Artículos de revistas: "Spain; social movements; women's (rights) movement"

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della Porta, Donatella. "Deconstructing Generations: Concluding Remarks". American Behavioral Scientist 63, n.º 11 (5 de marzo de 2019): 1578–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219831742.

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This concluding article of the special issues summarizes the empirical results presented in the previous contributions within a comparative perspective, with particular attention to locate them within previous research on youth mobilizations. From the theoretical point of view, the articles, based on the research conducted in the context of the CRY_OUT project, have tried to bridge some concepts in youth studies and social movement studies. Using the concept of generations in a critical way, we have in fact aimed at deconstructing it by looking at the meaning given to generations by movement activists, to their self-perception in terms of generational identification, as well as their taste in terms of contentious frames and practices. Empirically, we have addressed, in particular, the mobilization of Millennials in anti-austerity protests on issues such as labor and also women’s and gender rights, antiracism, environmental protests, and alternative cultural and/or recreational initiatives. Focusing on Europe, we have chosen some paradigmatic cases of protests in the United Kingdom, Southern European Italy and Spain, and Eastern European Poland. In light of the theoretical questions presented in the introduction, this article addresses, in turn, the conceptions of generations in movements, the self-assessment by Millennials, as well as some characteristics of their mobilizations in terms of organizational structures, repertories of action, and collective framing.

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Dahal, Radhika Devi. "Sociological Review of Women Participation in Social Movements of Nepal". Interdisciplinary Journal of Management and Social Sciences 5, n.º 1 (19 de febrero de 2024): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijmss.v5i1.62669.

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This article applies social structural approach to analyze women's involvement in social and political movements. It studies feminist movement of the world, and draws conclusion on the history and contemporary state of women as participants of movement sin Nepal. It reviews some theoretical articles written by foreign scholars by giving equal emphasis to Nepali writers' articles to review the evolution of women participation in movements in Nepal. Throughout the paper, feminist movement in common and issues of women exclusion in particular are discussed. Women issues or the feminist movements are often taken as lightly, but the paper believes that women participation in social and political movements of Nepal is attached more to class component than the purely qualitative component like social exclusion. To be specific, middle-class women in Nepal are the pioneers of women's rights movement, and have contributed a lot to ensure women rights both in legal and political areas. Rights and privileges given to women both constitutionally and politico-culturally, basically from the 1990s in Nepal, and the benefit women have received in the fields of education, health, politics, employment, marriage, property, etc. are the results of middle-class women's actively leading role in political movements.

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Yadav, Ranju. "Madheshi Women and Feminist Movement in Nepal". Nepal Journal of Multidisciplinary Research 7, n.º 1 (29 de abril de 2024): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/njmr.v7i1.65252.

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Background: The formal feminist movement in Madhesh emerged in reaction to the discriminatory, oppressive, and autocratic actions perpetrated by the state, entwined with concurrent political movements, effectively spotlighting and confronting prevalent social issues. Feminist movements in Nepal have played a significant role in bringing about major changes in various aspects of society, advocating for gender equality, women's rights, and social justice. Methods: This research adopted a qualitative method with an intersectionality theoretical framework to explore the firsthand experiences of Madheshi women who have actively engaged in feminist movements. The research collected data from face-to-face in-depth interviews with 28 women political leaders, 8 women journalists, 15 women rights activists, and 3 family members of women rights activists and political leaders with purposive sampling. Similarly, this study also gathered the perceptions of 14 Madheshi men from various sectors. Results: This paper explores Madheshi women’s contribution to feminist and other movements in Nepal. It examines the challenges that they faced during the movements. The study underscores the heterogeneous nature of Madheshi women's involvement, illustrating varied roles across historical contexts. The findings of the study revealed that Madheshi women are challenging patriarchies through various means. Conclusion: There is a significant gap in the documentation of the Madheshi women's and feminist movements in Nepal. Despite their active participation in feminist movements, their voices and concerns persistently remain on the periphery. Novelty: The research documents the contribution, challenges, and strategies of Madheshi women adopted by Madheshi women. It also addresses the gap in the existing literature regarding the Madheshi women.

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Isaac, Larry y Lars Christiansen. "How the Civil Rights Movement REVITALIZED LABOR MILITANCY". American Sociological Review 67, n.º 5 (octubre de 2002): 722–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240206700506.

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Can newly ascendant social movements revitalize the militant culture of older, institutionalized movements? Recent studies have focused on relations between new ascendant social movements like the civil rights, women's, and peace movements that emerged during the postwar cycle of protest, and therefore have been unable to address this question. Focusing on revitalization as a qualitatively different form of intermovement relation, the authors examine the possibility that civil rights movement insurgencies and organizations revitalized workplace labor militancy during the postwar decades. Time-series models show that the civil rights movement fueled an expanded militant worker culture that challenged management and sometimes union leadership. However, this revitalization of labor militancy was contingent on institutional context (stronger in the public sector than the private sector) and form of insurgent action (protests, riots, organizations) differentially embedded in historical phases (civil rights versus Black Power) of movement development. Theoretical implications for the study of social movements, industrial relations, and class conflict are discussed.

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Vargas, Marta del Moral. "‘Intercrossings’ between Spanish women’s groups and their German, British and Portuguese counterparts (1914–32)". International Journal of Iberian Studies 00, n.º 00 (18 de agosto de 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00045_1.

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This article contends that the movement in favour of the rights of women in Spain during the first third of the twentieth century was integrated into several international networks. Three exchanges are analysed between, on the one hand, the women socialists and suffragists in Spain, and, on the other, the international networks built up by the German socialist Clara Zetkin, the suffragists of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance and the Portuguese feminist Ana de Castro Osório. Scrutiny of these ‘intercrossings’ reveals that, despite their ‘asymmetrical’ outcomes, the demand for the social and political rights of women surpassed national boundaries and had a transformative impact on all the parties involved.

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Ouaryachi, Fatima. "Containing the Moroccan Feminist Movement, Maintaining Patriarchal Order". SHS Web of Conferences 136 (2022): 04003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202213604003.

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Women and feminist movements are prominent in all social movements. In new-democratic patriarchal countries, women's movements do not only challenge the corrupt system but also the social structure of society. In Morocco, as a way to control these women’s movements and to perform to the ‘developed’ world that the country is coping with the ‘developed’ women’s rights, the government implants gender-based laws and rights that boost the image of the country but don’t necessarily make an impact towards the situation of women. Although these laws have been the primary focus of Moroccan feminist groups, lawmakers purposefully ignore these groups and dismiss their agendas. These feminist movements and women’s groups do not participate in the creation of these laws, nor do they get recognition for initiating them. It is therefore important to recognize the government’s strategies of putting out the feminist flames and agendas before, or slightly after, the outbreak as a strategy of containment. This prevents the emergence of feminist manifestations and often shuts them down. This paper presents cases from the history of Morocco where this strategy was/is used to limit the influence of women's (feminist) movements. The case study for this phase of research takes place during the 1950s.

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Merina Rahaman, Merina Rahaman. "Women’s Empowerment of Adivasi and Rajbansi’s in Tebhaga Movement of North Bengal." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES, ENGINEERING, SCIENCE AND MANAGEMENT 4, n.º 1 (30 de junio de 2023): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.59364/ijhesm.v4i1.238.

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This conference presentation investigates the involvement and function of Rajbansi and Adivasi women in North Bengal's Tebhaga activities. Peasants in Bengal fought for equitable crop distribution and land rights during the Tebhaga movement in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Given that they made up a sizable portion of the agricultural labour force, women's involvement in this movement was essential. The difficulties experienced by Adivasi and Rajbansi women in the movement are examined in this essay, including sexism, class discrimination, and a lack of resources and access to education. Nevertheless, despite these challenges, women's involvement in the Tebhaga movement had a big impact on the fight for social justice and land rights. The Tebhaga movements' contribution to the socioeconomic advancement of Adivasi and Rajbansi women is also covered in this essay. Overall, the study makes the case that Adivasi and Rajbansi women's involvement in the Tebhaga movements had a significant impact on how the peasant fight in North Bengal was shaped, as well as how women's empowerment in the area.

