Literatura académica sobre el tema "Trade union representation"

This thesis considers the role of union full time officers in union organising strategies. Two decades of promoting union organising influenced by models developed by the AFL-CIO, has failed to arrest the decline of UK trade unions let alone produce evidence of renewal. Focusing mainly on one region in the UKs largest public sector trade union, Unison, the research provides for a detailed account of how organising strategies affect union work, presenting thick and deep data from full time officers (Regional Organisers), Regional Management, Senior National Officials, other Unison staff and lay representatives. The research focuses on the previously neglected role of full time officers in union organising strategies and considers how such strategies can change both the role of the full time officer and relations with other union constituencies. The research contributes to the ongoing study of trade union attempts to renew in the cold climate of globalisation and neo-liberalism. In doing so it also considers the much ignored area of the role of union bureaucracy in union organising strategies and the potential distortion or opposition it may present. Consequently the research also synthesises literature on union organising with classical theories of trade unions. Unison embraced the TUC’s promotion of grassroots organising and, it has been claimed, has been transformed into an organising union. The research questions this judgement by revealing a disconnection between organising strategies from workplace realities, resulting in an increasing managerialism and attempts to extend control over full time officers. A key consequence of these developments is the deterioration in the ability of Unison to represent members, both collectively and individually, leading to a potential crisis in representational capacity and ability providing the prospect for further union decline.

The under-representation of women and over-representation of men in trade unions raises questions as to why it occurs, its consequences for women and how it can be overcome. This thesis engages with these questions. It indicates the dominant ideologies and institutions which underpin the dominant male model of trade unions and discusses strategies designed to change the 'rules of the game'. The creation of UNISON on 1st July 1993 provides a research site in which to study the extent to which trade union democracy can be deliberately re-shaped so as to reflect the interests of women. UNISON represents 1.3 million workers within the public service sector, two-thirds of whom are women. It has been the express intention of UNISON to achieve gender democracy through empowering its women members to participate in its representative structures. In particular, the adoption of three key principles in the rule book: proportionality for women, fair representation at all levels and self-organisation for four disadvantaged groups, is intended to have a significant impact on the nature of women's involvement in the union. This thesis contains extensive case study material collected within UNISON over a two year period, ending November 1995. It reveals the opportunities which the three rule book commitments provide for effective representation by women in UNISON. By excluding men so that women can take the majority of representative positions, proportionality and fair representation change the predominant values and beliefs of trade union democracy. By providing opportunities for women to determine their own agenda, in the absence of men, self-organisation challenges the ideology that union strength is based on unity and common interests. However, the dominant model of trade unionism is not being re-shaped without tension or resistance. This thesis argues that ideologies and institutions remain which prevent women's access to representative structures being translated into the discussion of women's concerns in UNISON's decision making arena. VII

Paternalistic employment relations have been a tradition supported by the government in Taiwan whilst trade unions were brought in to support political development and economic growth. The government promulgated a ‘harmony culture’ in order to control employment relations, and in the 1980s set up the campaign of the ‘factory as one family, factory as one school’ to encourage employers to inculcate paternalistic beliefs in their employees’ everyday working lives. Authority, benevolence and morality, the characteristics of paternalistic management, make workers docile and loyal to management and stunt the sense of collective identity. This qualitative research selects one primary case, a privatised enterprise SteelCo and its union Steel-U, to conduct participant observation, in-depth interviews with union officers, labour representatives and management, surveys of union members, and documentary analysis of official documents and meeting minutes. One supplementary case is a state-owned enterprise SugarCo with its union Sugar-U; this mainly involved in-depth interviews with union representatives and limited access to some documents. Corporate trade unions take advantage of the paternalistic tradition to gradually develop their organisations as recognised by employers. Implementing nonunion representation is a practice of paternalistic ideology, offering trade unions another platform on which to work with management. Workers identify both themselves and the trade union as parts of the enterprise family rather than seeing the union as an agent of collectivity. The union has to be a service provider offering welfare and benefits to attract members before triggering any mobilisation. To conclude, paternalism has helped corporate trade unions to establish themselves in state-owned and privatised workplaces, and empowered trade unions to engage legitimately, effectively and autonomously in workplace affairs. To revitalise themselves from the paternalistic ideology, trade unions are expected to take the route of partnering unionism with the manipulation of nonunion representation in a top-down process of shaping labour’s collective identity.

