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1
Celi, Giuseppe, Andrea Ginzburg, Dario Guarascio y Annamaria Simonazzi. "Una Unione divisiva. Una prospettiva centro-periferia della crisi europea". Il Politico 252, n.º 2 (19 de enero de 2021): 195–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/ilpolitico.2020.522.
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La storia dell’integrazione europea resta ancora oggi, a sessantatré anni dalla fondazione della Comunità Economica Europea, uno dei temi fondamentali per comprendere l’Unione e i suoi sviluppi politici. Molti dei conflitti, delle tensioni, dei problemi strutturali e delle inefficienze che si riconducono all’Unione Europea, così come anche molti dei successi e delle fortune, sono realmente comprensibili soltanto con una conoscenza della storia delle istituzioni europee e della progressiva integrazione degli Stati Membri.
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Ziller, Jacques. "Il nuovo assetto dei Diritti nei trattati Europei dopo Lisbona". CITTADINANZA EUROPEA (LA), n.º 1 (marzo de 2011): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ceu2011-001005.
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La problematica dei diritti č strettamente collegata alla natura pattizia della ‘costituzione' della Comunitŕ - ora Unione - europea come giŕ chiarito dalla Corte di giustizia nella sentenza Van Gend en Loos del 1963. Č su questa base che vanno quindi analizzate le novitŕ del trattato di Lisbona, per quanto riguarda diritti derivanti da obblighi degli Stati membri, che sono nuovi rispetto ai previgenti trattati CE e UE. L'autore esamina come si manifesta il carattere vincolante della Carta dei Diritti fondamentali dell'Unione europea per tutti gli Stati membri, dato che il Protocollo sulla Polonia e il Regno Unito non rappresenta una deroga al sistema di diritto UE. Infine, l'autore presenta le tre piů importanti conseguenze del carattere ormai vincolante della Carta, cioč la differenziazione tra diritti fondamentali e altri diritti, l'applicabilitŕ di una riserva di legge e la possibilitŕ di ricorso alla procedura di rinvio pregiudiziale per l'interpretazione della Carta.
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Buchanan, James M. "The Constitutional Moment of the 1990s *". Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 9, n.º 3 (1 de octubre de 1991): 175–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569298x15668907345379.
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Abstract In questo scritto vengono delineate le prospettive costituzionali che nel decennio in corso si stanno aprendo sia nell’ambito della Comunità europea che per i paesi dell’ex-Unione Sovietica, in un’ottica di economica costituzionale del federalismo e del secessionismo. In particolare, l’autore sostiene che nell’elaborare una costituzione per l’Europa sia opportuno attribuire ad un potere federale il ruolo di «Stato protettivo », con il compito di garantire la creazione di un grande mercato, e agli stati membri della federazione il ruolo di «Stato produttivo», cui sono quindi assegnate le altre funzioni di natura governativa.Allo scopo poi di impedire che il governo centrale travalichi i limiti previsti dalla costituzione, viene auspicata la previsione costituzionale di un diritto di secessione che consenta agli stati membri di recedere dal contratto originario.
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Aloisio, Salvatore. "Osservatorio Europeo. Considerazioni sul ruolo delle autonomie nei rapporti tra stati membri e Unione europea: il caso italiano del Senato nella proposta di riforma costituzionale". CITTADINANZA EUROPEA (LA), n.º 2 (febrero de 2017): 127–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ceu2016-002005.
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Folmer, Henk y Tim Jeppesen. "Environmental policy in the European Union: community competence vs member state competence". Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 94, n.º 4 (septiembre de 2003): 510–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9663.00277.
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Krzysztofik, Edyta Anna. "Scope and Exercise of the Exclusive Competences of the Member States of the European Union". Review of European and Comparative Law 43, n.º 4 (11 de diciembre de 2020): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/recl.6056.
