Literatura académica sobre el tema "Stalin, Joseph, – 1879-1953"

The article deals with the life path and research activities of the founder of resuscitation science (intensive care) Vladimir A. Negovsky. He was born in 1909 in the city of Kozelets, Ukraine. After graduating from university in 1933, Negovsky worked as a researcher in the pathophysiological laboratory of the Central Institute of Hematology and Blood Transfusion in Moscow, where he worked for about a year with Professor S.S. Bryuchonenko, the creator of one of the world’s first heart-lung apparatus and where, apparently, his scientific interests were finally formed. In 1936, Negovsky wrote a letter to the Prime Minister of the USSR V.M. Molotov, in which he substantiated the prospects and importance of research in the field of cardiopulmonary resuscitation and asked for help in creating a research laboratory on this problem. Surprisingly, his request was granted — in the same year an order was issued on the organization of a special-purpose laboratory on the problem: ‘Restoration of life processes in phenomena similar to death”. Such a scientific research laboratory was created for the first time in the world. V.A. Negovsky and his collaborators modified the resuscitation method proposed by F.A. Andreev (1879–1952) and included the injection of Ringer-Locke’s solution with adrenaline into the carotid artery towards the heart (centripetally, i.e. against the blood flow). This method was improved by Negovsky and the Laboratory staff by using the radial and brachial arteries as an access for centripetal blood injection, which made it possible to simplify the technique for use in clinical practice and was supplemented by artificial lung ventilation by forced air injection into the lungs with bellows, as they have shown that intra-arterial pumping alone without mechanical ventilation is often ineffective. In the years before the attack of Nazi Germany on the USSR (1938–1941), V.A. Negovsky and his colleagues carried out a series of experimental studies devoted to the resuscitation of animals with lethal blood loss, as well as to the problem of extinction and restoration of brain functions, the results of which were published in several articles. In 1942, V.A. Negovsky defended his PhD on the topic “The relationship of respiration and blood circulation in the process of dying of animals from blood loss and in the subsequent period of restoration of vital functions”. During World War II, Negovsky organized a front-line medical teams, with which he went to the front line and where, in 1943, the developed complex of resuscitation measures was first used for wounded soldiers. In his dissertation on medicine “Restoration of vital functions of an organism in a state of agony or a period of clinical death” defended in 1943, he outlined the main provisions of the pathophysiology of terminal states and the principles of a complex method of resuscitation; the dissertation was published in a book in the same year. In 1945–1946, V.A. Negovsky publishes reports in the journals “JAMA” and “Nature” about the clinical experience of using the developed method of cardiopulmonary resuscitation and the importance of developing this problem of medicine, thus providing a priority in creating a new scientific direction. In 1946, using the experience gained in the war, the Laboratory staff continued their clinical work, starting to provide medical care to dying patients at the Institute of Thoracic Surgery of the USSR of the Academy of Medical Sciences, thus creating their own clinical resuscitation unit. In 1947, V.A. Negovsky was awarded the title of professor. Despite the successes achieved, Negovsky and his colleagues had to overcome stubborn misunderstanding and expressed resistance from many representatives of the medical community. An interesting fact in the biography of V.A. Negovsky was his participation in 1953 in the CPR (chest compression and administration of pharmacological drugs) of Joseph Stalin. In 1952, the Laboratory team created the first instruction, which was published by the USSR Ministry of Health for use in clinical practice “On the introduction into medical practice of methods for restoring the vital functions of an organism in a state of agony or clinical death”, which was republished in 1955, 1959 and 1963 with the introduction of changes to the CPR algorithm. In 1959, on the initiative of V. \A. Negovsky, the first prototype of the intensive care unit in the USSR was organized, which was named “Center for the Treatment of Shock and Terminal States”. In 1961, he reported about creating a new medical science — resuscitation science, the subject of which is nonspecific general pathological reactions of the body, pathogenesis, therapy, and prevention of terminal states, life support in critical states. In 1972, in the first issue of the newly created journal “Resuscitation”, V.A. Negovsky published an article “The second step in resuscitation — the treatment of the ‘post-resuscitation’ disease”, in which he outlines the pathophysiological mechanisms of the development of post-resuscitation changes in the body. A special topic is overcoming the “iron curtain” and acquaintance of V.A. Negovsky with the American founder of the first Intensive Care Units (ICU) P. Safar, who laid the foundation for many years of scientific interaction and personal friendship. In 1985, on the basis of the Laboratory, Negovsky organized the Research Institute of General Reanimatology of the USSR of the Academy of Medical Sciences, which now bears his name. Vladimir Negovsky loved classical music, especially I.S. Bach, painting — Sandro Botticelli, Francisco Goya, always found time and energy for skiing. He died on August 2, 2003, and is buried in Moscow.

