial relations system that secures their survival. Their strategies for the organizational survival of the unions are determined partly by the neo-corporatist industrial relations structure and partly by their different organizational constraints. The first section looks at explanations of how encompassing trade unions in a neo-corporatist system maintain their membership and their organizational coherence. After delineating the various incentives which encompassing trade unions provide to their membership, the study examines the threats posed by the disintegration of the GDR to the provision of union services and thus to their ability to attract members. The effects of the collapse of the GDR could reduce their membership's willingness to define interests in collective terms (i.e. a favourable trade-off between inflation and unemployment). The study then examines the objectives for an intervention by the West German trade unions in the GDR in order to secure neo-corporatism by incorporation of the East German membership within the encompassing body of the West German unions. The second section looks at the main determinants of the reconstruction process which have been the legacy of low trust in former East German industrial relations as well as the FDGB's inadequate efforts which facilitated the intervention by the West German trade unions in the form of incorporation. The third section assesses the motives of two West German trade unions related to the reconstruction strategies of free labour representation in the GDR. Both trade unions followed the strategy of incorporating the East German workforce by narrowing the existing East-West wage gap (contractual exchange) as well as offering solidarity (diffuse exchange). In particular the motive of contractual exchange reveals the unions' desire to maintain stability within the neo-corporatist environment. As the research on corporatism rarely examines the causes of stability of corporatist systems and institutions, this thesis makes a contribution to our understanding of the strategies to maintain corporatist structures. The sudden collapse of the GDR, with its repercussions for the FRG, provides a special opportunity to analyse the strategy of corporatist institutions seeking to maintain stability.

Il presente studio si pone l’obiettivo di investigare sulle relazioni tra sindacati e gruppi auto organizzati di lavoratori in un contesto di crisi della rappresentanza sindacale tradizionale, guardando ad un settore peculiare: i servizi sociali esternalizzati. La ricerca verte in particolare sul ruolo dei movimenti sociali nella revitalizzazione del sindacalismo nell’Europa meridionale, dove i sindacati tradizionali hanno goduto di relazioni privilegiate con le istituzioni, entrate in declino con l’avvento della crisi economica. Per questo motivo, si guarderà in particolare a due organizzazioni con un percorso di sviluppo istituzionale simile, ma una diversa traiettoria in termini di movimento del lavoro durante la crisi: Comisiones Obreras in Spagna e Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro in Italia. Infatti, a differenza dell’Italia, i sindacati spagnoli si sono imbattuti in un’ondata di movimenti sociali altamente critici nei loro confronti. Le principali domande di ricerca sono: 1) che fattori influenzano le relazioni tra sindacati e gruppi auto organizzati di lavoratori e 2) se un’ondata di movimenti sociali a livello nazionale influenza il modo in cui i vari attori del movimento del lavoro interagiscono a livello locale.
This research wants to investigate on the relationship between trade unions and self-organized group of workers in the context of the trade unions’ crisis of representation in a specific and peculiar sector: the outsourced social services. One wants to look at the role of social movements in revitalizing trade unions in Southern Europe. It is especially there that unions used to rely on privileged relationship with the institutions, which had been declining during the last economic crisis. For this reason, the article will focus on two organizations with a similar path of institutional development, but with different labour movement trajectory during the crisis: CCOO in Spain and CGIL in Italy. In fact, Spanish trade unions had to relate with a wave of movement highly critic against them, while it did not occur in Italy. The main research questions are 1) which are the main factors influencing the relationship between trade unions and self-organized workers and 2) whether the occurrence of a social movement wave of contentions at national level do influence the way the various actors interact at local level.