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The process of European integration has introduced the Member States into a new legal reality. The existing exclusivity in the area of competence implementation has been replaced by a two-stage model of their exercise. The Member States, when conferring part of their supervisory powers, did not specify the scope of their own competences. The so-called European clauses were analysed in the Constitutions of selected Member States, which showed that they define the recipient of the conferral and, in a non-uniform manner, specify the subject of the conferral. The analysis of the indicated provisions clearly shows that the Constitutions of the Member States exclude full conferral of competences on the European Union. There is no specification of the scope of competences that may be conferred. However, this issue was addressed by Constitutional Courts of the Member States. The article refers to the judgements of the German Federal Constitutional Court and the Polish Constitutional Court. It has been shown that they equate exclusive competences of the Member States with the scope of the concept of constitutional identity reduced to basic principles of the state. The Court of Justice of the European Union analysed the scope of competences of both entities. The article presents the analysis of judgements on: entries in Civil Registry regarding transcription of surnames, the issue of recognition of same-sex marriages, reform of the judiciary system in Poland, and the application of the Charter of Fundamental Rights in the areas that do not fall under EU competence. Regardless of the division of competences, the EU is bound by the principle of respect for national identity of the Member States, including constitutional identity. It both obligates the EU to respect the exclusive competences of the Member States and is a premise restricting the achievement of EU objectives.
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GUY, Mary. "Towards a European Health Union: What Role for Member States?" European Journal of Risk Regulation 11, n.º 4 (9 de septiembre de 2020): 757–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/err.2020.77.
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Calls for a European Health Union apparently challenge long-standing beliefs that national healthcare system organisation is a Member State competence. Interaction between Member State and European Union (EU) levels therefore fundamentally requires reflection in the design, overall structure and legal basis of any European Health Union. Article 168(7) Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) provides the current version of the seemingly limited EU competence with regards to national healthcare system organisation and has received surprisingly little attention thus far. On the one hand, within the wider EU health competence ‘web’, Article 168(7) TFEU constrains EU adoption of measures incentivising Member States to use particular treatments or to increase intensive care units in response to COVID-19. On the other hand, Article 168(7) TFEU is challenged by the perceived influence of Country-Specific Recommendations issued in the context of the European Semester on national health policies. This opinion piece provides an original assessment of Article 168(7) TFEU to argue that Treaty change to redress the balance between EU and Member State competence regarding national healthcare systems may be uncalled for given both the flexibility afforded by the provision and the complexity and diversity of Member State healthcare systems.
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DUMITRAȘCU, Mihaela-Augustina y Oana-Mihaela SALOMIA. "Eficacitatea măsurilor adoptate de Uniunea Europeană pentru sprijinirea statelor membre în perioada pandemiei de Covid-19". Analele Universitării din București Drept 2020, n.º 2020 (13 de enero de 2020): 242–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/aubd.2020.13.
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"The European Union has faced an unprecedented health crisis in recent months, followed by a major economic crisis for member states. In accordance with the competences assigned to it by the Member States, the Union has acted in the medical, economic and financial fields, providing financial and logistical support to the Member States, however, at the beginning of the pandemic, it was observed that the Union faced at least two sensitive issues, namely the lack of visibility of its actions and the reaction of some Member States or acceding countries that were “abandoned” in the fight against the virus. Gradually, the Union institutions have begun to take concrete and effective measures, with a positive impact on both health and economic levels. At the same time, given that many Member States have triggered a state of emergency at national level which has involved, inter alia, the restriction of certain rights and freedoms, the European institutions have adopted certain similar restrictive measures, in particular movements of goods and persons; these restrictions must comply with the specific provisions of primary and secondary Union law, as well as the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union. In conclusion, from the point of view of the legal analysis of the construction of the Union, it is important to follow the outlines of reflections on overcoming this crisis and how they will lead to the revision of the EU Treaties both in terms of institutional structure and competence."
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Yuskiv, Bohdan y Nataliia Karpchuk. "Multilingualism Factors of the European Union Member-States". Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, n.º 43 (15 de junio de 2021): 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.43.136-145.
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Languages are the basis for Europeans who want to coexist and work together. To do this, the Europeans need to understand each other, the EU's neighbors and partners as well, and to teach and promote the linguistic heritage of the Member States. The motto of the European Union – “Unity in diversity” – reflects multilingualism as the basis of the EU, which is enshrined in a number of documents at the pan-European level. Multilingualism makes business and citizens more competitive and mobile. Promoting multilingualism is a great way to unite Europeans, to build a truly inclusive society where citizens' rights are respected. In the EU “multilingualism” is treated as the ability of communities, groups and individuals to use more than one language in their daily activities on an ongoing basis. The European Commission (together with national governments) coordinates the goal of multilingualism and the goals of the language strategy. Languages should not be an obstacle to participation in society, and marginalized language groups should be identified, represented and included in society. However, the national language policy is the sphere of competence of each state. The article substantiates the assumption that there are certain factors that determine the specifics and level of multilingualism of the EU Member-States. The multilingualism index of each EU Member-State was calculated and the countries were ranked according to a number of sub-indices, in particular: official languages, foreign language skills, language education and study, foreigners (migrants) and language policy, everyday languages, international communications. It was found out that according to the integrated index of multilingualism, the top 5 countries are represented by Luxembourg, Germany, Finland, Sweden and the Netherlands. The most important factors determining the policy of multilingualism are the following: the influence of citizens who are interested in learning foreign languages, as well as foreigners, migrants who study the state language to assimilate in society, the influence of using foreign languages in practice and online communication.