This thesis examines the moderating role of trade union representation in addressing the gap in employer-provided training between permanent workers and workers with fixed-term contracts (FTCs) from a cross-country, comparative perspective. The impact of trade union representation is measured on two different levels: (1) access to trade union representation at the workplace at the individual-level (2) average trade union representation at the country-level, measured as trade union power. The statistical analyses are performed using data from the 2015 European Working Conditions Survey (EWCS) and multilevel modelling. Our result suggests that, across the European countries, workers with FTCs receive less employer-paid training than permanent workers. Regarding the impact of trade union representation, statistically significant result is found only at the individual-level, where access to trade union representation increases employer-paid training regardless of employment contract. For the interaction between access to trade union representation at the individual-level and FTC, no significant relationship is found. However, the models with the cross-level interaction between trade union power and FTC indicate that employer-paid training increases for permanent workers only. Our findings suggest that trade union representation at the workplace could operate as an equalizer between permanent workers and FTC workers, while at the country-level, their lobbying effect is beneficial for permanent workers only

The purpose of this essay is to examine how racialized workers are represented in the magazine Kommunalarbetaren which is a part of the Swedish trade union Kommunal. The covers from twenty issues of this magazine published in 2017 were analyzed to study if the representation of these workers was affected by discourses of white normativity. The study is based on theories of intersectionality by Kimberlé Crenshaw and representations and stereotypification by Stuart Hall. My result shows how work is exposed as something white people do and with dichotomies where one is represented as either white, Swedish worker or as a refugee, the latter having vague subject position and as someone who recently arrived in Sweden. The presence, participation and labour of people of color seem to be missing and be a blind spot for the magazine.

A greve é um instrumento de força e pressão dos trabalhadores, constituindo um mecanismo de autotutela. O ordenamento jurídico brasileiro o reconhece como um direito constitucional e prevê a participação dos sindicatos para a sua deflagração. Entretanto, constatam-se greves que foram iniciadas sem a sua presença, objetivando a busca de melhores condições de trabalho e a defesa de posições contrárias ao sindicato da categoria. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo geral verificar se as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria decorrem da representação sindical dos trabalhadores prevista no atual modelo de organização sindical brasileiro. A pesquisa se pauta em um estudo dogmático, que partiu da revisão bibliográfica acerca do tema e adotou referenciais de análise de conteúdo a partir de acórdãos dos Tribunais Regionais do Trabalho e do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho que versaram sobre esses movimentos grevistas. Após a seleção do universo da pesquisa, verificou-se a presença de indicativos de que a representação sindical dos trabalhadores decorrentes do modelo de organização sindical brasileiro é um fator determinante para as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria, especialmente pela falta de instrumentos que permitam a aferição da representatividade dos sindicatos.<br>The strike is a instrument of force and pressure of the workers, constituting a mechanism of self-protection. The Brazilian legal system recognizes it as a constitutional right and establishes the participation of trade unions in its outbreak. However, it was observed that strikes were initiated without the trade union presence, aiming at the search for better working conditions and the defense of opposing positions to the union of the workers category. In this sense, the research work has as general objective verify if the strikes without the presence of the union of the workers category arise from the workers union representation established in the current model of Brazilian union organization. The research is based on a dogmatic study, which started with the bibliographical review on the subject and adopted benchmarks of content analysis of judgments of the Regional Labor Courts and the Superior Labor Court that handled these striking movements. After the selection of the research universe, it was verified the presence of indications that the workers union representation resulting from the Brazilian union organization model is a determining factor for strikes without the presence of the trade union of the workers category, especially due the lack of instruments to verify the unions representativeness.

In the Spanish legal system, the workplace employee representation but may have certain similarities with the political representation (regulatory origin, not voluntary for the principal, democratic legitimacy) poses a specificity both the subjective perspective, to be circumscribed workers who make up the constituency, as a material arises as to represent the professional interests shared by a community of individuals united by an identical legal relationship derived from belonging to the same company. Its uniqueness is that this function can be assumed, concurrently, for two types: some representatives of elective basis; others, union base. This legal decision set a pluralistic model of subjects, but strongly interconnected functional dimension, due to differing legal natures.<br>En el ordenamiento jurídico español, el modelo de representación de los trabajadores en la empresa aunque pueda tener ciertas similitudes con la representación política (origen normativo y no voluntario para el representado, legitimidad democrática) plantea una especificidad tanto desde la perspectiva subjetiva, al quedar circunscrita a los trabajadores que conforman la circunscripción electoral, como material pues surge para la representación de los intereses profesionales compartidos por una colectividad de sujetos unidos por una idéntica vinculación jurídica, derivada de la pertenencia a la misma plantilla. Su singularidad es que esta función puede ser asumida, de manera concurrente, por dos tipos de sujetos: unos representantes de base electiva; otros, de base sindical, configurando con esta decisión legal un modelo pluralista de sujetos que, aunque fuertemente interconectado en su dimensión funcional, obedece a naturalezas jurídicas distintas.