Apresentamos a hipótese de que o modelo democrático representativo, quando aplicado a grupos e organizações, pode cumprir a função psíquica de intermediário entre o desejo dos membros de evitar o estabelecimento de um vínculo tirânico com o líder e, ao mesmo tempo, evitar os conflitos da convivência. Para abordar o tema, utilizamos o método de entrevista de história de vida, tendo como sujeito de pesquisa um sindicalista que, por 20 anos seguidos, atuou em um sindicato ligado à justiça federal do estado de São Paulo. A presente pesquisa tinha como objetivo refletir sobre o lugar do representante no grupo, em oposição ao lugar de líder. A partir dos dados obtidos, foi possível levantar a hipótese de que, enquanto o líder está investido em seu Eu Narcísico e onipotente, o representante identifica seu Ideal do Eu com os ideais do grupo, podendo postergar a satisfação de seus ideais em troca de ser reconhecido pelo grupo. Assim, o líder, ao receber uma transferência narcísica do grupo, pode pretender retomar o lugar do Pai da horda e, através da violência ou da sedução, exigir para si uma parcela quase total de poder. O representante, por outro lado, assume um lugar de tabu, recebendo uma transferência de poder para exercer funções típicas do papel de intermediário, mas, nesse caso, o grupo mantém o poder de destitui-lo de seu papel e massacrá-lo (mesmo que simbolicamente). No caso estudado, pudemos observar o sindicalista entrevistado exercendo esse papel de representante, a partir de posições que se repetiram ao longo de sua vida. Ocupou, a nosso ver, o papel de intermediário entre as pressões do momento democrático que o país viveu em 1988/1989 e os ideais autocráticos dos partidos de esquerda, que aqui representaram o grupo que buscava um vínculo tirânico em relação à categoria. O entrevistado viu-se enredado em uma trama de vínculos e na repetição de rituais que terminaram em uma crise que levou à sua ruptura com o grupo. Tal ruptura o levou a uma posição de ostracismo e lhe causou um intenso sofrimento, que o levou a uma depressão
We present the hypothesis that the representative democratic model, when applied to groups and organizations, can meet the psychic role of intermediary between the desire of members to avoid the establishment of a tyrannical relationship with the leader and, at the same time, avoid conflicts of coexistence. To address this issue, we used the method of life history interview, and as a research subject, a union trade representative that for 20 straight years, worked in a union linked to the federal courts of the state of São Paulo. This research aimed to reflect on the place of the representative in the group, as opposed to the place of leader. From the data obtained, it was possible to hypothesize that while the leader is invested in his narcissistic and omnipotent ego, the representative identifies his Ideal Ego with the ideals of the group, may postpone the fulfillment of his ideals in exchange for being recognized by the group. Thus, the leader receives a narcissistic transference from the group; he may want to regain the place of the Father of the horde, through violence or seduction, demanding for himself an almost total share of power. The representative , on the other hand, assumes a place of taboo , receiving a transfer of power to perform typical functions of an intermediary role , but in this case , the group has the power to depose him from his paper and slay him (even symbolically) . In our case, we observed the respondent exercising this role, from positions that were repeated throughout his life. He occupied, in our point of view, the role of intermediary between the pressures of democratic moment that the country experienced in 1988/1989 and the autocratic ideals of the Left parties, which represented here the group that seeks a tyrannical link with the category. The respondent found himself entangled in a web of bonds and the repetition of rituals that ended in a crisis that led to his departure from the group. This rupture led him to a position of ostracism and caused him intense suffering, which led to a depression

Appelé pour une large part à se construire sur l’accord collectif d’entreprise, le droit du travail ne peut pas faire l’économie du débat tenant à l’identification de la partie salariale à ce type d’accord. Si l’accord collectif s’est forgé sur le modèle d’une négociation conduite avec les syndicats, leur carence ou leur absence, conjuguées à la nécessité ou à la volonté d’utiliser les nouvelles opportunités offertes par l’accord, imposent la reconnaissance d’autres acteurs. La notion d’accord collectif d’entreprise en ressort profondément troublée, notamment lorsque la collectivité des salariés intervient par voie référendaire pour créer ou valider l’accord collectif. Mais parce que le référendum ne répond pas au modèle de l’accord collectif négocié, une nouvelle summa divisio émerge entre accords collectifs négociés et accords collectifs d’adhésion, dont le régime diffère parfois sensiblement. Insuffisant pour retisser les liens entre les syndicats et les salariés, le référendum se développe en même temps que s’accroît l’intervention d’autres représentants, directement élus par la collectivité des salariés, donc bénéficiant d’une forte légitimité, à tel point que les accords issus de négociations conduites avec eux sont de même nature que ceux conclus avec les syndicats…