Staliniana is an eclectic genre of Russian literature of the Soviet period. It deals with the fictional image of I. V. Stalin and the impact of his life and politics on history. For several decades it was the core of socialist realist literature and Stalin's personality cult.
The first chapter discusses the phenomena of Stalin's personality cult in the context of the intellectual history of the post-revolutionary Soviet society in the 1920s and 1930s. Chapter two offers different classifications of a vast amount of fiction written on Stalin. The genesis and documented development of staliniana is discussed in the third chapter. Special attention is paid to the manipulations in the genre exercised by ideological and cultural authorities in the USSR from the 1920s to the 1970s. The fourth chapter discusses some aspects of staliniana in Western Europe as contrasted to Soviet literature. In the fifth chapter a detailed analysis of key elements of the codified literary image of Stalin is undertaken. Chapter six explores the folklore background of Stalin's cult and its interaction with the cult of V. I. Lenin. The final chapter offers an analysis of the development of the language used by Stalin as a fictional character in works of literature. This study uses the recently declassified materials from Soviet archives in order to demonstrate that staliniana was not only a key element of the Stalin cult but also a cornerstone of Soviet literature.

Ce mémoire constitue l'analyse des représentations de Staline dans le magazine américain Time entre 1939 et 1953. Cet intervalle historique voit une évolution des descriptions du dirigeant russe. De « dictateur » durant la période pré-1941, il devient soudainement un « chef de guerre adulé » à la suite de l'invasion allemande de l'Union soviétique. Avec la fin du conflit et la dégradation des relations américano-soviétiques qui mènent à la Guerre froide, il est plutôt décrit comme un « impérialiste » souhaitant étendre l'idéologie communiste partout sur le globe. En analysant plus de 300 articles répertoriés dans le magazine, nous avons noté que ces perceptions sont attribuables à deux réalités. D'abord, les aléas du contexte international, qui font du dirigeant de l'Union soviétique un allié de premier ordre durant la guerre alors qu'il devient l'ennemi numéro un avec la polarisation idéologique des États-Unis et de l'Union soviétique, semblent expliquer l'inconstance des descriptions examinées. Ensuite, il nous apparaît qu'Henry R. Luce, cofondateur du magazine, anticommuniste convaincu, influe grandement sur le regard critique que porte Time sur Staline.