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Kokovikhin, Aleksandr. "Skills management in regional economic policy of the OECD and the EU member countries". Upravlenets 11, n.º 5 (6 de noviembre de 2020): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.29141/2218-5003-2020-11-5-7.
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The paper analyzes the theoretical concepts and practice of skills management implemented in the countries of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the European Union (EU). The relevance of the study is due to the lack of data about the OECD and the EU experience examined in the Russian literature in terms of theoretical comprehension of gaps and mismatches in employees competencies, jobs requirements and the skills management policy at state and regional levels. This problem not only significantly narrows the Russian research field, but also deprives regional authorities and self-government specialists of access to approved management tools. The methodological background of the study is the competence-based approach that provides necessary tools for both theoretical conceptualization and the development of an appropriate state policy. In the paper, we apply the methods of comparative and system-based analysis of the theory and practice of competency management at regional level. Using them, the author discusses the role, content and toolkit of state and regional policy on skills management, and analyzes how theoretical concepts of new public management, knowledge economy and institutional economy affect the development and implementation of the strategic documents of the OECD and the EU, as well as member countries and regions in a historical perspective. The research findings indicate a general trend towards change in the priorities of the regional skills management policy from competency supply management in 2000–2007 to the balanced development of competency demand and supply in 2007–2015 and focusing on skills in breakthrough technologies that underlie the region’s smart specialization. The research also reveals the special features of regional skills management policy in particular countries. The research results can be used for further theoretical analysis of state policy in regional labor markets, as well as in the development of strategies and policies for managing labor resources at the level of Russia’ regions.
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Puppo, Annalisa Daniela. "Legal Issues within EU and Member States concerning Bilateral Investments Treaties". Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Braşov Series VII Social Sciences • Law 14(63), Special Issue (22 de febrero de 2022): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31926/but.ssl.2021.14.63.3.9.
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The article’s aim is to analyse the legal issues concerning the compatibility with the EU law of Bilateral Investments Treaties concluded between Member States themselves (intra-EU BITs), on the one hand, and Member State and Third State on the other hand (extra-EU BITs). The questions arise as a consequence of the shift of competence for Foreign Direct Investments from the Member States to the EU, so it is approached as a problem of compatibility between sources of law that belong to different legal systems: international law and European Union law. The author’s conclusion is that the EU has, despite several difficulties, succeeded in preserving the autonomy and the primacy of its legal order.
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Kardachaki, Alexia. "The Impact of European Union Law on the Possibilities of European Union Member States to Adapt International Tax Rules to the Business Models of Multinational Enterprises". Intertax 44, Issue 10 (1 de octubre de 2016): 746–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2016064.
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European Union (EU) law has played a key role in enforcing the EU base erosion and profit shifting (BEPS) agenda, while also introducing limits to the application thereof. The European Commission (EC) sees a clear link between aggressive tax planning and competition law. Against this background, EU State aid law has been employed to challenge the business models of multinational enterprises. At present there are a number of opened cases, where a decision either by the EC or the General Court of the EU is pending. These cases deal with the application of EU State aid law on inter alia tax regimes (e.g. exemption of interest and royalty payments), transfer pricing, and the misapplication of law. The approach the EC is taking in those cases, especially in matters of competence, raises a number of questions, which can only be addressed in a definitive manner by the EU Courts. Similar issues may arise in the field of positive harmonization through the recently adopted Anti-Tax Avoidance Directive (ATAD). For instance, given that a general anti-abuse rule has been included in Article 6 ATAD and has therefore become EU law, the EC and the EU Courts are competent to decide whether it should be applied in certain situations, and whether non-application thereof may amount to unlawful State aid. However, EU free movement law should be respected by Member States when implementing anti-BEPs measures. Accordingly, so far, the limitation on benefits clause contained in double tax treaties has been challenged by the EC, while the compatibility of the anti-avoidance rules against hybrid mismatches with EU free movement law is questionable.