Largely shaped upon collective bargaining agreement, labour law cannot afford to bypass the debate relating to the identification of the employees party to these agreements. If the collective bargaining agreement was built upon a model of negotiation with the unions, the lack or absence of the latter, combined with the necessity or desire to use the new opportunities offered by the agreement, dictates the acknowledgement of other protagonists. The notion of collective bargaining agreement comes out deeply altered. Employees intervene by way of referendum to create or validate the agreement. But because the referendum does not follow the model of the negotiated collective agreement, a new summa divisio emerges between negotiated agreements and adherence agreements, the regime of which sometimes differs lightly from the former. Insufficient to forge bonds between unions and employees, the referendum develops at the same time as the intervention of other representatives, directly elected by the employees, thus benefitting from a strong legitimacy, to the extent that the agreements resulting from negotiations conducted with them are of the same nature as those concluded with unions

La ricerca prende avvio dalla ricostruzione dei processi socio-economici che hanno portato alla crisi del modo di produzione taylorista-fordista. Muovendo da tali riflessioni, si constata come le imprese “post-fordiste” si avvalgano in misura crescente di lavoratori autonomi, un tempo coordinati e continuativi e, oggi, a progetto (artt. 61 e ss., d.lgs. 276/2003). Tali collaboratori sono, dunque, soggetti ad un potere (contrattuale) di coordinamento del committente che, alle volte, si somma ad una condizione di dipendenza economica dal committente medesimo. Si crea, quindi, una differenziazione interna all'area dell'autonomia coordinata che non pare adeguatamente valorizzata dal legislatore ordinario, ma che sembra interessare i sindacati. Il dato reale vede, infatti, agire rappresentanze varie, sicché occorre circoscrivere l'ambito di applicabilità degli artt. 39 e 40 Cost. L'assenza di un genuino interesse collettivo e di un'effettiva attività di autotutela inducono a ritenere che i collaboratori “forti” e il relativo associazionismo possano beneficiare delle sole tutele poste dagli artt. 2, 18 e 41 Cost. A conclusione si affrontano le problematiche che la ricostruzione così svolta solleva, ovverosia come garantire l'effettività delle tutele riconosciute al sindacalismo dei collaboratori “deboli” e come contemperare l'associazionismo dei collaboratori “forti” con il diritto antitrust comunitario.
The search starts with the reconstruction of socio-economic processes. Moving from these reflections, it's possible to see that today's companies take advantage of increasingly self-employed coordinated and continuous and, after d.lgs. 276/2003 “lavoratori a progetto”. These employees are, therefore, subject to a power (contractual) coordination of the customer that, at times, it adds up to a state of economic dependence by the same. It then creates an internal differentiation into autonomy area that does not seem properly valued by the ordinary legislator, but that seems to involve trade unions. Given that in reality there are different representations, we move to circumscribe the scope of applicability of the Arts. 39 and 40 Const. The absence of a genuine interest and genuine self activities suggest that employees "strong" and its associations can only benefit from the protections posed by Arts. 2, 18 and 41 Const. At the end tackling the problems so that the reconstruction turn raises, namely how to ensure the effectiveness of the safeguards recognized unionism collaborators "weak" and reconcile the associations of employees "strong" with the antitrust law.

La ricerca prende avvio dalla ricostruzione dei processi socio-economici che hanno portato alla crisi del modo di produzione taylorista-fordista. Muovendo da tali riflessioni, si constata come le imprese “post-fordiste” si avvalgano in misura crescente di lavoratori autonomi, un tempo coordinati e continuativi e, oggi, a progetto (artt. 61 e ss., d.lgs. 276/2003). Tali collaboratori sono, dunque, soggetti ad un potere (contrattuale) di coordinamento del committente che, alle volte, si somma ad una condizione di dipendenza economica dal committente medesimo. Si crea, quindi, una differenziazione interna all'area dell'autonomia coordinata che non pare adeguatamente valorizzata dal legislatore ordinario, ma che sembra interessare i sindacati. Il dato reale vede, infatti, agire rappresentanze varie, sicché occorre circoscrivere l'ambito di applicabilità degli artt. 39 e 40 Cost. L'assenza di un genuino interesse collettivo e di un'effettiva attività di autotutela inducono a ritenere che i collaboratori “forti” e il relativo associazionismo possano beneficiare delle sole tutele poste dagli artt. 2, 18 e 41 Cost. A conclusione si affrontano le problematiche che la ricostruzione così svolta solleva, ovverosia come garantire l'effettività delle tutele riconosciute al sindacalismo dei collaboratori “deboli” e come contemperare l'associazionismo dei collaboratori “forti” con il diritto antitrust comunitario.