Cette thèse est une étude du commissariat du peuple aux affaires étrangères (NKID) entre 1930 et 1939, période où Litvinov est le chef de la diplomatie. S'inscrivant dans le champ des études historiques sur le processus de décision en politique étrangère, elle s'appuie, grâce à l'ouverture des archives à Moscou, sur une documentation nouvelle qui permet d'analyser de manière plus précise qu'avant les relations de travail existant entre le NKID et les dirigeants du parti. Elle permet aussi d'évaluer la place qu'avait l'appareil diplomatique par rapport au Komintern ou à d'autres institutions soviétiques comme les commissariats au commerce extérieur et à la défense. Cette étude de cas recoupe la question plus vaste du rôle que peuvent jouer les appareils gouvernementaux dans un état-parti à tendance totalitaire. Ces problématiques sont abordées à travers l'histoire de la politique extérieure de l'URSS en Europe. A des moments clé comme l'adhésion de l'URSS à la politique de sécurité collective en décembre 1933, son entrée à la SDN en septembre 1934 ou la conclusion du pacte d'assistance mutuelle avec la France en mai 1935, l'analyse du processus de décision montre l'influence acquise par Litvinov auprès de Staline ainsi que les fonctions d'information et de propagande dévolues aux ambassades soviétiques en Europe et aux délégués de l'URSS à Genève. Ces diplomates soviétiques possèdent des caractéristiques personnelles qui favorisent l'intégration de l'URSS au "concert européen". A partir de la fin 1936 en revanche, dans le contexte de la grande terreur et dans un climat de guerre imminente, le NKID, forge par Litvinov, s'affaiblit avant de disparaitre. Face à des dirigeants, revenant à un anti-impérialisme indifférencié et à une politique isolationniste, les options de Litvinov sont contestées, tandis que Staline, s'efforçant de faire disparaitre toute parcelle d'autonomie, utilise les purges pour prendre en main, sans plus d'intermédiaire, l'outil diplomatique
This thesis is a study of the people's commissariat for foreign affairs (NKID) between 1930 and 1939, when litvinov is the chief of the diplomacy. Belonging to the historical field of studies on the decision-making process, it is based, thanks to the opening of archives in moscow, on a new documentation which offers the possibility to analyse more precisely than before the working relations between NKID and the party's leading circles. It makes it also possible to evaluate the place of the diplomatic institution in regard to the comintern but also to soviet institutions, such as commissariats for foreign trade and for defense. Underlying this study-case, rests the larger question of the role played by higher administrations inside a party-state with totalitarian tendencies. These issues are treated throughout history of soviet union's foreign policy in Europe. At some key-moments, such as the soviet decision to follow a policy of collective security in december 1933, ussr's decision to join the league of nations in september 1934 or the signature of the mutual assistance pact with france in may 1935, the analysis of the decision-making process shows the influence gained by Litvinov amongst soviet leaders in the diplomatic field, and gives a better understanding of the job asked to soviet embassies in Europe and to soviet delegates in Geneva, charged of information and propaganda. Soviet diplomats have a profile allowing a good adaptation and a successful integration of the ussr in the "concert europeen". But, after the end of 1936, in the context of the great terror and a pre-war atmosphere, the NKID, forged by litvinov, becomes weaker, before disappearing totally. Facing party leaders coming back to the theory of undifferentiated anti-imperialism and to an isolationnist policy, Litvinov's projects become questioned, while stalin, doing his best to eliminate any scrap of autonomy, uses the purges to take control over diplomacy with no more go-between

Depuis l'ouverture des archives soviétiques au début des années 1990, les historiens ont pu profiter de documents inédits leur permettant de restituer le fonctionnement du cercle du Kremlin durant la période stalinienne, notamment dans une perspective d'histoire politique. La présente recherche, elle, traite des rapports de pouvoir, sous l'angle du genre, au sein du Kremlin sous Staline, plus particulièrement dans le premier cercle autour de ce dernier. Ce microcosme représente pour l'historiographie un cas exemplaire d'un lebenswelt soviétique ou vie privée et vie politique s'entremêlent de manière permanente. Il s'agit de comprendre comment, dans ce cercle situé au centre du pouvoir, se construit et se reconstruit la différence de genre, alors même que le discours officiel du parti postule l'égalité des sexes comme étant acquise. L'attention est plus particulièrement portée sur quatre moments d'exclusions du groupe stalinien ou le genre est une catégorie d'analyse centrale : les exécutions de Nikolaï Boukharine et de Nikolaï Ejov, la déportation de Polina Jemtchoujina Molotova et l’auto-exclusion du couple Kliment et Ekaterina Vorochilov. Y sont reconstitués les présentations de soi genrées (masculinité et féminité) et les liens interindividuels, en appréhendant divers thèmes, comme l’expression des émotions, les pratique corporelles (par exemple la pilosité), la santé, la sexualité, l’alcoolisme, la chasse, les enfants, entre autres. Le matériel principal de cette recherche est constitué par les ego-documents des acteurs historiques : correspondances, journaux intimes, autobiographies, petits mots échangés ou zapiski, photographies
In the 1930’s, the Stalin regime’s politics, confronted by “gendered problematic”, are therefore as varied as the feminine and masculine models, which underlie them. The role of the Kremlin circle in setting up these policies is important, due to its central position in the soviet system. The aim of this research is to rebuild the power and domination relationships, from the gender point of view, within the Stalin’s Kremlin, especially in the first circle around him. By using a historical anthropology approach centralizing family and social connections between the members of a group, and taking into consideration the gender aspect, I am seeking to reconstruct the inter-individual links connecting these various protagonists and their gendered self-presentations. The corpus of documents consists in correspondences, personal diaries, self-criticisms and autobiographies, memoirs, informal notes and photos. More specifically from a gendered point of view, in my research four moments of exclusions are enlightening: the execution of Nikolai Bukharin; the execution of Nikolai Ezhov; the deportation of Polina Zhemchuzhina-Molotova; the gradual exclusion of the couple Kliment and Ekaterina Voroshilov. Some themes are analyzed: health, bodies (for example pilosity), sexuality, alcoholism, hunting, children, and s. O. This research therefore asks the question of extreme violence in Stalin’s circle by introducing a gender component. It also enlightens the personality of Stalin within his group. This work is therefore enable completing the picture of the functioning of the Kremlin circle under Stalin in a gender point of view