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McCormick, Marcia L. "The Equality Paradise: Paradoxes of the Law’s Power to Advance Equality". Texas Wesleyan Law Review 13, n.º 2 (marzo de 2007): 515–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v13.i2.9.

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This paper will compare the history of two of the three major civil rights movements in the United States, comparing the victories and defeats, and their results. The movement for Black civil rights and for women's rights followed essentially the same pattern and used similar strategies. The gay and lesbian civil rights movement, on the other hand, followed some of the same strategies but has differed in significant ways. Where each movement has attained success and where each has failed demonstrates the limits of American legal structures to effectuate social change.

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Haas, Liesl. "The Women's Movement Inside and Outside the State. By Lee Ann Banaszak". Perspectives on Politics 9, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2011): 885–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711003793.

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In this impressively researched and thought-provoking book, Lee Ann Banaszak explores the role of “movement insiders”—women's movement activists working inside the federal bureaucracy—in shaping policy on women's rights. Through a series of engaging narratives, she highlights the often-invisible role of feminist lawyers, regulators, other members of the civil service, and political appointees in shaping important policies on such issues as equal employment, educational equity (particularly Title IX), and foreign policy (women in development). Banaszak's investigation into the role of feminist activists within the bureaucracy illuminates the critical role that the movement played within the state on a number of policy issues. More broadly, her argument for an expanded view of the dynamics of social movements, movement–state intersections, and policymaking represents a needed corrective to the rather stark dichotomies that often dominate the study of social movements.

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Alam, Aisha y Noor Sanauddin. "From 24/7 To 9-5: The Co-Optation And Indigenization1 Of Feminism By Women Rights NGOS In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan". Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies 21, n.º 2 (7 de septiembre de 2021): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/pjgs.v21i2.562.

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The study explores the nature and form of the contemporary women's rights movement utilizing a contextual understanding of feminist activities accentuated by selected women NGOs. The thematic working areas of these organizations were aimed to gauge the status of women in the region to see how coherent and impactful the women’s movement is to achieve its goals in the presence and pressure of government and donor policies. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 27 participants working in Peshawar-based women/feminist NGOs using the purposive sampling technique. Herbert Blummer's theoretical model of stages of social movements was used to validate the findings. The study findings revealed that the contemporary women's rights movement in the region of Peshawar, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) is diverse, fragmented and its existence is dependent on the efforts made by individuals and organizations. Furthermore, the women's rights struggle has been NGOized because NGOs are donors dependent for their activities, and volunteerism became a rare virtue as feminism is commercialized and carried out mostly for social media stories and for attacking more funding for the NGOs. Street activism which used to be the backbone of the Pakistani women’s movement has now changed into paid activism. In short, the definition of the contemporary women's rights movement is different from the water-tight definition discussed in the textbooks. It is rudimentary that may potentially be evolved into a vibrant and organized movement subject to favorable circumstances.

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Chew, Phyllis Ghim Lian. "The Singapore Council of Women and the Women's Movement". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 25, n.º 1 (marzo de 1994): 112–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400006706.

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The greater part of the historical literature concerning Southeast Asia says little about women because, following the western tradition, writers have concentrated on those individuals associated with decision making and power, areas where men have featured predominantly. Although women have contributed significantly to social and political movements, they have been neglected in historical accounts and often, their contribution has been excluded altogether. Even studies dealing specifically with legislation involving women's rights in Singapore such as the Women's Charter, have given insufficient attention to the part played by women in laying much of the preliminary groundwork.

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Gallon, Kim. "The Blood Demonstration: Teaching the History of the Philadelphia Welfare Rights Organization". Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 139, n.º 1 (enero de 2015): 82–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pmh.2015.a923339.

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Abstract: Despite a growing body of scholarship that documents civil rights activism in the North during the 1950s and 1960s, college educators continue to rely on traditional understandings of African Americans' struggle for civil rights as being rooted in the South. Moreover, history professors continue to privilege a male-centered narrative that tends to define the civil rights movement through mass marches and protests. In an effort to challenge this pedagogy, this article describes a method for teaching the history of women's role in the struggle for social justice in the 1960s through their participation in the Philadelphia Welfare Rights Organization (PWRO). Through the use of primary sources such as the Philadelphia Tribune and the PWRO's newsletter along with secondary sources such as Lisa Levenstein's A Movement Without Marches , this article offers a way to expand and complicate students' understanding of the civil rights and women's movements of the late twentieth century. Just as importantly, it assists teachers in stressing the significance of African American women's fight for equality in Pennsylvania history. Supplemental resources are posted on the journals' web pages.

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McCammon, Holly J., Erin M. Bergner y Sandra C. Arch. "“Are You One of Those Women?” Within-Movement Conflict, Radical Flank Effects, and Social Movement Political Outcomes*". Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2015): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-2-157.

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Studies of social movement outcomes rarely consider the impact of conflict between groups within movements on the ability of movement actors to achieve their political goals. In this examination of the Texas women's movement from the late 1950s until the early 1970s, we consider the role of within-movement conflict as organized women worked to gain an Equal Legal Rights Amendment. Our analysis reveals that conflict within movements can benefit activists by fueling a radical flank effect and, in the end, helping activists achieve important political goals. Our study also reveals the agency of movement actors as one group distances itself from another to seek political elite support. Such efforts can help activists open largely closed political opportunity structures. We conclude that researchers studying movement political outcomes should consider the potentially beneficial role of within-movement conflict.

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Nolte, Sharon H. "Women's Rights and Society's Needs: Japan's 1931 Suffrage Bill". Comparative Studies in Society and History 28, n.º 4 (octubre de 1986): 690–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014171.

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The history of women is different from that of men. Women's history is the highlighting of the cultural construction of gender, the ways in which “men” and “women” are defined in considerable autonomy from biological males and females. The culturally constructed gender system interacts with a society's political system in ways that are just beginning to be explored.1 At the same time, scholars also find their definitions of national states to be in flux. Criticizing both Weberian and Marxist traditions of analysis of the state, Charles Bright and Susan Harding have stressed the open-ended, continuous, and contingent interplay between state structures and initiatives on the one hand, and social movements on the other.2 It is an auspicious time to reconsider the relationships between women and the state in cross-cultural perspective. Here I will examine the women's suffrage movement in Japan (1919–31 ) in its political context in order to encourage comparison with other women's suffrage movements, and to re-examine the interwar Japanese state from the viewpoint of one of its least-studied challengers.

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Holzer, Elizabeth. "Borrowing from the Women's Movement "for Reasons of Public Security": A Study of Social Movement Outcomes and Judicial Activism in the European Union". Mobilization: An International Quarterly 13, n.º 1 (1 de febrero de 2008): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.13.1.52r0urt362184572.

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Can an elite-sponsored outcome be a social movement outcome? In Kreil v. Germany, the European Court of Justice issued a judgment hailed as a feminist victory, censuring Germany's exclusion of women from the military. But the women's movement did not sponsor the case; it was an organizational achievement for the nascent court that extended its jurisdiction to public security while preserving its legitimacy among potentially non-cooperative member states. With this case, I reassess movement-elite relations in the context of past protests that forged discursive resources. The women's movement did play an important role in this case: the court relied on discursive resources from past feminist activism to legitimize its decision and frame it as a matter of women's rights, drawing attention away from its uncertain jurisdiction. I present a model of "borrowing" from movements, a relationship distinct from alliances and cooptation, to show how elite-sponsored outcomes can still be movement outcomes.

