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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Thomas Hobbes"

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Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 25 de mayo de 2024

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1

Machamer, Peter. "Thomas Hobbes". Hobbes Studies 27, n.º 1 (6 de junio de 2014): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750257-02701003.

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In this essay, I present an overview of Hobbes as a consistent philosopher, perhaps the most consistent in the Early Modern period. First, I sketch how his endeavors have a cogency that is unrivalled, in many ways even to this day. Section 2 outlines Hobbes’s conception of philosophy and his causal materialism. Section 3 deals briefly with Hobbes’s discussion of sensation and then presents his views on the nature and function of language and how reason depends upon language. Section 4 treats human nature, and section 5 discusses the artificial body of the Commonwealth. All of this will move rather quickly, so that hopefully the sketch of the overall structure of Hobbes’s thought will be clear. At the end, I will try to correct a few misconceptions, and briefly to say why it was that Hobbes’ natural philosophy has been so unduly neglected.

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2

COOPER, JULIE E. "THOMAS HOBBES ON THE POLITICAL THEORIST'S VOCATION". Historical Journal 50, n.º 3 (28 de agosto de 2007): 519–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006243.

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ABSTRACTThomas Hobbes's Leviathan offers the fiercest modern indictment against pride. Yet seventeenth-century polemicists and contemporary historians of political theory agree that arrogance is one of Hobbes's stylistic signatures. Does Hobbes, the author, fail to practise the modesty which he preaches to political subjects? Against critical consensus, I argue that Hobbes devises protocols of literary self-presentation consistent with his arguments for modesty. I make this argument by way of a close reading of Hobbes's Latin verse autobiography. Although the autobiography is usually cited as evidence of Hobbes's vanity, I read it as Hobbes's perverse profession of modesty. In the autobiography, Hobbes shuns the role of hero, casting himself as a ‘poor worm’ whose endeavours are motivated by fear. Acute consciousness of mortality, rather than lust for renown, moves Hobbes to philosophize. With this account of the affective springs of his own philosophy, Hobbes redefines the political theorist's vocation. Breaking with traditions that define political theory as a vehicle for heroic self-display, Hobbes defines political theory as a vocation for ordinary mortals.

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3

PARKIN, JON. "HOBBISM IN THE LATER 1660s: DANIEL SCARGILL AND SAMUEL PARKER". Historical Journal 42, n.º 1 (marzo de 1999): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008127.

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Daniel Scargill and Samuel Parker have both been regarded as isolated and eccentric disciples of Thomas Hobbes. However, a detailed examination of their views reveals a more complicated relationship with the notorious philosopher. Far from being simple ‘Hobbists’, Scargill and Parker developed ideas close to those of ‘latitudinarian’ clergymen. In the polarizing political circumstances of the later 1660s, the hostile identification of their views with the doctrines of the Leviathan led to public discussion of latitudinarianism and its relationship to Hobbism. In response, writers with latitudinarian sympathies used criticism of Hobbes as a means of reconsidering and redefining their own position. Such criticism accepted some of Hobbes's political conclusions, while at the same time rejecting his controversial methodology. Discussion of Hobbism and criticism of Hobbes were thus important means by which Hobbes's political insights were absorbed by Restoration political thinkers.

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4

Spasenko, Natalia. "The foundations of the historical-philosophical reconstruction of the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes". Sententiae 12, n.º 1 (27 de junio de 2005): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31649/sent12.01.054.

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The article is devoted to the role of language, conceptual schemes, ontology and epistemic losses in the works of Thomas Hobbes. The author highlights two types of interpretive schemes: (1) emphasis on systematic unity and integrity in Hobbes's work, (2) consideration of Hobbes' works as a set of individual parts. Two ways of justifying the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes are also investigated: based on prudence and definitive (scientific). The author justifies that philosophia prima is Hobbes's theory of experience and that it is human experience that makes science possible.

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5

Corsa, Andrew J. "Thomas Hobbes: Magnanimity, Felicity, and Justice". Hobbes Studies 26, n.º 2 (2013): 130–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750257-02602003.

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Thomas Hobbes’s concept of magnanimity, a descendant of Aristotle’s “greatness of soul,” plays a key role in Hobbes’s theory with respect to felicity and the virtue of justice. In his Critique du ‘De Mundo’, Hobbes implies that only genuinely magnanimous people can achieve the greatest felicity in their lives. A life of felicity is a life of pleasure, where the only pleasure that counts is the well grounded glory experienced by those who are magnanimous. Hobbes suggests that felicity involves the successful pursuit of desires, a pursuit at which the magnanimous are particularly adept. Additionally, Hobbes implies that those who possess the virtue of justice must also possess magnanimity; it is the just person’s “Nobleness or Gallantnesse of courage, (rarely found).” Leo Strauss and Dorothea Krook suggest that this cannot be Hobbes’s “final word” on justice, because, they say, Hobbes considers magnanimity a type of pride, which he derogates and cannot consistently associate with virtue. I argue that magnanimity, associated with well-grounded glory, is not a type of pride; only vain glory is.