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Gáspár-Szilágyi, Szilárd. "EU Member State Enforcement of Mixed Agreements and Access to Justice: Rethinking Direct Effect". Legal Issues of Economic Integration 40, Issue 2 (1 de mayo de 2013): 163–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2013009.
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Article 344 TFEU forbids Member States to pursue any other means of dispute settlement, when issues regarding the application and interpretation of the Treaties are concerned. The Court of Justice extended this principle to include disputes arising under international agreements, where the subject matter falls under European Union (EU) competence. At the same time, the number of international agreements to which direct effect is not granted is slowly rising. Consequently, the question arises whether Member States still have proper access to justice under these international regimes vis-à-vis other Member States or the EU, given that: first, they cannot pursue litigation under the agreements' dispute resolution system if the foreign body risks interpreting the agreement, which also forms part of EU law; second, they cannot rely on these agreements before the Court. This article argues that a rethinking of the direct effect doctrine of international agreements is necessary. Member States should not be equated with individuals, when invoking international agreements before the Court to challenge the validity of EU acts.
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Piccirilli, Giovanni. "L’ “identità costituzionale” italiana nella costituzione composita europea". Toruńskie Studia Polsko-Włoskie, 5 de mayo de 2022, 261–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/tsp-w.2021.018.
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Il concetto di “identità costituzionale” non è una elaborazione originaria del costituzionalismo italiano. Anzi, il suo recente utilizzo nel corso della c.d. vicenda Taricco testimonia come l’interazione tra ordinamento costituzionale italiano e Unione europea comporti non soltanto una progressiva integrazione giuridica, ma anche una osmosi tra le categorie concettuali fondamentali. Prima dell’entrata in vigore del Trattato di Lisbona (ossia del momento in cui a livello di Unione europea si afferma il concetto di identità costituzionale degli Stati membri) la giurisprudenza della Corte costituzionale italiana aveva sì utilizzato il concetto di “identità costituzionale”, ma in contesti completamente diversi e con significati del tutto “interni” (v. sentt. nn. 203/1989 e 262/2009). L’utilizzo fattone invece nella ord. n. 24/2017 pone il nuovo contenuto dell’art. 4 (2) TUE in piena continuità con la dottrina dei controlimiti, secondo una visione che appare maggiormente cooperativa rispetto a ulteriori approcci seguiti dalle Corti costituzionali di ulteriori Stati Membri. Da ultimo, è stata proposta una interpretazione del contributo della Corte costituzionale italiana alla difesa della identità costituzionale nazionale in chiave “seduttiva”, enfatizzandone la natura relazionale e il contributo alla elaborazione del di “apertura” dell’ordinamento quale parte integrante della identità costituzionale italiana.
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Marchi, Ludovica. "Power in practice: EU member states’ 2020 early negotiations on Covid-19 burden sharing". Australian and New Zealand Journal of European Studies 14, n.º 1 (16 de marzo de 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.30722/anzjes.vol14.iss1.15853.
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The manoeuvring and the strategies that state actors and their delegates employ when discussing and negotiating practices at the European Union (EU) level clearly respond to their aim of attaining outcomes at that very level. Within that landscape, what makes a country more powerful and persuasive than others, why some states punch above their weight, and how the threads of European diplomacy are concretely moved are unclear processes that the practice approach promises to explain. This investigation employs the practice approach to distinguish ‘power in practice’. It considers power as a development connected to social relations. In fact, it views micro-level diplomatic dynamics as the site from which to observe power. It fills a gap in the field of adopting the practice approach in EU studies by contributing to theory through showing the approach’s policy performance. It asks the central question of ‘whether power resources emerge out of constant work and negotiation’. It applies the practice approach to the early 2020 negotiations in the EU arena on burden sharing linked to the Covid-19 pandemic. It argues that what is at stake in the course of the negotiations is a complex social game, in which manoeuvring for diplomatic competence becomes an end in itself.
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Ciclet, Emilie. "Are the Competences of the European Union Sufficiently Defined So that One Can Say with Precision Which Realms it Can Regulate and Which Remain for the Member State?" SSRN Electronic Journal, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1850480.
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