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Setzer, Claudia. "Slavery, Women's Rights, and the Beginnings of Feminist Biblical Interpretation in the Nineteenth Century". Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 5, n.º 2 (14 de noviembre de 2011): 145–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/post.v5i2.145.

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Progressive movements create social changes that reach far beyond their original contexts. Such movements challenge authoritative texts and interpretations in the culture, generate alternative understandings of authoritative works that may be applied to other struggles, create a social arena for the dissemination of ideas, create patterns of thought that may be re-constituted in other forms, and may leave intact some related social problems. The abolitionist movement demanded a confrontation with slavery in the Bible and the development of non-literal exegesis. It also provided a conduit for the new methods of European biblical scholarship, particularly through the preaching and writings of abolitionist Theodore Parker. Three nineteenth-century women, Sarah Grimké, Frances Willard, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, in spite of differences in their biographies and religious commitments, shared similar methods of interpreting the Bible to argue for women’s rights. This article argues that habits of interpretation and knowledge of emerging historical-critical scholarship that these women learned in the abolition movement carried over into their fight for women’s rights. Like many nineteenth-century Christians, they subscribed to a belief in progressive revelation, occasional Orientalism, and a sometime negative evaluation of Judaism. Yet they show a remarkable anticipation of contemporary feminist biblical scholarship in their understandings of the effect of culture on interpretation, their view of gender as socially constructed, and their descriptions of God and Jesus as both male and female.

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Giner, Elisenda, Laura Ruiz, Ma ÁNgeles Serrano y Rosa Valls. "Free Women's Contributions to Working-Class Women's Sexual Education during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) and Beyond". Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 118, n.º 4 (abril de 2016): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146811611800401.

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Background/Context Women's sexuality, and the ways they experience it, has been a major topic in feminist theories and movements throughout history. For the more than 20,000 working-class women who participated in the Free Women movement in Spain (the libertarian women's movement, which started in 1936), women's sexuality was also a key topic in both their process of empowerment and their claims and activities. Purpose The objective of this article is twofold. First, it explores the ways in which the Free Women movement helped improve the personal lives of women in that period. Second, this article analyzes how the libertarian women's movement contributed to the sexual education and encouraged other women to have sexual and affective relationships free of violence. Research Design The article is constructed based on the life stories of two women who participated in the Free Women's movement. Our analysis also draws from an in-depth review of literature on the libertarian movement and sexual education as well as of historical documents about the libertarian movement of that time. Findings/Results Our data reveal that thousands of women experienced personal transformations through their involvement in the libertarian movement, a social revolution that affected the entire society. Reflections on free love, the eradication of prostitution, and the promotion of “conscious motherhood” were leading ideas in both the educational activities that Free Women organized for working-class women and in the activists’ own personal lives. These women's ideas on sexuality contributed to the creation of a society with more egalitarian and free relationships based on mutual support, solidarity, and collective and community-based action. This article shows how the Free Women were historically independent agents whose multiple achievements and transformations have been largely ignored. Conclusions/Recommendations The article concludes by discussing how the main features of the Free Women's libertarian women's movement are present in the preventive socialization of gender violence that is currently being developed in some educational projects in Spain. In particular, the Free Women's contributions help students construct relationships free of violence.

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Phuyel, Shyamprasad y Taranath Ghimire. "Contribution of Women in Political Movement of Nepal". Rupantaran: A Multidisciplinary Journal 8, n.º 01 (2 de mayo de 2024): 74–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/rupantaran.v8i01.65203.

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This article explores the extraordinary contributions made by women to Nepal's political movement, demonstrating their fundamental influence on the political climate of the nation. The study investigates the varied political activism of Nepalese women through an analysis of historical accounts, academic research, and direct testimonies. In Nepal, women have been instrumental in political movements, community mobilization, and advocacy for social and political change. They have actively taken part in protests, rallies, and neighborhood campaigns, pushing back against patriarchal conventions and clamoring for equitable participation in governmental organizations. In order to advance gender equality and women's rights in the political sphere, the article examines the effects of women's organizations, women-led projects, and female activists. It looks at their initiatives to remove social constraints, boost women's political participation, and combat gender-based prejudice. This article also examines the obstacles women have had to overcome while examining the crucial role they have played in Nepal's political movement and their contributions to constitutional changes. The paper offers insights on the empowerment of women within the Nepali political system by a thorough analysis of scholarly research, historical records, and documented experiences.

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Sahed, Nur. "GENEOLOGI PENDIDIKAN PEREMPUAN DALAM ISLAM: MENGURAI AKAR SOSIAL-HISTORIS". el-Tarbawi 13, n.º 1 (25 de enero de 2020): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.20885/tarbawi.vol13.iss1.art2.

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In pre-Islamic times, women did not have the same rights as men including in the world of education. But in social history, in the early days of Islam women had the same right to obtain education. This research put forward a thesis, that in historical record, women have the equal educational rights. In the time of Prophet, there were discussion forums between the Prophet Muhammad and Muslim women. This equality of rights also continued in the era of classical Islam, where women also received education in the Kuttab, Madrasas, and colleges. In Indonesia, the passion for muslim women's movement in the world of education is very high, this can be seen from the many movements carried out by female leaders in the world of education to the establishment of many Islamic women's organizations in Indonesia from pre-independence to post-independence.

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Zahirinejad, Mahnaz. "Cultural Change in Iran: Women's Rights and the Middle Class". UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 30, n.º 1 (29 de marzo de 2024): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2024.1.7.

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The influence of Western culture and the efforts of domestic intellectuals merely scratched the surface of pre-existing and traditional practices towards women in nineteenth-century Iran. However, they led to the rise of social movements, such as the women's rights movement. Modernisation and economic growth drove ongoing processes of industrialization and urbanization during the twentieth century in Iran. Modernization also changed the social structure by creating a new middle class. It is expected that economic growth and educational attainment would empower the new middle class to demand greater political accountability, which, in turn, would lead to women's empowerment. The new middle class participated in the 1979 revolution, the outcome of which was to accelerate the rise of religious leadership. The revolutionary government renewed traditional Shiʿite practices, including traditional norms concerning women. Since the revolution, despite the imposition of Islamic law, the level of literacy and access to higher education, particularly for women, has escalated. This has led to women's awareness of their rights and their struggles to realize them in practice. However, unexpectedly, the new middle class hesitated in turning revolutionary and in joining the protestors. This research assumes that education enables women to confront their traditional roles in the family. Nevertheless, changing women's position is a process of cultural change that is coherent with both socio-economic development and the rise of a strong middle class.

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Moehling, Carolyn M. y Melissa A. Thomasson. "Votes for Women: An Economic Perspective on Women’s Enfranchisement". Journal of Economic Perspectives 34, n.º 2 (1 de mayo de 2020): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.34.2.3.

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The ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 officially granted voting rights to women across the United States. However, many states extended full or partial suffrage to women before the federal amendment. In this paper, we discuss the history of women's enfranchisement using an economic lens. We examine the demand side, discussing the rise of the women's movement and its alliances with other social movements, and describe how suffragists put pressure on legislators. On the supply side, we draw from theoretical models of suffrage extension to explain why men shared the right to vote with women. Finally, we review empirical studies that attempt to distinguish between competing explanations. We find that no single theory can explain women's suffrage in the United States and note that while the Nineteenth Amendment extended the franchise to women, state-level barriers to voting limited the ability of black women to exercise that right until the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

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Blasco Herranz, Inmaculada. "«The power of motherhood […], free of obstacles, will amply fulfil its eternal mission». Feminism and motherhood in the early 20th century Spain". Feminismo/s, n.º 41 (2 de enero de 2023): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/fem.2023.41.05.