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6

Baldin, Gregorio. "A “Galilean Philosopher”? Thomas Hobbes between Aristotelianism and Galilean Science". Philosophies 7, n.º 5 (14 de octubre de 2022): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/philosophies7050116.

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The conventional portrait of Thomas Hobbes that emerged in twentieth century histories of philosophy is that of the quintessential mechanical philosopher, who openly broke with philosophical tradition (together with René Descartes). Hobbes’s scholars depicted a more correct and detailed panorama, by analyzing Hobbes’s debt towards Aristotelian and Renaissance traditions, as well as the problematic nature of the epistemological status that Hobbes attributes to natural philosophy. However, Hobbes’s connection to modern Galilean science remains problematic. How and in what way did Hobbes take inspiration from Galileo? In this article, I analyze Hobbes’s natural philosophy by addressing three topics: (1) his connection with some aspects of seventeenth-century Aristotelianism; (2) differences and analogies between Hobbes’s and Galileo’s epistemological approaches; and (3) the Galilean foundation of Hobbes’s philosophy. Through this analysis I want to show in which sense Hobbes can be properly defined a “Galilean philosopher”.

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7

Richardson, Brian y A. P. Martinich. "Thomas Hobbes". Philosophy East and West 48, n.º 4 (octubre de 1998): 671. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1400028.

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8

Forsberg, Ralph P. "Thomas Hobbes". International Studies in Philosophy 27, n.º 4 (1995): 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil199527443.

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9

Eassom, Simon. "Thomas Hobbes". Philosophers' Magazine, n.º 22 (2003): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tpm20032291.

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10

Eggers, Daniel. "Thomas Hobbes". Hobbes Studies 24, n.º 2 (2011): 196–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502511x597720.

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11

Grégoire, Vincent. "Thomas Hobbes". Sens-Dessous 14, n.º 2 (2014): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sdes.014.0069.

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12

Benhabib, Seyla. "Thomas Hobbes on My Mind: Leviathan, Thomas Hobbes". Social Research: An International Quarterly 89, n.º 2 (junio de 2022): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sor.2022.0015.

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13

Abdala Meneses, Simón. "The Apocalypse of Leviathan: Eschatology on the political project of Thomas Hobbes". Revista de Filosofía 21, n.º 1 (2022): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21703/2735-6353.2022.21.01.06.

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The main objective of this presentation is to determine the role played by eschatology within the political thought of Thomas Hobbes. In order to determine this role, it is fundamental to give an account of the bibliographic framework used for this presentation. Moreover, there will be an analysis on the relationship of the concepts of "death of State," "history," and "contract," and Hobbes’s main consequences in the post-apocalyptic political landscape. Finally, there will be an interpretation of Hobbes's use of eschatology responding the following question: Is eschatology just a rhetorical device, or is it essential for the entire structure of its political system?.

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14

Wielomski, Adam. "Thomas Hobbes i teologia polityczna władzy suwerennej". Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 42, n.º 4 (21 de septiembre de 2021): 281–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.42.4.13.

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Tekst ten stanowi moją osobistą polemikę z tradycyjną interpretacją teorii politycznej Thomasa Hobbesa, zwykle uznawaną za ateistyczną i stanowiącą jedno ze źródeł filozofii oświecenia. W mojej ocenie Hobbes jest nieortodoksyjnym kalwinem, woluntarystą i fideistą religijnym, podczas gdy jego idea stanu natury i umowy społecznej stanowią wyłącznie teoretyczny model państwa. Jako fideista i woluntarysta kalwiński, Hobbes jest zwolennikiem gomaryzmu, czyli nieortodoksyjnie kalwińskiego uznania wolnej woli ludzkiej. Jego wizja suwerenności stanowi, że ludzka władza polityczna jest pochodna wobec wizji wszechmogącego Boga. Oto klasyczny przykład teologii politycznej sformułowanej przez Carla Schmitta w XX stuleciu. Główną teologiczno-polityczną analogią w dziele Hobbesa jest ta, że władza ludzka stanowi tylko refleks władzy Stwórcy. Dla tego kalwina władza Boska jest nieodparta, nieograniczona przez prawa natury. Teologiczno-politycznym refleksem nieodpartej władzy Boga jest równie nieodparta władza suwerena, która nie może być ograniczona przez konstytucję, prawa fundamentalne czy ustawy. Dla Hobbesa, wszelka władza ludzka jest jedynie refleksem Boskiej nieodpartej władzy. W wizji tego angielskiego filozofa mamy więc moc suwerena ustanowienia narodowego wyznania i podjęcia decyzji o kościele, dogmatach, rytach i liturgii, jego monopol na decyzje polityczne i administracyjne, negację konstytucjonalizmu, zakaz oporu i penalizację zbrodni ateizmu, stanowiącego negację nieodpartej władzy Boga, a w konsekwencji, tejże samej władzy króla, skoro suweren jest Imago Dei.

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15

Odzuck, Eva. "War by Other Means? Incentives for Power Seekers in Thomas Hobbes's Political Philosophy". Review of Politics 81, n.º 1 (17 de diciembre de 2018): 21–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670518000931.