Pro-sioniste en 1947, favorable à l'Egypte en 1956, la politique soviétique au Proche-Orient a connu de multiples retournements. En se fondant sur les archives soviétiques, dépouillées ici pour la première fois, la thèse étudie les différentes séquences de cette politique : soutien de Moscou à la création d'Israel, dégradation, rupture puis rétablissement des relations soviéto-israéliennes, construction de l'alliance avec l'Egypte. Elle montre l'étroite articulation entre les facteurs internes et externes dans la définition de la politique étrangère de l'URSS à travers trois aspects : le rôle de l'idéologie, la lutte pour le pouvoir au sommet de l'Etat-parti soviétique et la question des juifs d'URSS. L'analyse de ces facteurs confirme l'hypothèse selon laquelle il existe un lien entre le mode de gouvernement d'une société et le comportement d'un état sur la scène internationale. A partir de l'étude des documents du ministère des affaires étrangères de l'URSS et de ceux du PCUS, ce travail conclut que la politique soviétique à l'égard du conflit israélo-arabe fut en grande partie improvisée et était motivée à la fois par des considérations ideologiques et géopolitiques. Elle fut une politique de puissance participant avec les autres acteurs à un jeu d'équilibre des forces sur la proche-orientale, mais elle reposait sur une représentation du monde définie à partir des catégories de l'ami et de l'ennemi.

La question nationale designe le rapport au pays, le rapport a un cadre politique et historique, a des formes de conscience internes a la societe civile francaise et pas uniquement la question de la formation et de l'existence des nations. La sequence historique choisie est celle ou se deploie pleinement le thorezisme, presente comme voie francaise du marxisme-leninisme de la troisieme internationale, organisee par le pcf. Dans cette sequence, le pcf montre qu'il possede une singularite : il concentre la politique, il est la politique. De ce fait, il ne peut eclater et sa politique est de preserver "le parti". Le pcf a une quasi-impossibilite a mener une politique independante et s'accroche a d'autres forces pour renforcer "le parti" mais ces autres forces doivent lui reconnaitre le monopole de la representation ouvriere. Le pcf est la reponse organisationnelle a la question politique du bilan de la premiere guerre mondiale, de la sfio et du systeme politique de la troisieme republique fondee sur l'ecrasement de la commune de paris et sur la demission nationale par l'abandon de l'alsace-lorraine
The national question is meant to be understood as the relationship to the country as well as a link with a political an historical setting, together with theaspects of conscience awareness of the french civilian society : this does not exclude the problem of the creation and existence of nations. The historic period chosen is the one during which the ideas of thorez are fully unfolded : these ideas are thus presented so as tobe understood as the french way of the marxist leninism doctrine belonging to the komintern which was organized by the pcf. During this period, the same pcf shows how it is at the core and does represent the core of politics at the same time. Hence it cannot split and it aims at preserving the "party". The pcf is almost unable to follow an independant political line and is obliged to cling to other forces to make it stronger; these other forces have to acknowledge the worker's representation monopoly. The pcf is the answer to the political questionning of the first world war result, of the sfio and of the political system of the french third republic grounded upon the crushing of the commune and upon the national disinterest