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Historical analysis carried out on feminism in early 20th-century Spain has emphasised its social nature. Similar to other feminisms of the time in Southern and Central Europe, Spanish feminism advocated women’s social rights (education, equal pay, workers’ protection) over suffrage, at least until the First World War. This article aims to contribute to the debate on social feminism from a notion of the social as the epistemological frame pervaded by social hygiene and social medicine, in which historical feminism and its demands could conform and deploy. With this analytical horizon in mind, the specific meaning with which motherhood was endowed at the beginning of the 20th century is explored, not only as one of the core values of womanhood as understood by feminists but also as a nuclear argument articulating their demands for civil, social and political rights. In order to offer a contextualised depiction and hopefully a more accurate explanation of social feminism, different feminist voices will be heard through their writings, press articles and conferences. The major conclusions of this analysis points to the active role of motherhood in fashioning and presenting feminism as a social and national movement for reform and regeneration through women–mothers. Motherhood orientated feminist action and objectives towards women and children’s well-being and healthcare, and it was used to legitimate and demand civil and political rights. But defining women’s’ interests, demanding social rights, as well as including mother and child protection in their programmes, were not a natural tendency of women or feminists, but the product of a complex historical construction in which the new rationality of the social, pervaded by gender differences, generated a new space for intervention from different knowledges and practices.

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McManus, Laurie. "Feminist Revolutionary Music Criticism and Wagner Reception". 19th-Century Music 37, n.º 3 (2014): 161–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2014.37.3.161.

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Abstract Histories of progressive musical politics in mid-nineteenth-century Germany often center on the writings of Richard Wagner and Franz Brendel, relegating contributors such as the feminist and author Louise Otto (1819–95) to the periphery. However, Otto's lifelong engagement with music, including her two librettos, two essay collections on the arts, and numerous articles and feuilletons, demonstrates how one contemporary woman considered the progressive movements in music and in women's rights to be interrelated. A staunch advocate of Wagner, Otto contributed to numerous music journals, as well as her own women's journal, advising her female readers to engage with the music of the New German School. In the context of the middle-class women's movement, she saw music as a space for female advancement through both performance and the portrayals of women onstage. Her writings offer us a glimpse into the complex network of Wagner proponents who also supported women's rights, at the same time providing evidence for what some contemporary conservative critics saw as a concomitant social threat from both Wagnerian musical radicalism and the emancipated woman.

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Harutyunyan, Gayane. "Women’s Rights Protection Social Movement in the Modern Armenian Society". Journal of Sociology: Bulletin of Yerevan University 14, n.º 2 (38) (25 de diciembre de 2023): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/bysu:f/2023.14.2.045.

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Current research article is devoted to the exploration of women’s rights protection movement in modern Armenian society. The exploration of the current situation of the women’s rights protection movement in modern Armenian society includes two components. Firstly, through an analysis of documents (the Soviet state’s first codes of different years), the study examines the evolution of the women's rights protection social movement from the Soviet Union. This investigation illustrates how the Soviet Union’s political system had formed and shaped the women’s movement, which also affected the further development of the movement in modern Armenian society. Secondly, this research paper is based on an analysis of 34 in-depth interviews performed in Yerevan city from 2020-2023, with informants engaged in different types of women’s rights protection activism during the last 20 years in Armenian society. Information gathered from interviews allowed us to split the history of the development of the movement into two time-lapses in modern Armenian society. Triangulation of qualitative document analysis and in-depth interviews, equally contributed to the understanding of the main features of the women’s rights protection social movement as a whole social phenomenon in Armenian modern society. One of the key findings of the research is that despite the existence of diverse groups of women’s rights protection activists and just individuals coping with social system gender inequalities, there is difficulties in establishing social movement in modern Armenian society. The most prevailing definitions of social movements assume non-institutionalized collective actions with a clear set of goals. Instead, what currently exists in modern Armenian society is a form of street activism organized by efforts of different institutionalized organizations, where people engage in sporadic protests to raise awareness about gender issues and gender inequality. The paper also sheds light on social obstacles that prevent the initiative from becoming an institutionalized social movement for women’s rights protection in Armenia. The main social-cultural obstacles can be seen as a combination of factors including the absence of a general feminist agenda, lack of structural strain pushing for mobilization and social conservatism, etc.

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Díaz-Parra, Ibán y Jaime Jover-Báez. "Social movements in crisis? From the 15-M movement to the electoral shift in Spain". International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 36, n.º 9/10 (12 de septiembre de 2016): 680–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-09-2015-0101.

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Purpose Social left-wing political contestation and activism in Spain have undergone great changes over the past four years. First, there has been a shift from the 15-M movement that took over public plazas with its ambiguous claims basically related to radical democracy and rejection of institutional politics, to a new focus on social problems generated by the crisis, highlighting issues such as housing and cutbacks in social rights. Second, there has been a shift towards institutional politics in 2014. How should this recent whirlwind evolution in political contestation to status quo be understood? What is the relation between the changing material conditions of the population and the extremely shifting shape of left-wing militancy in Spain? The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach The arguments put forward here are based on the authors’ involvement in social movements in the city of Seville between 2011 and the current time. They have been complemented with in-depth interviews of social activists who have taken part in the movements: 15-M assemblies, the housing movement, general strikes and, in more recent times, electoral initiatives (Podemos and Ganemos). The interviews were done between 2012 and 2014. The fieldwork has been complemented with an exploration of documentary sources: the manifests and writings of the various organisations that are being addressed. Findings In the transition from 15-M assemblies to the recent shift in electoral initiatives, social protest have turned from direct democracy demands and the rejection of institutionalised politics to a progressively pragmatic and short-term position where institutions are targeted. This paper argues that the generalised impoverishment of the population, increased numbers of evictions and consistently high unemployment rates have broadened the social framework for the action of social movements. The political and ideological crisis, rooted in the majority of the population’s crumbling expectations of social progress has enabled the array of possibilities to be opened up to emancipatory politics. Originality/value It is argued that massive deprivation provoked by the economic crisis has been a fundamental factor in the movements’ new orientation, what as a consequence, and until certain extent, throws the New Social Movements discourses into crisis itself, at least with regard to its post-materialistic nature and its opposition to institutions of the State.

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Shahidian, Hammed. "The Iranian Left and the “Woman Question” in the Revolution of 1978–79". International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, n.º 2 (mayo de 1994): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800060220.

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The relationship between feminism and socialism in both the theoretical and practical realms has been marked with difficulty and “unhappiness.” Feminists have criticized leftists for their lack of attention to sexual domination, and many socialists, in turn, have looked at women's liberation movements as a bourgeois deviation or, worse yet, a conspiracy against the workers' struggle. In 19th-century social democratic movements in Europe, conflicts between feminist-socialist advocates of women's rights such as Clara Zetkin and “proletarian anti-feminism” among workers and communists were constant. Eventually, guided by the theoretical insights of a number of socialist leaders such as Bebel, Engels, and Zetkin, socialist parties of the First and Second Internationals came to realize that the cause of the women's movement was just and to accept autonomous women's organizations. The Third International, or Comintern, although it initially claimed to liberate women “not only on paper, but in reality, in actual fact,” treated the inequality of women as a secondary consideration. Focusing on production and labor conflict, the Comintern paid attention only to women's exploitation by capital to the extent that “by the end of the 1920s, any special emphasis on women's social subordination in communist propaganda or campaigning came to be regarded as a capitulation to bourgeois feminism.” Leftist women activists lost their organizational autonomy and had to work under the supervision of their national communist party.

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27

Miller, Susan L. y Rosemary Barberet. "A Cross-cultural Comparison of Social Reform: The Growing Pains of the Battered Women's Movements in Washington, D.C. and Madrid, Spain". Law & Social Inquiry 19, n.º 04 (1994): 923–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1994.tb00944.x.