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AbstractThe problem of the power seeker is of crucial importance for Hobbes's political philosophy. While education might aid in changing the behavior of some people, Hobbes is clear that there are limits to the effectiveness of education and that incurable, unsocial power seekers will persist. In my analysis, I ask whether and, if so, how Hobbes can also get these incurable power seekers on board. The result of my findings that Hobbes provides a huge variety of treatments for power seekers, including incentives to betray and exploit their fellow citizens by employing a public gesture of civility, has implications for Hobbes research: it shows the complexity and costs of Hobbes's “solution” to the problem of war and corrects a widespread developmental hypothesis about the concept of honor in Hobbes's works. Thereby, it can also enrich a recent diagnosis about the decline of honor in modern societies.

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16

Prendergast, David. "Thomas HOBBES, Leviatán". Enrahonar. Quaderns de filosofia 18 (1 de marzo de 1992): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/enrahonar.724.

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17

Schuhmann, Karl. "Thomas Hobbes,Oeuvres". British Journal for the History of Philosophy 4, n.º 1 (marzo de 1996): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09608789608570936.

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18

Carmichael, D. J. C. "Teaching Thomas Hobbes". Canadian Journal of Political Science 23, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1990): 545–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900012774.

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19

Silverthorne, Michael. "Thomas Hobbes Tutor". International Journal of the Classical Tradition 4, n.º 3 (marzo de 1998): 411–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02686428.

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20

Boucher, Joanne. "The Erotic Political Philosophy of Thomas Hobbes". Canadian Journal of Political Science 49, n.º 1 (marzo de 2016): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423916000068.

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AbstractIn this article I engage with recent scholarly commentary concerning the realm of human sexuality in the work of Thomas Hobbes. This has, perhaps unsurprisingly, been a neglected area of enquiry given the paucity of Hobbes's analysis of this aspect of the human passions. I argue that this new field of enquiry is to be welcomed as it allows us to explore and understand Hobbes as a fully erotic philosopher. Moreover, his erotic philosophy is best understood through the prism of his thorough-going materialism.

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21

COLLINS, JEFFREY R. "CHRISTIAN ECCLESIOLOGY AND THE COMPOSITION OF LEVIATHAN: A NEWLY DISCOVERED LETTER TO THOMAS HOBBES". Historical Journal 43, n.º 1 (marzo de 2000): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008845.

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This communication presents a newly discovered letter to Thomas Hobbes. It offers conclusive evidence that the letter was written by Hobbes's friend, the scientist and Anglican clergyman Robert Payne, and strong evidence that the letter was in fact received by Hobbes in late 1649. The discovered letter was part of a running controversy over questions of church government in which Hobbes and Payne engaged during the composition of Leviathan. In it Payne tries unsuccessfully to soften Hobbes's strident Erastianism, and to defend the beleaguered Church of England from his criticisms. The letter thus sheds light on the political and religious context in which Leviathan was composed. Moreover, the letter offers an indirect but intriguing glimpse at underlying assumptions of Hobbes's religious thought.

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22

Cooper, Julie E. "Vainglory, Modesty, and Political Agency in the Political Theory of Thomas Hobbes". Review of Politics 72, n.º 2 (2010): 241–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670510000045.

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AbstractHistories of political theory have framed the story of the emergence of sovereign states and sovereign selves as a story about secularization—specifically, a story that equates secularization with self-deification. Thomas Hobbes's investment in modesty and humility demonstrates the need for, and the possibility of, an alternative secularization narrative. Scholars have long insisted that “vainglory” is a key term for the interpretation of Leviathan. But Hobbes's task is not complete once he has discredited vainglory. Hobbes must also envision, and cultivate, contrary virtues—and modesty is one virtue that Hobbes would cultivate. An analysis of Hobbes's attempt to redefine and rehabilitate the virtues of modesty shows that Hobbes warns against the temptation to self-deification. In Leviathan, the political task is not to enthrone humans in sovereign invulnerability, but rather to achieve the right balance between bodily security and consciousness of finitude.

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23

Collins, Jeffrey R. "Thomas Hobbes, Heresy, and the Theological Project of Leviathan". Hobbes Studies 26, n.º 1 (2013): 6–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750257-02601005.

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In the later years of his life, Thomas Hobbes developed an intense interest in the history of Christian heresy, an interest which informed half a dozen of his manuscripts and publications. These heresy writings have typically been studied within the context of Restoration church politics. This article offers a broader account of the significance of these writings. It reads them as extensions of Hobbes’s longstanding project of theological reform. Hobbes’s heresy writings were not merely intended to defend him from prosecution under English law. They also constituted an audacious and risky reassertion of the assault on Trinitarian orthodoxy that Hobbes had supposedly retracted in the Latin translation of Leviathan. The article concludes by considering what this interpretation might tell us about Hobbes’s vacillating commitment to religious toleration.

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24

MALCOLM, NOEL y MIKKO TOLONEN. "THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THOMAS HOBBES: SOME NEW ITEMS". Historical Journal 51, n.º 2 (junio de 2008): 481–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08006791.

