Literatura académica sobre el tema "Temple of Baal and Tanit"

Autor artykułu zastanawia się nad miejscem bogini Tanit w religijnej sferze funkcjonowania Barkidów. Zauważa, że numizmatyka punicka eksponuje związek Barkidów z Heraklesem-Melquartem, a także boginią Tanit, uwidaczniając jednocześnie rosnące tendencje zmierzające do wyróżnienia tych bóstw. Tanit była bóstwem o problematycznej, ale przypuszczalnie jednak fenickiej proweniencji i pozostawała zakorzeniona w kartagińskim systemie teologicznym – również z racji jej małżeńskiego związku z Baal-Ḥamonem, w którym odgrywała rolę introduktorki prowadzącej przed jego oblicze (Tanit-pene-Baal). Chociaż miała swoje umocowanie w wyznawanym przez Barkidów panteonie i korelowała ze sferą teologiczną, nie była jednak pierwszoplanowym bóstwem w tym uczczeniu. Zmiana tej sytuacji nastąpiła przypuszczalnie pod koniec drugiej wojny punickiej, co potwierdzają analizy źródeł numizmatycznych, a także propagandowe odwołania samego Hannibala, przechowywane przez źródła literackie. W porównawczym kontekście badań nad religią kartagińską uzasadnione wydaje się przypuszczenie, że Barkidzi usiłowali wykorzystać fenomen szerokiego zasięgu i rozpoznawalności bogini Tanit, jako pewnego rodzaju „znaku towarowego” świata fenicko-punickiego. W tym sensie wyróżnienie Tanit mogło posiadać fasadowe znaczenie, niekoniecznie związane z głębszym przeobrażeniem podstawteologicznych systemu religijnego, którego uczestnikami byli Barkidzi. Znaczenie tego gestu było przede wszystkim nacechowane politycznym pragmatyzmem.

By shedding more light over the votive altars erected by Marcus Herennius Faustus at Apulum, the aim of this study is to set a clearer picture over the diversity of the pantheons that operated within the provincial religion of Roman Dacia. The study attempts to identify the personal pantheon of Marcus Herennius Faustus as a reflection of the Punico- Lybian triad Baal-Hammon, Baal-Addir, Tanit-Astarte, whose cult the commander of the legion must have adopted during his stay at Lambaesis as a tribunus militum in legio III Augusta. Furthermore, the article tries to unravel the possible motifs that determined Marcus Herennius Faustus to choose these rather unusual and definitely rare epithets for his gods: Saturnus Securus, Mercurius Hilaris, Minerva Supera.

Playing mancala-type games was an addictive pastime of antiquity and leaves its archaeological imprint on steps and ledges in the form of rows of little scoops. Here the author examines the traces of the game at Palmyra and shows that the Roman game of the third century (with five holes a side) was superseded when Palmyra's Temple of Baal was refashioned as a fort in the seventh century or later. The new Syrian game, with seven holes a side, was played obsessively by the soldiers of an Arab or Ottoman garrison on the steps and precinct wall of the old temple.

On the 23rd of August 2015 Daesh blew up the 2,000-year-old Baal-Shamin temple in the world-famous Greco-Roman site of Palmyra. This event triggered a profound emotional reaction in society at large, and the ruins soon became an iconic symbol of world heritage in danger. The appalling images of the ruins of Baal Shamin reinforced the perception, especially among western observers, that protecting cultural and natural heritage is yet another duty in the fight against terrorism. A similar international outcry occurred in 2001, when the Buddhas of Bamiyan fell to Taliban dynamite in Afghanistan, and when Iraqi museums and sites were ransacked and looted providing two of the most recent and vivid examples of destroyed heritage in the so-called War on Terror which was launched by the U.S. government after 9/11. Following the destruction at Baal-Shamin, UNESCO declared that the deliberate destruction of Syria's cultural heritage was a war crime, and put into motion several projects and actions aimed at preserving endangered Syrian archaeological heritage. At the same time, alongside income gained from the sale of drug and weapons, the trafficking of antiquities from Syria and Iraq worldwide provided a major source of revenue for Daesh.

The article attempts at explaining the motif of the eagle which appears in the final Song XIV in the poem Rzecz o wolności słowa. Previous scholars have unambiguously associated this symbolic vision with the apocalypse and with the figure of St John. The reading of Volney’s Travels through Syria and Egypt, supported by the source description of Palmyra’s ruins from Robert Wood’s The Ruines of Palmyra, otherwise Tedmor, in the Desert (1753), points rather to an archaeological source of Norwid’s imagery – the image of the ruins of the Palmyrene Temple of the Sun (Baal).