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In this exploratory cross-cultural study, we use interview data from representatives of social service, criminal justice, and policy-making agencies in two capital cities (Washington, D.C.) and Madrid, Spain) to compare responses to domestic violence within each country's sociolegal and cultural context. While both countries have patriarchal structures, there is great difference in the history, funding, development, and participants of the battered women's movement. For instance, in Spain the government determined the appropriate response to domestic violence from the onset, whereas in the United States the power to frame, find, and respond to the issue operated through a more insidious process of state cooptation. In both countries, wider social changes did not result; rather, services were provided as the movements became tied to finding requirements and to satisfying bureaucratic exigencies. Within this context, we analyze respondents' perceptions and interpretations of domestic violence as well as the institutional practices and future strategies proposed for continued social action.

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Martínez-Rodríguez, Francisco Miguel. "“Making a Stand” Against Neoliberalism: Connections Between Critical Pedagogy and the “Green Tides” Movement for State Education in Spain". Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 19, n.º 5 (12 de noviembre de 2018): 360–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708618809119.

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The global economic crash of 2007, the “structural reforms” and “austerity” policies, together with neoliberal processes have led, in recent years, to the emergence in Spain of a number of social movements, which are demanding greater democracy. One such movement is the “Green Tides” for the State Education in Spain, which has developed a series of proposals, from critical discourses in education, in the form of practices of resistance against neoliberal logic. In this article, we analyze this initiative, in particular in connection with some of the basic dimensions of critical pedagogy. Based on a critical analysis of discourse approach, we link the Green Tides’ manifesto and beliefs to dimensions of critical pedagogy. In addition, we show how these groups have developed what Flesher Fominaya calls practices of “prefigurative politics,” which aim to find social alternatives to the mantra of cuts in social rights, austerity policies, and other neoliberalization processes.

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Silva, Célia Taborda. "Democracy and Popular Protest in Europe: The Iberian Case (2011)". European Journal of Social Sciences 4, n.º 2 (15 de enero de 2021): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/643pea84j.

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In recent years, Europe has witnessed social movements that break away from the conventional patterns typical of 19th and 20th century movements. The party-or trade union-organised social movements, very much centred on 19th century political and economic issues, or the New Social Movements centred on more universal values such as peace, environment, gender, ethnicity, of the 20th century seem to be changing their 'repertoire'. At the beginning of the 21st century, parties and trade unions have been losing their leading role in the organisation of demonstrations and strikes and collective actions prepared and led by specific actors have given way to new forms of social action, without leaders, without organisation, without headquarters, and which use social networks as a form of mobilisation. These are social movements that contest not to have more rights but to exercise those that exist, a full citizenship that offers the freedom to express one's opinion and the regalia of participation in political, economic, social, educational areas. In Europe, there are various types of such movements, but we will highlight the "Geração à Rasca (Scratch Generation)" movement in Portugal and that of the "Indignados (Outraged)" or 15 M in Spain, both started in 2011, and which had repercussions in the main European capitals. Using a qualitative methodology, through these protest movements we seek to understand how the complexity of today's social movements and their non-institutionalisation represent a challenge to European democracy.

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Agha, Ambreen. "Religious Discourse in Tablighi Jama'at: A Challenge to Female Sexuality?" International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 2, n.º 3 (8 de junio de 2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v2i3.5.

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This paper is an empirical research on women's participation in Islamic revivalist movement of Tablighi Jama'at. In the current discourse on religion and female sexuality, I intend to look within Islam, as a religion and as an assertion of identity in the form of Tablighi Jama'at and Tabligh's articulation of its weltanschauung on Muslim way of life, with excessive focus on female sexuality. Here I will discuss Tabligh's conceptualisation of gender and gender roles through my field experience and analysis of women participation in the movement. In recent years we see that there is an upsurge in religious movements across the world exerting their identities and attempting to claim their rights. Since women have always been central to the political and social imagination of the Muslim mind we see an increased level of women's participation in these movements with defined sexual morality and gender equality.It is through the role of women in the transnational Islamic revivalist movement of Tablighi Jama'at, which arose as a response to Christian missionary and Hindu revivalist movements in the early 1920's in pre-partition India, that I have explored their level of engagement and their practices in order to bring into light tabligh's understanding of the female agency in the Muslim social order. In the backdrop of the feminist project and keeping in view tabligh's Orientalist understanding of the female, I raise the following questions, 'Is Tablighi Jama'at another such assertion within Islam that prescribes laws to define and control the female sexual desire through their understanding of sexuality and gender relations? Is the female tabligh member an agent of 'reform' or is she 'socialized' to believe that that men are superior and that what is described as masculine precedes and has priority over the feminine?

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Irhamsyah, Fahmi y Maria Ulfah Anshor. "Contribution of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) social movement to gender Issue and empowerment of women in Indonesia (1938-2022)". International Journal of Pegon : Islam Nusantara civilization 11, n.º 03 (30 de noviembre de 2023): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.51925/inc.v11i03.91.

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The study of gender and the social movements that are currently taking place has made the investigation of social movements into one of its most important areas of focus. Since its inception in 1938, the Nahdlatul Ulama social movement has been an essential component in the institutionalisation of gender equality and the advancement of women's rights. The findings of the study demonstrated that over the period between 1938 and 2022, the Nahdlatul Ulama social movement made a significant contribution to the evolution of Indonesian society, particularly as it pertained to concerns of gender equality. The social movement's contribution can be observed in the formation of public opinion as well as in the organisations or foundations that have a role to the creation of narratives and social institutions. Penelitian tentang gerakan sosial menjadi salah satu topik penting dalam mengkaji gender dan perubahan sosial yang terjadi. Gerakan sosial Nahdlatul Ulama sejak tahun 1938 telah menjadi bagian penting dalam upaya sosialisasi kesetaraan gender dan pemberdayaan perempuan. Hasil penelitian membuktikan bahwa sejak tahun 1938 hingga tahun 2022 kontribusi gerakan sosial Nahdlatul Ulama sangat besar dalam perubahan sosial khususnya terkait isu gender dan pemberdayaan perempuan di Indonesia. Bentuk kontribusi gerakan sosial Nahdlatul Ulama terlihat dari pembentukan opini publik hingga organisasi maupun Yayasan yang memiliki kontribusi dalam pembentukan narasi serta lembaga sosial.

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Munro, Lyle. "Caring about Blood, Flesh, and Pain:Women's Standing in the Animal Protection Movement". Society & Animals 9, n.º 1 (2001): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853001300108982.

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AbstractUsing the results of a survey of animal rights activists, advocates, and supporters, the paper reveals much more convergence (80%) than divergence (20%) of attitudes and actions by male and female animal protectionists. Analysis of the divergence suggests that the differences between men and women in the movement are contingent upon such things as early socialization, gendered work and leisure patterns, affinity with companion animals, ambivalence about science, and a history of opposition to nonhuman animal abuse by generations of female activists and animal advocates. Aside from the feminist and women's movements and groups like Mothers Against Drunk Driving, it is rare to find a social movement in which the standing of women eclipses those of their male colleagues. The paper suggests that animal protection remains a bastion of female activism and advocacy because women care about blood, flesh, and pain and, unlike earlier generations of animal activists, no longer are seen as a liability to the success of the movement.

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Shannon, Deric. "Place-Based and Experiential Pedagogies: Teaching radical concepts in social movements and political sociology". Theory in Action 15, n.º 3 (31 de julio de 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3798/tia.1937-0237.2215.

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This piece argues that radical ideas in political sociology and social movement studies can sometimes be difficult to teach because of the ideological training that we all undergo in the process of our socialization. However, using a place-based and experiential form of pedagogy can be useful in explaining three particular concepts within the discipline: prefigurative politics, direct action, and self-management. First, I outline this approach as developed in my travel course to Spain, “Global Political Economy and Sustainability.” I begin with a brief explanation of this method and some relevant literature in sociology. Next, I identify those three concepts within the sociological study of social movements and political sociology that this type of pedagogy can help students see clearly and understand. Finally, I add some concluding remarks, self-criticism, and suggest some further research to investigate learning outcomes. [Article copies available for a fee from The Transformative Studies Institute. E-mail address: journal@transformativestudies.org Website: http://www.transformativestudies.org ©2022 by The Transformative Studies Institute. All rights reserved.]