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ABSTRACTThis article presents the full text of a hitherto unpublished letter to Hobbes, and provides details of three other items from his correspondence which have not survived. The unpublished letter is from the Oxford academic Thomas Barlow, thanking Hobbes for a copy of Hobbes's De homine; that copy also survives, and details are given of Barlow's critical annotations on it. Where the three non-extant letters are concerned, some information about them has been gleaned from entries in nineteenth-century dealers' and auctioneers' catalogues; in one case, a letter concerning telescopes from the marquess of Newcastle, those details are supplemented by other evidence, from Newcastle's household papers. Finally, some alleged items of Hobbes's correspondence are described and discounted, and two new manuscripts of known letters are listed.

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25

OVERHOFF, JÜRGEN. "The Theology of Thomas Hobbes's Leviathan". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 51, n.º 3 (julio de 2000): 527–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900005157.

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In his greatest piece of political philosophy, the Leviathan of 1651, Thomas Hobbes dedicated the astonishing mass of eighteen voluminous chapters solely to the discussion of religious matters. Although his earlier political treatises, The elements of law of 1640 and the De cive of 1642, discussed theological doctrines at some length, they never accorded so great a role to questions of religion and theology as did Leviathan. The two books of Leviathan in which Hobbes promulgated his theological doctrines are almost exactly equal in length to books I and II, and one of the chapters in book III (‘Of power ecclesiasticall’) is in some ways the longest chapter in the work. The kind of contentious eschatological doctrines which Hobbes had been careful to leave unchallenged in his early works, namely the question whether the soul had an independent existence after the death of the body, figured particularly high in Leviathan. Why was it that Hobbes's interest in theology increased so sharply between 1642 and 1651, and what was the particular point of the theology of Leviathan?

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26

Barker, Kye Anderson. "Of Wonder: Thomas Hobbes’s Political Appropriation of Thaumazein". Political Theory 45, n.º 3 (20 de noviembre de 2015): 362–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591715617513.

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This essay presents a reading of the use of wonder in the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes. In this essay, I argue that not only did Hobbes incorporate the ancient conception of wonder into his design for the emotional apparatus of the modern sovereign state, but that when he did so he also transformed it and other concepts. Previous scholars have paid close attention to Hobbes’s confrontation with ancient philosophy, but there has been no sustained study of Hobbes’s use of wonder, which was a concern of his over the entire course of his authorship. More broadly, this study opens up a place for the study of wonder in contemporary political theory as part of the broader reassessment of emotion.

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27

Adams, Marcus P. "Natural Philosophy, Abstraction, and Mathematics among Materialists: Thomas Hobbes and Margaret Cavendish on Light". Philosophies 7, n.º 2 (10 de abril de 2022): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/philosophies7020044.

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The nature of light is a focus of Thomas Hobbes’s natural philosophical project. Hobbes’s explanation of the light (lux) of lucid bodies differs across his works, from dilation and contraction in Elements of Law to simple circular motions in De corpore. However, Hobbes consistently explains perceived light (lumen) by positing that bodily resistance (endeavor) generates the phantasm of light. In Letters I.XIX–XX of Philosophical Letters, fellow materialist Margaret Cavendish attacks the Hobbesian understanding of both lux and lumen by claiming that Hobbes has illicitly made abstractions from matter. In this paper, I argue that Cavendish’s criticisms rely on an incorrect understanding of the nature of Hobbesian geometry and the role it plays in Hobbes’s natural philosophy. Rather than understanding geometry as wholly abstract, Hobbes attempts to ground geometry in different ways of considering bodies and their motions. Furthermore, Hobbes’s own criticisms of abstraction suggest that he would share many of the worries she raises but deny that he falls prey to them.

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28

Chabot, Dana. "Thomas Hobbes: Skeptical Moralist". American Political Science Review 89, n.º 2 (junio de 1995): 401–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082433.

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Thomas Hobbes is usually held to have been a skeptic in matters of religion and morality. I accept the claim that there is a distinctive skeptical strain in Hobbes' thought but argue that his skepticism informs his moral vision, rather than depriving him of a conception of morality. As evidence for this reading, I situate Hobbes in a tradition of “skeptical moralism,” along with Montaigne and certain other Renaissance figures. As opposed to moral skeptics, skeptical moralists think of moral agents as divided selves, pulled in one direction by law and another by conscience. Skeptical moralists use skepticism to make people aware of this tension, and I argue that (especially in his remarks on religion) Hobbes was doing just that.

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29

Esteves, Anderson Alves. "Divisão do trabalho e apologia da ordem em Thomas Hobbes e Norbert Elias". EDUCAÇÃO E FILOSOFIA 33, n.º 68 (27 de diciembre de 2020): 747–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/revedfil.v33n68a2019-49983.