Magister Legum - LLM (Private Law)<br>A trade mark is defined as a sign that is capable of distinguishing the goods or services of one enterprise from those of other enterprises. Trade marks, copyright, patents and designs are some of the forms of intellectual property. Trade marks can be divided into traditional trade marks and non-traditional trade marks. Traditional trade marks are capable of being represented graphically, for example logos, service marks or company names. Non-traditional trade marks are generally not capable of being represented graphically. Examples of these marks are inter alia, scent, taste, touch and sound marks. Technology is changing the way business is being conducted. The registration of nontraditional trade marks has grown exponentially as businesses seek to use innovative ways to protect their brands. Non-conventional trade marks may be visible signs, examples of which include colours, shapes, moving images, holograms and positions or non-visible signs such as sounds, scents, tastes, textures. Visible signs may easily be registered since they satisfy the requirement of graphical representation. Non-visible marks do not generally meet this requirement which makes their registration more complicated. An example of a registered visible non-traditional trade marks is the four finger shape of Kit Kat chocolates.

<p>Vi har i detta arbete undersökt och analyserat hur den stereotypiske läraren representeras i de fyra svenska filmerna: <em>Hets</em> (1944), <em>Ole dole doff</em>, (1968), <em>Lust och fägring stor</em> (1995) och <em>Vikarien</em> (2006). Senare har vi genomfört en jämförande analys med hur den stereotypiske läraren representeras i tre fackliga tidskrifter ifrån samma tid: <em>Svensk Lärartidning</em>, <em>Svensk</em> <em>Skoltidning</em> och <em>Skolvärlden</em>. I vår jämförande analys fann vi stora likheter, exempelvis mellan diskursen om bristande resurser i skolan samt elevdemokrati. Vidare fann vi också skillnader, exempelvis presenterade en av filmerna en karaktär som tidsenligt inte stämde överens med hur den svenska skolan under den aktuella tiden såg på lärande, samt hur en lärare skall vara. Vår önskan är att lärare och lärarstudenter skall kunna använda denna analys för att ifrågasätta samt fundera kring sin egen lärarroll, och se likheter och skillnader i hur den idealiska läraren representeras dels inom filmens värld samt inom de fackliga tidskrifter som existerar inom skolvärlden.</p><br><p>We have in this study examined and analyzed how the stereotypical teacher is represented in the four Swedish movies: <em>Torment </em>(1944)<em>, Ole dole doff </em>(1968), <em>All Things Fair </em>(1995) and <em>The Substitute </em>(2006). Then a comparative analysis was made, of how the stereotypical teacher is presented in three union trade journals from the same period of time: <em>Svensk Lärartidning</em>, <em>Svensk Skoltidning </em>and <em>Skolvärlden</em>. We found large similarities in our comparative analysis. For example, the discussion regarding the lack of resources in school, and also student democracy was analyzed. We also found differences, for example one of the movies presented a character not contemporary with the Swedish school regarding the concept of learning and how a teacher should be like. Our aim with this study is that teachers and student teachers will use this analysis to question and pounder upon their own roles as teachers’, and to se similarities and differences in how the ideal teacher is represented in movies and in union trade journals connected to the school world.</p>

Siekiant išvengti socialinių konfliktų ir sudaryti realias socialinės partnerystės principo įgyvendinimo sąlygas, Lietuvos teisės sistemoje įtvirtintas darbo teisinių santykių subjektų atstovavimo institutas. Darbo tikslas yra išnagrinėti atstovavimo darbo teisėje instituto reglamentavimą Lietuvos teisės aktuose. Tačiau pagrindinis uždavinys yra išryškinti tiek darbuotojų, tiek darbdavių atstovavimo reglamentavimo trūkumus, išaiškinti pagrindines praktikoje iškylančias bei galinčias iškilti problemas, nustatyti dėl netobulo šio instituto reglamentavimo esamas spragas bei kolizines normas. Šiame darbe bus nagrinėjami tokie klausimai, kaip asociacijos laisvės principo esmės atskleidimas, be kurio nebūtų atstovavimo teisės, darbo teisės subjektų steigimo pagrindiniai principai bei didžiausias dėmesys skiriamas darbuotojų ir darbdavių atstovavimo problemoms išnagrinėti. Aptariant šiuos klausimus yra analizuojami tiek Lietuvos teisės aktai, tiek Tarptautinės darbo organizacijos konvencijų normos. Taip pat darbe trumpai aptarta darbo subjektų atstovų praktinė padėtis Lietuvoje.<br>Lithuania Law sistem legitimate the representation institute of Labour Law subjects to avoid social conflicts and to make real conditions to implement social partnership. The purpose of this work is to analyse the legal regulation of institution of representation of Labour Law subjects in Lithuanian national laws. However the main task is to expose shortcomings of legal regulation of the institution of the representation of employers and employees, to ascertain basic practical problems, to reveal breaches and collisions in legal regulation caused by it’s imperfection. In this work author analises a lot of questions with a view to reveal basic problems of this institute in Lithuania, examines the ways in which employee/employer relationships have changed and developed. There is aduced principle of liberty of association, which is the base of representation institute, discussed basic establishment rules of Labour Law subjects. As it was mentioned, the basic part of work describes the main problems of the representation of employee and employer. The writer considers the role of trade unions and how these have declined. There is a short review of real Labour Law subjects status in Lithuania.