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Espino-Bravo, Chita. "Metaphors of Spanish Culture in Flamenco, Gender Roles and Gender Issues: Modern Metaphors to Understand Some Traditional Flamenco Movements and Steps". Revista de Investigación sobre Flamenco "La madrugá", n.º 19 (28 de diciembre de 2022): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/flamenco.540321.

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The art of Flamenco dance teaches Spanish culture through the dance steps and the metaphors they communicate. Some metaphors from the past are hard to understand, especially when referring to women’s role and social status, as women of the 21st century in Spain have democratic rights women from past centuries did not have. Expressing some of those metaphors through the movements of flamenco is very hard, unless you understand the patriarchal society of then. I will analyze some metaphors flamenco teachers use to explain concepts and gender roles from the past that are hard to understand by younger generations who live in a democratic Spain. By studying the meaning of what flamencas perform on stage, and the role of musicians on stage, we find gender issues and tensions between the female and male artist. Writers like Pardo Bazán, Carmen de Burgos, or Lorca perceived flamenco differently in the past, and their views helped recognize flamenco as a refined art. El arte del baile flamenco enseña la cultura española a través de los pasos de baile y las metáforas que comunican. Algunas metáforas del pasado son difíciles de entender, especialmente cuando se refieren al rol y estatus social de la mujer, ya que las mujeres del siglo XXI en España tienen derechos democráticos que las mujeres de siglos pasados no tuvieron. Expresar algunas de esas metáforas a través de los movimientos del flamenco es muy difícil, a no ser que entiendas la sociedad patriarcal de entonces. Analizaré algunas metáforas que usan los maestros flamencos para explicar conceptos y roles de género del pasado que son difíciles de entender para las generaciones más jóvenes que viven en una España democrática. Al estudiar el significado de lo que las flamencas interpretan en el escenario y el papel de los músicos en el escenario, encontramos problemas de género y tensiones entre el artista femenino y masculino. Escritores como Pardo Bazán, Carmen de Burgos o Lorca percibieron el flamenco de otra manera en el pasado, y sus puntos de vista ayudaron a reconocer el flamenco como un arte refinado.

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35

Benton, Ted. "Marxism and the Moral Status of Animals". Society & Animals 11, n.º 1 (2003): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853003321618855.

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AbstractPerlo's engagement with the complex and ambiguous relationship between Marxism (and, more broadly, the socialist traditions) and the moral status of animals is very much to be welcomed. This sort of engagement is valuable for three main reasons. First, the more narrowly focused social movement activity—whether committed to animal rights, social justice in the workplace, or advancement for women—is liable to cut itself off from critical insights created in the context of other movements. I became aware of this, particularly during the 1980s in relation to radical green politics, as both deepening and widening the already existing socialist case against neo-liberal capitalism, just as the women's liberation movement had done a decade or more earlier. Second, this sort of analysis is valuable because without it "single-issue" movements run a serious risk of advancing the claims of their own preferred social group at the cost of (usually unknowingly and unintentionally) deepening the oppression or exploitation of other groups. Third, where radical social movements campaign for changes that conflict with the interests of wealthy and powerful interests, and are committed to democratic values, they need to be able to bring public opinion with them. Single-issue movements rarely can do this on their own: Broad-based coalitions are needed. Moreover, the sources of radical thought and the range of justified grievances are now so diverse that the notion of a single, unified political party as the centralized vehicle of change is no longer viable (if it ever was). So, the broadly based coalition has to be diverse and difference-respecting. But can it be this while still maintaining enough unity of purpose and coordination of its actions to be effective?

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PANNEERSELVAM, A. "Women Empowerment for Developing India: A Study of Tamil Nadu." Journal of Women Empowerment and Studies, n.º 24 (29 de julio de 2022): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jwes.24.26.34.

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Women have always fought for their rights. Women's status is regarded to be lowered in a patriarchal society and a male-dominated power system. Weakened women seek relief and liberation on their own. Awareness has grown as a result of liberation campaigns, feminist movements, and reformation concepts. "Women's empowerment" refers to improving women's social, economic, and political standing. It advocates for the development of non-state and state leadership capacities. Women's empowerment is critical in today's world. The feminist movement began in the 1800s when British women wanted the right to vote. Since then, there have been two global waves of feminism. The five components of women's empowerment are increasing women's sense of self-worth, giving them the freedom to choose and make decisions on issues that affect them, providing them with opportunities and resources, and giving them the authority to make decisions about their own lives, both inside and outside the home. Chief Minister M.K. Stalin approved the proposal in the Pappampatti Gram Sabha in Madurai. Tamil Nadu, in southern India, will provide a safe, secure, healthy, and aspirational environment for its 3.2 crore women through operational convergence among departments, boosting women's development outcomes, and involving both genders in the common goal. Pondicherry, Kerala, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, and Sri Lanka border Tamil Nadu. The study examines women's empowerment in rising India, with a particular emphasis on Tamil Nadu. The study used both primary and secondary sources and used a descriptive-cumulative analytical strategy to achieve an unbiased result by analyzing qualitative data with the thematic analytical tool QADMAX.

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Tohidi, Nayereh. "Women's Rights in the Muslim World: the Universal-Particular Interplay". Hawwa 1, n.º 2 (2003): 152–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920803100420324.

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AbstractAn ironic ramification of the tragedy of September 11 and the subsequent demise of the Taliban government in Afghanistan seems to be an unprecedented rise in the international prominence of issues concerning the rights and status of women in the Islamic world. This increased international attention to women's quest for equal civil and human rights and a better appreciation of women's agency in the modernization and democratization of the Islamic world can be a welcome development. The significance of this potentially positive turn is better appreciated when we bear in mind that if it were not for the outrage and protest widely expressed by international feminist groups, especially Afghan women activists and American feminists, the US government, prompted by some oil companies, would probably have recognized the Taliban government. Perhaps it would have taken no less than the September 11 wake up call for many officials to speak out against the blatant violations of women's rights in Afghanistan. The worldwide outcry against the Taliban's destruction of a few historic statues in Bamiyan was indeed much louder and wider than those raised against their daily abuse of women and blatant violations of women's/human rights in Afghanistan. The increased attention of Western leaders towards the rights of Muslim women will probably be short-lived, but advocates of women's rights can work to turn this development into long-lasting progress. This problem must be approached on two fronts. On the one hand, how can we transform interest in Muslim women's rights into an effective and long-term foreign policy (including foreign aid) on the part of Western governments? On the other, how can we mobilize new resources in support of Muslim women's grassroots activism, which can exert effective pressure on the governments and ruling elites of Muslim societies and force concrete legal reforms and policy change? First, we need to turn this increased and at times "otherizing" attention into a deeper awareness of the complexity of the "Muslim women question," its commonalities as well as its differences with the "women question" in non-Muslim countries, its historical roots and present interconnectedness to broader national and international socio-economic and political problems in the global context. Starting with a brief review of the global state of women's rights in general and a comparative historical background of Muslim women's rights in particular, this paper will attempt to make the following arguments and policy recommendations: 1. Historically speaking, sexism has not been peculiar to the Islamic world or to the Islamic religion; 2. What is peculiar is that a visible gap has emerged in modern times between the Islamic world and the Christian West with regard to the degree of egalitarian improvement in women's rights; 3. This gap has been due to the legacy of colonialism, underdevelopment, defective modernization, the weakness of a modern middle class, democratic deficit, the persistence of cultural and religious patriarchal constructs such as sharia due to failure of reform and secularization within Islam, and weakness of civil society organizations - especially women's organizations - in the Muslim world; 4. The recent surge in identity politics, Islamism and religio-nationalist movements is in part due to socio-economic and cultural dislocation, polarization and alienation caused by modernization, Westernization and globalization, and in part is a "patriarchal protest movement" in reaction to the challenges that the emergence of modern middle class women poses to traditional patriarchal gender relations; 5. Processes of democratization, civil society building, consolidation of civil rights and universal human/women's rights are intertwined with reformation in Islam, feminist discourse and women's movements. Gender has become the blind spot of democratization in the Islamic world; 6. In terms of national and international policy implications, it should be recognized that women and youth have become the main forces of modernization and democratization in the Islamic world. Democracy cannot be consolidated without a new generation of Muslim leaders and state-elites who are more aware of the new realities of a globalized world and more committed to universal women's/human rights; 7. To win the war against terrorism and patriarchal Islamism, we need more than military might. In the short- and medium-term, a just resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can alter the present social psychological milieu that has allowed the growth of extremism and male-biased identity politics; and 8. In the long-term, democratization and comprehensive gender-sensitive development seems to be the only effective strategy. A significant component of this strategy has to be Islamic reformation, which requires international dialogue with and support for egalitarian and democratic voices in the Muslim world.