The search starts with the reconstruction of socio-economic processes. Moving from these reflections, it's possible to see that today's companies take advantage of increasingly self-employed coordinated and continuous and, after d.lgs. 276/2003 “lavoratori a progetto”. These employees are, therefore, subject to a power (contractual) coordination of the customer that, at times, it adds up to a state of economic dependence by the same. It then creates an internal differentiation into autonomy area that does not seem properly valued by the ordinary legislator, but that seems to involve trade unions. Given that in reality there are different representations, we move to circumscribe the scope of applicability of the Arts. 39 and 40 Const. The absence of a genuine interest and genuine self activities suggest that employees "strong" and its associations can only benefit from the protections posed by Arts. 2, 18 and 41 Const. At the end tackling the problems so that the reconstruction turn raises, namely how to ensure the effectiveness of the safeguards recognized unionism collaborators "weak" and reconcile the associations of employees "strong" with the antitrust law.

Codetermination has entered the Australian public conversation in the last 4 years with commentators arguing it could reduce labour market inequality. Yet this is not the first-time it has surfaced in Australian debates – the federal Hawke government committed to introducing codetermination, but to no avail. Australian advocates for codetermination failed to do what European Christian Democrats succeed at; persistently championing codetermination and ensuring both businesses and trade unions supported it in practice. Codetermination first appeared in Germany in the writings of Catholic social thinkers, and through these thinkers and papal encyclicals it gained wider acceptance amongst the catholic community. In both Germany and Belgium, it was catholic actors – Christian trade unions, employers’ organisations and Christian democratic parties – that pushed codetermination. During the interwar period, these catholic actors won socialist trade union support for the idea, but their efforts ultimately failed due to sustained opposition from the business community. In the post-war period, these catholic actors again pushed codetermination whilst rebuilding the economy and garnered the support of the business community, ensuring its survival thereon. Comparatively, there was no substantial catholic political movement in Australia, and subsequently codetermination did not enter public debate until the 1970s & 1980s. Furthermore, businesses were never won over to the idea, and so the matter was solely advocated by the trade unions and the Labor party. Ultimately, both the Labor party and trade unions lacked the resolve to instate codetermination, and ultimately dropped the idea as other economic matters became more pressing.

Worker Centers (WC) sind Interessenorganisationen, die in den USA vor allem Migrantinnen und Migranten sowie Arbeitnehmerinnen und Arbeitnehmer im Niedriglohnsegment vertreten und die seit Mitte der 1980er Jahre stark an Zulauf gewonnen haben. Die Studie untersucht diese Formen der kollektiven Interessenvertretung mit Hilfe einer Literaturauswertung und einer Fallstudie eines WC in Deutschland. Im Zentrum stehen Fragen nach den Gründen der Entstehung von Worker Centers, den Leistungen und Arbeitsweisen; der \"effektiven\" Vertretung der Interessen ihrer Mitglieder bzw. ‚Klienten‘; und Folgen für das deutsche System der Arbeitsbeziehungen insgesamt - im Falle einer Zunahme der Verbreitung von Worker Centers. Die Auswirkungen auf das deutsche System werden als gering eingeschätzt, da sich die sozial-ökonomischen Voraussetzungen der USA, die die Dynamik der WC-Entstehung befördern, unterscheiden. So verfügen die USA über einen größeren Niedriglohnsektor; bestimmte Städte weisen weitaus höhere Konzentrationen von Migrantinnen und Migranten auf; gleichzeitig bestehen schwächere institutionelle Rechte und sozialstaatliche Unterstützungsleistungen. Allerdings zeichnen sich auch hierzulande Trends ab (Abnahme der Tarifbindung und Betriebsratsabdeckung, Arbeitnehmerfreizügigkeit, neue Personalkonzepte), die langfristig gesehen zu Veränderungen führen können.