The emerging consensus, on the intervention of Jesus into the commercial operations of the Jerusalem Temple, speaks in terms of an enacted parable aimed at the temple hierarchy, against the backdrop of the ongoing economic and social oppression of the time. In this article, I consider four essential scholarly insights (keys): The possibility that Caiaphas introduced trade in sacrifices in the Jerusalem Temple; the link between the money changers and Greek-style bankers; the Jewish witness to the extent of high-priestly corruption in the 1st century CE; and finally the presence of the image of Baal-Melkart on the Tyrian Shekel. In the light of the fourth key, in particular, we discover Jesus, like the prophets of old (Jeremiah and Elijah), standing against the greed of the High priests and their abuse of the poor and marginalised, by defending the honour of God, and pronouncing judgement on the temple hierarchy as ‘bandits’ (Jr 7:11) and, like their ancestors, encouragers of ‘Baal worship’ (Jr 7:9).

Durant le premier millénaire, entre le VIIe/VIe et le IIe siècle avant Jésus-Christ, les Carthaginois ont élevé des stèles votives dans un sanctuaire à ciel ouvert. Dédiées à la dyade Baal Hamon et Tinnit Pane Baal, ces sculptures montrent sur leur surface décorée une iconographie qui se compose, en grande partie, de signes et symboles géométriques: un losange, une image céleste composée d’un disque et d’un croissant, une « idole-bouteille », le signe dit « de Tinnit » et un étendard nommé « caducée » dans la littérature. À ce jour, les informations liées à l’interprétation de ces images sont restées largement disparates et fragmentaires et aucune synthèse approfondie n’a encore été publiée à leur sujet. Afin d’aboutir à des résultats tangibles, il s’avère indispensable de mettre à plat l’ensemble des connaissances acquises sur le sujet. À cette fin, une nouvelle approche méthodologique basée sur une typologie raisonnée, c’est-à-dire diachronique et limitée à la seule métropole carthaginoise, sera mise en place. En outre, cette démarche doit être définie en adéquation avec le contexte régional tyrien, berceau de l’idéologie religieuse carthaginoise. Au-delà du rapport de ces images avec les divinités invoquées, la typologie à promouvoir doit, en même temps, nous permettre de clarifier le contexte chronologique propre à chacun de ces éléments figurés. / During the first millennium, between the VIIth/VIth and IInd century bc, the Carthaginians have erected votive stelae in an open air precinct. Dedicated to the dyad Baal Hamon and Tinnit Pane Baal, those sculptures show on their decorated surface an iconography mostly composed of geometric signs and symbols: a lozenge, a celestial pattern made up of a disk and a crescent, a “bottle idol”, the “Tinnit sign” and a standard named “caduceus” in the literature. To date, the information tied up with the interpretation of those images are largely disparate and fragmentary and no thorough synthesis has been published on their subject. In order to reach tangible results, it is necessary to gather all known data’s on the subject. To that end, a new methodological approach, based on a diachronic typology limited to the sole Carthaginian metropolis, will be put in place. Moreover, this approach must be defined in adequacy with the Tyrian regional context, cradle of the Carthaginian religious ideology. Beyond the links of those images with of the invoked divinities, the typology to promote must allow us, in the same time, to clarify the chronological context peculiar to each of the studied items.
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This chapter discusses the rise, development, and Romanization of ancient Carthage in the early Christian period after the formation of the province of Africa Proconsularis in the Augustan period; the physical topography of the city of Carthage, including the Byrsa, the Antonine Baths, and the amphitheater; and it describes the tophet or outdoor sacrificial area and whether human sacrifice was practiced among the Carthaginians. It also covers the life, influence, and African roots of Septimius Severus, the Roman emperor during Perpetua’s life and death. Also discussed are the social, religious, and intellectual conditions for pagans in Roman Carthage, who their local gods were (Tanit, Saturn, Juno Caelestis, Baal Hammon), and the connections between civic and religious life.

The coinage used by Punic inhabitants of Sicily during the fifth and fourth cen- turies BCE was minted by Greek workers using Greek iconographic elements to create a new iconography with a completely different message for the Punic residents of Panormos, Solus, and Motya. This new iconography combined Greek gods like Poseidon, Herakles, and Demeter, and local deities like nymphs and river gods with the main Punic divinities Baal, Tanit, and Melqart. The images of the gods themselves, as well as plants, animals, and ob- jects, allowed the construction of Punic identity through a new medium of communication, advertising, and exchange. These first Punic mintings on Sicily demonstrate the principles of cultural convergence at iconographic, organizational, and economic levels. The elements so used took on new meanings for the non-Greek residents of the towns that minted them.

Votive deposits in the Temple of the Kothon devoted to Baal, excavated by Rome La Sapienza University Expedition to Motya in recent years, provide a highly representa- tive set of data for considering religious and cultural features of Phoenicians’ culture in the West. The analysis of faunal and malacological remains, and the study of items and pottery found inside such deposits, brought new clues for disentangling the procedures and the meanings of ritual customs and cult practices. Fruits and food offerings, as well as animal slaughter performed in the sacred area give back a clear picture of Phoenician religious traditions as reelaborated in western Sicily.