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Divisão do trabalho e apologia da ordem em Thomas Hobbes e Norbert Elias Resumo: O artigo expõe os juízos afirmativos granjeados por Thomas Hobbes e Norbert Elias a respeito da divisão do trabalho e de suas relações com a ordem social, a despeito das diferenças de métodos e de métricas dos autores em pauta. De Thomas Hobbes, recolhe-se a demonstração, com subjacência no raciocínio hipotético-dedutivo do filósofo inglês, de que, do indivíduo, palmilha-se à sociedade, do contrato que edifica o Estado, envereda-se à divisão do trabalho como uma das maneiras de estatuir o conforto necessário à manutenção da sociedade civil. De Norbert Elias, apanha-se a relação processual entre sociogênese e psicogênese que, sem opor indivíduo e sociedade, trata da formação da divisão do trabalho e da individualidade como fenômenos inseparáveis e peculiares ao processo civilizador. Palavras-chave: Divisão do trabalho. Ordem social. Thomas Hobbes. Norbert Elias. Division of work and apology of the order in thomas hobbes and norbert elias Abstract: The article exposes the assertive judgments made by Thomas Hobbes and Norbert Elias concerning the division of labor and its relations with the social order, despite the differences of methods and metrics of the authors in question. From Thomas Hobbes, the demonstration, based on the hypothetical-deductive reasoning of the English philosopher, is gathered from the demonstration that, from the individual, ingrained in society, from the contract that builds the State, the division of labor is divided as one of the ways of establishing the comfort necessary for the maintenance of civil society. From Norbert Elias, one picks up the procedural relation between sociogenesis and psychogenesis that, without opposing individual and society, deals with the formation of the division of labor and individuality as inseparable phenomena peculiar to the civilizing process. Key-words: Division of labor. Social order. Thomas Hobbes. Norbert Elias. División del trabajo y apología del orden en thomas hobbes y norbert elias Resumen: El artículo expone los juicios afirmativos desmenuzados por Thomas Hobbes y Norbert Elias acerca de la división del trabajo y de sus relaciones con el orden social, a pesar de las diferencias de métodos y de métricas de los autores en pauta. De Thomas Hobbes, se recoge la demostración, con subyacencia en el razonamiento hipotético-deductivo del filósofo inglés, de que, del individuo, se adapta a la sociedad, del contrato que edifica el Estado, se entra en la división del trabajo como una de las formas de estatuir el confort necesario para el mantenimiento de la sociedad civil. De Norbert Elias, se recoge la relación procesal entre sociogénesis y psicogénesis que, sin oponer individuo y sociedad, trata de la formación de la división del trabajo y de la individualidad como fenómenos inseparables y peculiares al proceso civilizador. Palabras clave: División del trabajo. Orden social. Thomas Hobbes. Norbert Elias

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30

COLLINS, JEFFREY R. "THOMAS HOBBES AND THE BLACKLOIST CONSPIRACY OF 1649". Historical Journal 45, n.º 2 (junio de 2002): 305–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002388.

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In a jarring passage toward the conclusion of Leviathan, Thomas Hobbes endorsed the abolition of episcopacy and the establishment of an Independent religious settlement within England. Most historians have ignored this feature of Leviathan, or have dismissed it as an off-hand aside of no consequence. Others, more plausibly, have construed it as part of a royalist scheme (encouraged by Queen Henrietta Maria and her supporters) to secure a Stuart Restoration by allying with the English Independents. This article offers an alternative theory. It argues that Hobbes's attentions were probably drawn to Independency by the political machinations of a group of idiosyncratic Catholics gathered around the philosopher-priest, Thomas White (alias Blacklo). In 1649, White and his ‘Blackloist’ followers engaged in secret negotiations with Oliver Cromwell. In exchange for religious toleration for Catholics, the Blackloists promised allegiance to the Commonwealth and conformity to a Congregationalist religious settlement. This article examines Hobbes's close personal links with the leading Blackloists, documents similarities in their reactions to Independency, establishes the strong intellectual influence Leviathan had on Blackloist tracts, and demonstrates that royalists consistently linked Hobbes with the Blackloist treason. The article concludes that the Blackloist plot to betray the Stuart cause, rather than any royalist scheme to strike a deal with the Independents, provides the most compelling contextual explanation for Thomas Hobbes's endorsement of Independency.

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31

Tran, Tuoi Thi. "Thomas Hobbes' Views on the Notion of Power in "Leviathan" and their Manifestations in Human Settlements in Vietnam". International Society for the Study of Vernacular Settlements 10, n.º 8 (10 de agosto de 2023): 429–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.61275/isvsej-2023-10-08-29.

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The concepts of state and power in Leviathan were formed under the influence of the English revolution and civil war. Thomas Hobbs, the philosopher of materialism articulated the ideas as they apply to socio-political aspects of human existence. In fact, they manifest in human settlements, both in everyday life and in every situation in which power and politics play a role. Needless to say, the production and habitation of human settlements involve the application and articulation of power through material expressions. This paper uses a comprehensive method and specific history of dialectical materialism to clarify social contract theory to better understand Hobbes’ views on the subject of power. At the same time, It uses analysis, and comparison methods to see Hobbes’ views of the subject of power and responsibility of the ultimate manifestation of power in persons: the autocrat. From there, the paper explores Hobbes's suggestions about the nature of power and the responsibility of the government as inherited and applied to politics of human settlements as manifesting in Vietnam today. In conclusion, the paper points out the values and limitations of Hobbes' view on the subject of power and its manifestations in human settlements particularly in architecture and buildings: through domestic space.