L’entreprise transnationale s’impose comme un pouvoir économique puissantdans le contexte de mondialisation. Dénuée de personnalité morale, elle n’est appréhendéeque partiellement par les droits internes. En dehors du droit supranational qui présente descarences et n’assure qu’une régulation partielle, les relations de travail dans l’entrepriseglobalisée restent largement appréhendées par les droits nationaux et les paradigmes dudroit du travail n’ont guère évolué pour s’ajuster à leur singularité. La nature du droit quisaisit ces rapports n’est donc pas commensurable à leur réalité transnationale.L’insuffisance du cadre d’analyse actuel oblige alors à dépasser le doublecloisonnement des systèmes juridiques et des personnes morales afin de développer dessolutions globales. Une analyse tant positiviste que prospective du droit révèle l’existenced’un processus d’adaptation en cours, celui-ci devant toutefois être renforcé et étendu.Il s’agit donc de mettre en place un principe d’ajustement du droit à ces relations de travail,lequel révèle l’identité du transnational : la transnationalité est une expression du pluralisme.L’adaptation du droit suppose, d’une part, que l’entreprise soit recomposée en tantqu’organisation et qu’elle soit mise en synergie avec les autres acteurs de la gouvernancemondiale. Le mouvement d’adéquation implique, d’autre part, qu’un droit global, « postmoderne» et pluraliste, reposant sur un socle de droits fondamentaux, voit le jour. Ainsi,c’est au prix de ces évolutions que l’on parviendra à une régulation adaptée des relations detravail dans l’entreprise transnationale ainsi qu’à l’émergence d’un droit social de lamondialisation
Transnational companies now stand as leading economic powers in aglobalisation context. Stripped of any legal personality, they are only partly bound by thenational laws. Aside from supranational law, which is incomplete provides only partialregulation, labour relations within globalised companies remain largely bound by nationallaws while the paradigms of labour law have barely evolved in order to adjust to theirsingularity. The nature of the law that governs those professional relations is therefore notcommensurate to their transnational reality.The deficiencies of the current framework for analysis thus compel researchers to gobeyond the twofold boundaries of legal systems and legal entities in order to develop suitableglobal solutions. A positivist, forward-looking analysis of the law reveals the existence of anadaptation process that is already underway but which must also be extended andstrengthened.It is therefore a matter of establishing a legal adjustment principle within those labourrelations, which reveals the identity of the transnational: transnationality is an expression ofpluralism. Legal adaptation assumes, on the one hand, that companies be reconstructed asorganisations and that a synergy be established with other players in the field of globalgovernance. The alignment trend implies, on the other hand, the birth of a "post-modern",pluralist global law, resting on a foundation of fundamental rights. It is thus at the cost of suchdevelopments that an adapted regulation of labour relations will be achieved withintransnational companies, together with the emergence of a globalised social law

Yes
This article revisits the concept of union effectiveness and proposes a conceptual model to inform its study and application. Previous conceptual and empirical work is examined to identify key strengths and weaknesses, and to relate the union effectiveness concept to union renewal and other key concepts. This leads to the proposal of a Goal-System framework that builds and improves on prior research.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF EDUCATION in the Department of Educational Planning and Administration at The University of Zululand, 2004.
The study evaluates the efficiency and effectiveness of representation of educators, by their unions. Questionnaires and open-ended interviews were used to collect data from educators, union officials and school principals. Data is analysed both quantitatively and qualitatively. The study reveals that, while union officials recognize the significance of their role in educator representation, there are challenges in performing this role. Chief among these are: > Inadequate communication between union officials and educators. > Limited ability of union officials to: □ Build the capacity of educators as professionals. □ Familiarize educators about legislation such as the Labour Relations Act, Employment of Educators Act and others. Lack of capacity of both union officials as representatives of educators and educators as the constituency, presents a potential to threaten accountable industrial democracy. The candidate makes a series of recommendations to foster educator representation. These recommendations culminate in a model tabled in the last chapter of the study. This model gives guidelines on systems and processes, which underpin and enhance efficient and effective educator representation. The model is a contribution to building responsible democracy in general, but industrial democracy in particular, within the educator system in the country.