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Balango, Mery. "Woman’s Language Character in Against Patriarchy Hegemony In the Latest 18’s Novels". Research Review: Jurnal Ilmiah Multidisiplin 2, n.º 1 (31 de julio de 2023): 128–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.54923/researchreview.v2i1.38.

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Woman’s language is utilized to communicate and express her ideas. Woman’s language is treated different from man. It is based on how culture perceives biological sex differences.This research conducted because of the writer's interest in the main character, firstly because the novels depicts the gender injustice that befell the female character. The second reason, because this novel depicts woman who has a fighting spirit to fight for her rights, dare to argue and then the woman character rebels against what is experienced. Feminism is a movement and ideology dedicated to achieving women's rights in order to build a world that is more than just social equality for women (Humm: 406). Feminism's ideology fights for women's rights to higher education and employment in male-dominated fields. They are also entitled to maternity leave and fair pay at work. Radical Feminism, Liberal Feminism, Marxist Feminism, Socialist Feminism, and Post- feminism are examples of feminist movements. This study is analyzing Woman’s language character of the latest 18’s novels, about how race and gender discrimination reflected by using feminist approach. The objective of the study is to analyze the novels based on its structural elements and analyze the text based on feminist approach. The data source are literary data. Those are the primary data is taken from the Novels itself and the secondary data sources are other in formations that are relevant to the subject matter. The method of the data collection is library research. The techniques of data analysis is descriptive analysis.

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Rönnbäck, Josefin. "Rösträttsrörelsens kvinnor - i konflikt och i samförstånd". Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 21, n.º 4 (16 de junio de 2022): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v21i4.4342.

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On the basis of sociologist Alberto Melucci's theory of social movements, I investigate the Swedish suffrage movement known as Landsföreningen för kvinnans politiska rösträtt, LKPR (The National Association for Votes for Women). I study this movement both as a collective actor with a collective constructed identity and as an arena for internal conflict. I argue that LKPR contributed towards a shift in and extension of the boundaries of politics by demanding the abolition of the so called women's bar which disenfranchised all women; by converting women's disadvantages into a politics; by questioning the division of public and private, and not least by contributing to women's entry into new spheres. The LKPR was the largest women's organisation at the turn of the century consisting of women from different class background and different party political affiliation. It succeeded however in mobilizing women in the struggle for civil rights by very actively and consciously creating a collective classless but nonetheless genderized identity. The suffragists internal compromises resulted in an official advocacy of independence form party politics, and according to the statutes, the association was to remain neutral in relation to the emerging party system. But in practice the organisation had close relations to the liberals. I also show that in some respects there is reason to speak of the LKPR as a class movement even if the organisation can be seen as a strategic coalition which concealed the problematics of class. For tactical reasons, in order to hold a broad based movement together and in order to be allowed a hearing in public debate at all, the LKPR'S propaganda put forward an apparently safe and consensual notion of gender relations whereby women and men were seen as mutually dependent and thus complementary. These ideas were inspired by 'practical' considerations. Nationalism also functioned as a unifying set of values within the LKPR and the members agreed that women's exclusion from politics was unjust. The vote too was regarded as a key to a change in the relation between the genders in society. The artide, however, highlights the internal conflicts within the association rather than the conflict with encompassing male society. I show that the internal conflicts over the description of goals, for instance, often had ideological implications.

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Wahidiyah, Kholidatun Nur, Zulfi Mubaraq, Syuhadak Syuhadak y Raden Taufiqurrochman. "Feminist Approaches In Islamic Studies". Medina-Te : Jurnal Studi Islam 19, n.º 1 (24 de junio de 2023): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/medinate.v19i1.17910.

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The purpose of this writing is to understand 3 things: first, the concrete form of the feminist approach. Second, the factors that influence the existence of a feminist approach in Islamic studies. Third, the implications of academic feminist approaches to the dynamics of Islamic studies. The author uses the literature method by using a feminist approach in studying Islam. The results of this study show that first, feminist etymology comes from the word femme (single woman) who fought to fight for the rights of women as a social class. In terminology a women's movement that demands full equality. Second, internal factors include low knowledge and understanding of the community about religious values related to the role and function of women, the reality of Muslim society that still experiences gender bias, as well as the essence of women's bodies.external factors include the number of religious interpreters who harm the position and role of women as well as patriarchal culture that has long dominated in society (political, economic, and biased interpretation of religious texts gender). Third, positive impact: The existence of the term career woman makes women become more independent women, women are not oppressed by the capitalist system, and are productive in doing things outside the domstic. Negative impact: Negative impact (the birth of various lesbian feminism movements or the practice of free sex between women and women), and There are several ideologies of the feminism movement that are not in accordance with Islamic corridors

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Putri, Risna Auriel Eka. "PENGARUH ADVOKASI GERAKAN #NiUnaMenos DALAM PENINGKATAN KESADARAN MASYARAKAT AMERIKA LATIN PADA KEKERASAN TERHADAP PEREMPUAN". Jurnal Harkat : Media Komunikasi Gender 19, n.º 2 (24 de enero de 2024): 144–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/harkat.v19i2.36555.

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Abstract. Latin America has become one of the regions with high rates of gender-based violence in the world. As of 2021, there were 4,473 women experiencing violence in Latin American countries. The Ni Una Menos movement emerged from grassroots movements in Argentina to combat violence against women and advocate for women's rights. Through the stages of mass mobilization theory, the Ni Una Menos movement can be considered fairly successful in advocating for issues and influencing existing policies. In addition to large-scale protests, advocacy is also carried out through social media using the hashtag #NiUnaMenos, which is still used in discussions about women's rights prosecutions and discussions and advocacy regarding awareness of violence against women. This movement has also been able to compel governments in various countries to take action to reduce gender-based violence. The efforts to increase awareness through the Ni Una Menos movement may not have completely succeeded in reducing the incidence of violence against women in Latin America, but this massive and popular feminist movement has been able to spread advocacy and declare that violence against women must be eradicated. Abstrak. Amerika Latin menjadi salah satu kawasan dengan angka kekerasan berbasis gender yang tinggi di dunia. Hingga tahun 2021, terdapat 4.473 wanita mengalami kekerasan di negara-negara Amerika Latin. Gerakan Ni Una Menos hadir dari gerakan-gerakan akar rumput di Argentina untuk melawan kekerasan terhadap perempuan dan menyuarakan hak-hak perempuan. Melalui tahapan teori mass mobilization, gerakan Ni Una Menos dapat dikatakan sebagai gerakan yang cukup berhasil dalam mengadvokasi isu dan memengaruhi kebijakan yang ada. Selain melalui protes besar-besaran, advokasi juga dilakukan melalui media sosial melalui tagar #NiUnaMenos yang hingga saat ini masih digunakan dalam pembahasan penuntutan hak-hak perempuan serta diskusi dan advokasi mengenai kesadaran terhadap kekerasan terhadap perempuan. Gerakan ini juga telah mampu mendorong pemerintah di berbagai negara untuk mengambil tindakan untuk menekan angka kekerasan berbasis gender. Upaya peningkatan kesadaran melalui gerakan Ni Una Menos ini memang belum secara 100% mampu untuk menekan angka kekerasan terhadap perempuan yang terjadi di Amerika Latin, tetapi gerakan feminis yang masif dan cukup populer ini mampu menyebarkan advokasi dan menyerukan bahwa kekerasan terhadap perempuan harus dihapuskan.