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32

Teixeira Filho, Francisco Luciano. "Representação, soberania e governo em Thomas Hobbes". Trans/Form/Ação 46, n.º 1 (marzo de 2023): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-3173.2023.v46n1.p93.

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Resumo: O texto trata do conceito de representação em sua relação com o conceito de soberania, em Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679). A obra estudada é o Leviatã, de 1651. O estudo apresenta que a soberania se funda através do ato jurídico originário, o qual estabelece uma pessoa artificial para representar a todos. Essa coisa artificial é o Estado. A sociedade política, porém, é diferente do seu governo, embora sejam funcionalmente a mesma coisa.

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33

Wawrzonkowski, Krzysztof. "Thomas Hobbes’ Conception of Imagination". Idea. Studia nad strukturą i rozwojem pojęć filozoficznych, n.º 24 (2012): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/idea.2012.24.02.

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34

Skinner, Daniel. "Political Theory beyond the Rhetoric–Reason Divide: Hobbes, Semantic Indeterminacy, and Political Order". Review of Politics 73, n.º 4 (2011): 561–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670511003640.

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AbstractThis article engages the longstanding debate over Hobbes's use of rhetoric, with the aim of rethinking both the political logic ofLeviathanand the way contemporary theorists approach rhetoric in relation to reason. Rhetoric was a particularly acute problem for Thomas Hobbes, whose pursuit of a stable political order may appear to require the absence of rhetoric and the presence of a purely rational order. This appearance is misleading, and it is suggested therefore that political theorists rethink how they understand rhetoric to grasp more fully Hobbes's understanding of political order. The common view that Hobbes resolves the problem of semantic indeterminacy must be questioned. Hobbes in effect understands that stable meaning structures are impossible to attain, even under Leviathan. This reworking suggests the need for refining our understanding of Hobbes, who envisions political order not by privileging reason over rhetoric, but by moving beyond engagements with language altogether.

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35

Iorio, Marco. "Thomas Hobbes – der Aristoteliker". Archiv für Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie 94, n.º 3 (2008): 295–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/arsp-2008-0022.

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36

Simonazzi, Mauro. "Thomas Hobbes on melancholy". Hobbes Studies 19, n.º 1 (2006): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502506x00033.

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37

Malcolm, Noel. "Thomas Hobbes: Liberal illiberal". Journal of the British Academy 4 (31 de agosto de 2016): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/jba/004.113.

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38

Condren, Conal. "Perspectives on Thomas Hobbes". History of European Ideas 12, n.º 1 (enero de 1990): 156–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(90)90146-6.

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39

Auger, Peter. "The Books of Tho. Hobbes". Hobbes Studies 30, n.º 2 (6 de octubre de 2017): 236–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750257-03002006.

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There are four books that have been advertised in sales catalogues as possessing the inscription ‘Tho. Hobbes’ and having once been owned by Thomas Hobbes. But how confident can we be that they belonged to the famous philosopher? This research note gathers evidence for assessing whether or not this quartet of books were once in the possession of Hobbes of Malmesbury, with particular attention given to a previously undiscussed edition of Josuah Sylvester’s Devine Weekes and Workes (1611) sold to the University of Illinois in 1951 as Hobbes’s copy. The evidence is insufficient to connect any of the four books to Hobbes securely, and in at least one case an Oxford undergraduate of the same name emerges as a stronger candidate. This conclusion confirms that the catalogues at Chatsworth are our principal source for knowing which books Hobbes might have read.

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40

Dungey, Nicholas. "Thomas Hobbes's Materialism, Language, and the Possibility of Politics". Review of Politics 70, n.º 2 (2008): 190–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670508000302.

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AbstractThomas Hobbes sought a reconstruction of philosophy, ethics, and politics that would end, once and for all, the bitter disputes that led to the English Civil War. This reconstruction begins with the first principles of matter and motion and extends to a unique account of consent and political obligation. Hobbes intended to produce a unified philosophical system linking his materialist account of human nature to his moral and political theory. However, his materialism gives rise to a set of perceptions, imagination, and desires that contribute to the chaos of the state of nature. The sort of person that emerges from Hobbes's materialist anthropology is unlikely to be able to make the necessary agreements about common meaning and language that constitute the ground of the social contract. Therefore, Hobbes's materialism frustrates the very purpose for which it is conceived.

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41

Abbott, Don Paul. "“Eloquence is Power”". Rhetorica 32, n.º 4 (2014): 386–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2014.32.4.386.