En raison des présentes transformations du marché du travail, le mouvement syndical est à la recherche d’un nouvel équilibre. Dans ce contexte plutôt changeant, réorganisations et flexibilité se négocient en échange d’une protection accrue pour ceux qui demeurent en emploi. Si d’une part, ceci mène à une prolifération de nouvelles formes d’emploi atypiques et de disparités de traitement, d’autre part la constitutionnalisation du droit du travail change le rapport quant à l’universalisme syndical. Nous nous sommes alors interrogée sur les impacts que cela peut avoir sur le devoir syndical de représentation. Prenant cela en considération, nous avons voulu au cours de notre recherche faire la lumière tant sur certains impacts de la négociation de clauses de disparité de traitement dans les milieux de travail syndiqués que sur les défis contemporains du droit du travail et de l’emploi. Cette thèse propre au champ d’études que sont les relations industrielles se distingue des autres recherches dans le même domaine en se concentrant sur l’effet empirique de la mise en œuvre d’une norme, par l’étude de deux cas suggestifs. Plus précisément, notre thèse avait comme principal objectif de répondre à la question suivante : Quels sont les effets sur l’acteur (action) syndical du recours à la norme d’égalité, à la suite la négociation de clauses « orphelin »? Pour y parvenir, nous avons dû reconstituer comment les acteurs syndicaux s’étaient approprié l’espace ouvert par la constitutionnalisation du droit du travail. Nous avons utilisé une méthode qualitative, impliquant une revue de la littérature sociohistorique, théorique et juridique, une analyse de la jurisprudence existant à ce sujet et l’étude de deux cas portant sur la négociation d’une clause « orphelin » le tout représentant soixante entrevues semi-dirigées dans plusieurs casernes et palais de justice. Les connaissances acquises permettent au plan empirique une meilleure compréhension des interactions possibles entre acteurs, institutions et stratégies lors de la mise en œuvre de la norme d’égalité ainsi que des déterminants de l’action (ou de l’inaction) syndicale. Sur le plan pratique, nous espérons que notre thèse puisse guider toute personne ou tout groupe de personnes désirant mettre en œuvre des mesures égalitaires, tant pour éviter certains écueils reliés à ces actions ou réactions suscitées par la mise en œuvre du droit à l’égalité, que pour mesurer l’efficacité des actions entreprises. De surcroît, sur le plan théorique, nous croyons que de mettre à l’épreuve un modèle théorique recoupant stratégies et institutions permettra d’aborder les problèmes à la fois au niveau de l’acteur et au niveau structurel. Les résultats obtenus aident à comprendre en quoi et comment peut se construire l’action syndicale dans certains (2) cas de mise en œuvre de la norme d’égalité. Le choix de différentes stratégies ne peut pas être dissocié des différents contextes économiques, sociaux et juridiques, ni des capacités stratégiques des différents acteurs en cause. Les principales contraintes identifiées ont pu être imputées tant aux structures de l’association syndicale qu’aux différents univers normatifs mobilisés. Les sources de tensions vécues dans les milieux à l’étude ont été rattachées notamment aux perceptions d’injustice et à la méconnaissance des différentes normes juridiques. En conséquence, il faut conclure que pour les associations syndicales (sans se restreindre à celles à l’étude), la question d’iniquité pourrait avoir de graves conséquences et non seulement sur le devoir de représentation. Nous avons spécialement souligné la fragilisation de leurs assises, dans leurs deux pôles d’actions : d’acteur économique (faille dans la capacité d’action traditionnelle) et d’acteur politique (climat hostile au syndicalisme). Nous souhaitons que l’acteur syndical puisse mobiliser, à la lumière des résultats de notre recherche, des arguments concourant à repenser l’action syndicale, que nous croyons être plus pertinente que jamais. Nous croyons également que les différents acteurs du monde du travail pourraient s’approprier certaines de nos recommandations afin de favoriser une citoyenneté au travail plus inclusive.