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Thomas Hobbes is a severe critic of rhetoric but he is also a careful student and skillful practitioner of the art of persuasion. Many critics have therefore argued that Hobbes's views of rhetoric are both conflicted and inconsistent. In contrast, I argue that Hobbes's conception of rhetoric displays remarkable consistency. While he rejects the abuses of rhetoric abundant in political oratory he nevertheless embraces the power of eloquence. In Leviathan Hobbes reconciles his appreciation of eloquence with his distrust of oratory by refashioning rhetoric into a private, rather than public art, which fulfills many of the traditional duties of rhetoric.

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42

Oliveira, Mariana Kuhn de. "The Governing of Opinions". Disputatio 14, n.º 67 (1 de diciembre de 2022): 395–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/disp-2022-0019.

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Abstract Thomas Hobbes’s most important recommendations for a sovereign reader concerned the governing of opinion. Due to the spread of false doctrines and their powerful champions, Hobbes was afraid that subjects would have opinions contrary to the maintenance of peace. His solution comprehended a combination of civic education and censorship. This text explains how Hobbes justifies his recommendations from the perspective of individual deliberation. It argues that Hobbes conceived censoring circulating doctrines as a way of keeping subjects’ minds like clean paper, ready for the sovereign to imprint civil doctrine in them through teaching, thereby increasing the chances of influencing subjects’ (free) deliberation, and thus of producing obedience.

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43

O'Gorman, Ned. "Hobbes, Desire, and the Democratization of Rhetoric". Journal for the History of Rhetoric 16, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2013): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.16.1.0001.

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ABSTRACT This article considers the modern melding of rhetoric and democracy by looking at the approach to rhetoric in the early-modern figure Thomas Hobbes. While other scholars have considered Hobbes's approach to rhetoric in terms of humanistic, Ramistic, and Aristotelian influences, I look at it in light of the psychagogic tradition of rhetoric still active in the Renaissance. Reading Hobbes in light of the psychagogic tradition makes his approach to rhetoric less equivocal or contradictory than is often supposed, even as it helps us see in Hobbes's work a concerted effort to democratize rhetoric. I conclude that the real tension Hobbes presents us with is not found in his approach to rhetoric, which is relatively consistent, but rather in what his work suggests about the tensions of a democratized rhetoric.

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Arake, Lukman. "State of Nature in the Perspective of Fiqh Siyasah (A Comparison Study between the Thoughts of Al-Mawardi and Thomas Hoobes)". DIKTUM: Jurnal Syariah dan Hukum 21, n.º 1 (29 de junio de 2023): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.35905/diktum.v21i1.6772.

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The concept of State of Nature is important in political theory because it helps us understand the origin of political authority and the role of government in society. The State of Nature refers to the hypothetical condition of human beings before or without political association. The analysis is about the comparison of Islamic and western views by using two figures, Al-Mawardi and Thomas Hobbes. This research aims to compare their opinion regarding the State of Nature from the perspective of Siyasah Syar’iyyah. This research uses a comparative approach and content analysis. This study discusses the critical analysis of Thomas Hobbes and Al-Mawardi's views on the concept of a state of nature. Thomas Hobbes conducted that the state of nature is the basic nature of humans who are suspicious of each other at war to find happiness or Hobbes calls it Homo humini lupus, which mean the state of the werewolf for other humans, in contrast to Al-Mawardi's view that humans are deliberately created as weak creatures so that they need interaction to help each other, humans are social creatures who need other people to survive. The research results show that Al-Mawardi and Thomas Hobbes have different views about the State of Nature. According to Al-Mawardi, humans are born in a good natural state, whereas according to Thomas Hobbes, humans are born in a bad natural state. Apart from that, Al-Mawardi argued that humans have rights that must be respected by the state, while Thomas Hobbes argued that humans must surrender their rights to the state for the sake of security and peace.

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Musolff, Andreas. "Ignes fatui or apt similitudes ?- the apparent denunciation of metaphor by Thomas Hobbes1". Hobbes Studies 18, n.º 1 (2005): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502505x00061.

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AbstractThomas Hobbes's condemnation of metaphor as one of the chief "abuses of speech" in Leviathan occupies a famous (to some critics, infamous) place in the history of thinking about metaphor. From the viewpoint of cognitive metaphor theory, George Lakoff and Mark Johnson (1980,1981) have depicted Hobbes and John Locke as the founding fathers of a tradition in which "metaphor and other figurative devices [became] objects of scorn". Similar verdicts on Hobbes and on Locke as arch-detractors of metaphor can be found in many other accounts of the history of semantics. However, these indictments stand in marked contrast to a considerable number of scholarly publications that have shown that Hobbes's assessment of rhetoric and metaphor is far from a 'straightforward' denunciation of anything non-'literal'. In this paper I shall use results of this research in an analysis of key-passages from Leviathan to re-assess Hobbes's views on metaphor. I shall demonstrate that some critics of Hobbes have overlooked crucial differentiations (in particular, of different kinds of metaphor and similitude) in his concept of metaphor as a key-issue of public communication. Furthermore, I shall argue that Hobbes's foregrounding of the 'dangers' of metaphor use in political theory and practice should be interpreted as an acknowledgement rather than as a denial of its conceptual and cognitive force.