As a result of the present transformation of the labour markets, trade union movements are in constant search for a new equilibrium. If in this context of instability, reorganizations and flexibility are negotiated in exchange for increased protection for those who remain in employment. If on the one hand, this leads to a proliferation of new atypical forms of employment and disparities of treatment, on the other hand, the entrenchment of human rights law in the field of labour relation changes the relationship with the union majority rule. This has raised an important question about the impact this will have on the union's duty of fair representation. Taking this into consideration, we wanted in the course of our research to shed light both on the impacts of the negotiation of disparity of treatment (two-tier wage plan) clauses have on unionized workplaces and on the contemporary challenges of labour and employment law. While still being specific to our field of research (industrial relations), our work differs from other studies that have been carried out on this matter by focusing on the empirical effects of the implementation of the norm of equality through the analysis of two suggestive cases. More specifically, the main objective of our thesis was to answer the following question: What are the effects of the implementation of the norm of equality in unionized work environments in the province of Québec? In order to achieve this goal, we had to recreate how the trade union actors can fit within the entrenchment of human rights law. We used a qualitative approach, involving a review of historical, theoretical and legal literature, analysis of the existing jurisprudence on this matter and the study of two selected cases involving the negotiation of a "orphan" clause (representing sixty semi-structured interviews in total). It was in our intention to demonstrate that gained knowledge from previous applications provides a better understanding on the empirical level of possible interactions between actors, institutions and strategies during the implementation of a strategy, as well as important determinants concerning the union action (or inaction). On a practical level, we hope that our thesis can guide any individual (or group of individuals) wishing to implement equality measures, both to avoid some of the pitfalls related to these actions or reactions to the implementation of the right to equality, and to measure the effectiveness of undertaken actions. Additionally, on a more theoretical level, we believe that testing a conceptual model overlapping different strategies and institutions will address these problems both at actor and structural level. The results we obtained provide insights into how and to what extent trade union action can be built in the case of equality norm implementation. The selection of different strategies cannot be disembodied from its economic, sociological and legal contexts, nor from the strategic capacities of the different actors involved. The main constraints identified could be attributed both to the structures of the union association and to different normative spaces. The tensions experienced in the studied cases were linked to particular perceptions of injustice and lack of knowledge of different legal standards. Subsequently, we must come to the conclusion that the question of iniquity may have some serious repercussions for trade unions far beyond the duty of fair representation. We specially emphasize the weakening of their foundations, mainly in their two poles of action: as economic players (loophole in the traditional ability of action) and political actors (cultivating a climate that is hostile to unionism). Based on the results of our research, we want union actors to be able to mobilize concurrent arguments to rethink union action altogether, something we believe is more relevant than ever. We also believe that the different actors of today's working world could take ownership of the recommendations set forth in our work to foster a more inclusive citizenship at work.

L'obiettivo principale di questo lavoro di ricerca è quello di fornire il quadro e la qualità delle tutele offerte per il lavoro subordinato dalla specifica normativa giuslavoristica e dalla contrattazione collettiva di lavoro, alla luce dell'evoluzione economico-produttiva del settore agricolo. La Thesis che si vuole dimostrare è che nel settore primario le tutele scaturenti dalla normativa legale e pattizia dei rapporti di lavoro subordinato e il sistema di relazioni sindacali non risultano appropriati al sistema economico-produttivo né corrispondono alle esigenze di tutela dei lavoratori, dei datori di lavoro e delle strutture collettive del sistema padronale
The study explores and discusses the specific national framework of Labour Law and Labour relations system in the agricultural sector. The study reveals that the country has a quite exhaustive structure of labour legislation and collective bargaining but practically the labour laws and contractual protections are inappropriate in terms of effective tutelage of workers' needs and does not reflects the evolution of the agricultural sector and its heterogenity of products and markets. The CAP and particular Italian agro-industrial legislation have contributed to all this