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46

Jesseph, Douglas. "Geometry, religion and politics: context and consequences of the Hobbes–Wallis dispute". Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 72, n.º 4 (10 de octubre de 2018): 469–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2018.0026.

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The dispute that raged between Thomas Hobbes and John Wallis from 1655 until Hobbes's death in 1679 was one of the most intense of the ‘battles of the books’ in seventeenth-century intellectual life. The dispute was principally centered on geometric questions (most notably Hobbes’s many failed attempts to square the circle), but it also involved questions of religion and politics. This paper investigates the origins of the dispute and argues that Wallis’s primary motivation was not so much to refute Hobbes’s geometry as to demolish his reputation as an authority in political, philosophical, and religious matters. It also highlights the very different conceptions of geometrical methodology employed by the two disputants. In the end, I argue that, although Wallis was successful in showing the inadequacies of Hobbes’s geometric endeavours, he failed in his quest to discredit the Hobbesian philosophy in toto .

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47

MALCOLM, NOEL. "AN UNKNOWN POLICY PROPOSAL BY THOMAS HOBBES". Historical Journal 55, n.º 1 (10 de febrero de 2012): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000562.

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ABSTRACTAn undated document survives, in Thomas Hobbes's hand, urging the royalist side in the Civil War to win over Robert Rich, the second earl of Warwick (the parliamentarian naval commander). By this means, Hobbes argued, not only would the royalists win the war, but also England would be defended against a Swedish invasion, which he expected to accompany or follow the Scottish invasion of the country. This communication presents the text of the document and gives reasons for dating it not to 1648 (when an attempt to win over Warwick was in fact made) but to late 1643 or early 1644. It also discusses the basis of Hobbes's concern with Scottish–Swedish relations, and his misinterpretation of Swedish policy. It comments on his estimate of Warwick's character, in the light of his earlier connections with him; and it briefly discusses both Hobbes's assumption in this document of the role of a counsellor to the king, and the interpretation of the nature of the Civil War that the document implies.

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48

Ribarević, Luka. "Politička ekonomija u Levijatanu". Politička misao 57, n.º 2 (1 de octubre de 2020): 127–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.57.2.06.

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U magistralnoj studiji razvoja klasične političke ekonomije Robna proizvodnja i udruženi rad u Marxovoj kritici političke ekonomije Daga Strpića veoma važno mjesto zauzima Thomas Hobbes. Prema Strpiću Hobbes uspostavlja novi metodološki i kategorijalni okvir za razumijevanje političke zajednice u moderni. Za razliku od velike većine interpretacija Hobbesove philosophiae civilis Strpić Hobbesa ne čita samo kao utemeljitelja moderne političke teorije, nego i klasične političke ekonomije. U tekstu se političko-ekonomski aspekt Hobbesove znanosti o politici razmatra posredstvom kritičke analize dijaloga koji Strpić vodi s utjecajnim tumačenjem C. B. Macphersona. Strpić usvaja bitne elemente Macphersonove interpretacije fokusirane na e konomske pretpostavke Hobbesova političkog mišljenja, ali istovremeno odstupa od njegova razumijevanja Levijatana. Na toj se pozadini nastoji utvrditi spoznajne domete i ograničenja političko-ekonomskog čitanja Hobbesa koje dijele Strpić i Macpherson.

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Sokolowski, Asaf. "Hobbes Against the Fool". Politička misao 59, n.º 2 (5 de septiembre de 2022): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.2.04.

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In Leviathan, Thomas Hobbes voices concern over the squandering of the‎ prospects of human prosperity. This paper argues that the remedy he proposes ‎is the political replication of scripture’s idea of creation; the acknowledgment ‎of an originator, a first cause of indisputable order. Hobbes’s nemesis, the ‎Fool, is an agent of scripture’s antithetical tohu and bohu (the disarray that‎ preceded creation), who misguidedly believes he can work disarray to his advantage. ‎For Hobbes this is folly, because the volatility of disarray is beyond human mastery. Nevertheless, steadfastness and prosperity remain at hand,‎ by replicating the order of a ‘higher power’ that is fortunately echoed in all‎ creation. This paper is made in the image of Hobbes’s ‘replication methodology’,‎ that in turn is modelled after scripture’s original depiction of the act of ‎creation “in his own image” (Genesis 1:27). The paper identifies the biblical‎ Nabal as the ‘original Fool’, and reflects on how the original resonates in ‎Hobbes’s iteration.‎

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Hamilton, James J. "Hobbes on Felicity". Hobbes Studies 29, n.º 2 (25 de octubre de 2016): 129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750257-02902002.

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Thomas Hobbes’s concept of felicity is a re-imagining of the Hellenistic concept of eudaimonia, which is based on the doctrine that people by nature are happy with little. His concept is based instead on an alternative view, that people by nature are never satisfied and it directly challenges the Aristotelian and Hellenistic concepts of eudaimonia. I also will suggest that Hobbes developed it from ideas he found in Aristotle’s Rhetoric as well as in Francis Bacon’s critique of ancient moral philosophy in The Advancement of Learning.

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