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POTAPOVA, DARIA y SERGEY SHPAGIN. "FEMINISM IN EUROPE: FACING NEW CHALLENGES". History and modern perspectives 3, n.º 1 (28 de febrero de 2020): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2021-3-1-38-46.

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The article is devoted to topical issues of the development of the ideology of feminism in modern conditions. The purpose of the work is to identify the factors of the dynamics of the ideology of feminism at the beginning of the 21st century. The main versions of classical feminism are characterized: liberal, Marxist and radical. There is a close connection between the origins of feminism and Marxism, but even in the early period the interaction of these ideological and political movements was problematic. There is also an interaction of feminism with new social movements in the West in the 20th century. The contradictory consequences of the development of the women's movement for the ideology of feminism are noted: on the one hand, the actualization of the feminist agenda in Western countries created the conditions for significant successes in protecting women's rights and recognizing feminism as a real political force, on the other hand, these same successes reduced the relevance of the liberal version of feminism. Recent developments in Europe have a significant impact on the feminist agenda. Globalization and, in particular, the migration crisis of the 2010s are considered as one of the new factors in the ideological dynamics of feminism. The influx of migrants from Muslim countries not only places a burden on state budgets and reduces the level of security of life on the continent, but also erodes the civilizational identity of European society. Muslim migrants do not seek to integrate into European society, often ignore the fundamental values of European civilization, and above all, women's equality. This situation creates incentives not only to renew the political goals of feminists, but also to revise the ideological foundations of their ideology itself. In particular, it is possible to move away from the traditional reliance on left-wing political slogans and replace the popular Marxist phraseology among radical Islamists with values related to the protection of democratic gains of European society.

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Klein, Jennifer. "A New Deal Restoration: Individuals, Communities, and the Long Struggle for the Collective Good". International Labor and Working-Class History 74, n.º 1 (2008): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547908000148.

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Much of the literature on the New Deal over the last fifteen years has sought to extend it in time and scope. The New Deal has become the New Deal Order. More than the legislation and programs of the Great Depression years under President Roosevelt, it encompasses or designates particular political coalitions brought together under a dominant Democratic Party, expanded citizenship rights, Keynesian economic policymaking, rising standards of living through collective bargaining and public investment, checks on the prerogatives of business, and working-class enfranchisement that continued well beyond the Roosevelt years.1 We talk about the New Deal when we refer to the G.I. Bill, Truman's economic and social policies or organized labor's gains in the late 1940s, Republican President Eisenhower's extension of Social Security in the 1950s, Lyndon Johnson's enactment of Medicare, and can even include the passage of the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) laws in 1970 as the New Deal's last gasp, under President Nixon. Other historians have extended the New Deal back in time, linking its programs more firmly with social policy and industrial relations experiments in the Progressive Era, the First World War, and the 1920s. Widow's pensions, war labor boards, unemployment insurance, industrial democracy became the basic building blocks of the New Deal.2 Historians have also been revising the histories of later social movements, such as the African-American freedom struggle or the women's movement, and relocating them as New Deal movements.3 So we no longer think in terms of the “interwar period”—which was always more of a European periodization—just as we no longer talk about the New Deal as emerging full-blown from the forehead of Roosevelt and an inner-circle, male Brain Trust and ending with the Supreme Court packing incident.

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Maqsood, Dr Naila. "COLONIAL RULE AND MUSLIM WOMEN". Journal of Arts & Social Sciences (JASS) 9, n.º 1 (30 de junio de 2022): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46662/jass.v9i1.210.

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Relevant to any attempt for amelioration of woman’s conditions was the history of Muslim people in general and that of Muslims in the Indo-Pak Subcontinent in particular. This paper highlights Muslim women’s struggle for their rights movements in British India. Their continuous struggle altered educational and political institutions, allowing them to emerge from seclusion and participate more actively in the nation's public life. It is said that when women in the developed countries were agitating against their own male regarding their rights, a similar struggle had begun in the subcontinent where men started encouraging participation of women in education and politics, appreciated, and sometimes patronized it. The imperialists in India reversed the economic and social milieu. By strengthening system, British fortified the position of the feudal and tribal lords which not only contributed towards solidifying the struggle for Muslim Women’s Rights in the British India but also resulted in lowering the status of women. The British, on the other hand, did not believe it was necessary to extend their politics into all aspects of life. As a result, local laws continued to apply in family and personal matters like as marriage, guardianship, and inheritance, and the status quo between men and women was maintained. After a prolonged protests and struggle for women’s rights, the central legislature undertook legislation on issues relating to Muslim women such as child marriage, property rights, widow remarriage, divorce, etc. Muslim women had to resisted on the laws imposed by imperialists as most of it were the violation of their fundamental rights, and that they were mostly successful i.e., law of inheritance 1937. The paper shows that women's struggles for educational and political freedom had a significant impact in the British India Particularly in 1940s during Pakistan Movement. Everyone is aware of the social changes/developments that occurred at that time. However, few people acknowledge that women had a key role in bringing about these developments. It is hardly an exaggeration to say that women have achieved tremendous progress and have paved the way for more reforms in late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

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Poluan, Pincanny Georgiana y Firman Daud Lenjau Lung. "The Role of Social Media in Multi-Track Diplomacy: Jakarta Feminist Combating Violence Against Women in Indonesia [Peran Sosial Media dalam Diplomasi Multi-Jalur: Jakarta Feminist dalam Melawan Kekerasan terhadap Perempuan di Indonesia]". Verity: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional (International Relations Journal) 14, n.º 27 (18 de agosto de 2022): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/verity.v14i27.5911.

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Violence Against Women (VAW), in its various forms, has become a global issue for many years; it is specifically considered a violation of human rights. With all the efforts of numerous institutions, like UN Women, VAW is still prevalent in many countries, including Indonesia. The obliviousness and never-ending occurrence of VAW in Indonesia seem to encourage some activists, both in and outside the country, to initiate movements with the help of digital media (specifically social media). One of the activist groups is Jakarta Feminist. A study shows that Jakarta Feminist is using social media to both disseminate activism information and mobilize actors. However, no study has discussed how that relates to their role as Track 6 in Multi-Track Diplomacy. This paper argues that, with its nature as a new media (emphasizes participatory culture), social media could support the implementation of MTD to abolish VAW issues in Indonesia, particularly looking at the growth of activism groups – Jakarta Feminist and/ or SEAFAM. Employing the desk research and observation methods, this paper aims to describe the role of social media in the implementation of MTD. This paper finds that social media plays a significant role as a supporting tool for Jakarta Feminist in performing their role as an activist group – Track 6. Moreover, through Instagram, Jakarta Feminist could generate power with and within their followers through educative content (Track 5) and dissemination of relevant information (Track 9). By doing so, they could hold a grassroots movement (Track 4) – Women's March, then influence the government’s decision as Track 1.Bahasa Indonesia Abstract: Kekerasan terhadap perempuan dalam berbagai bentuk telah menjadi isu global dalam beberapa tahun terakhir. Hal ini sudah dianggap secara spesifik sebagai pelanggaran terhadap hak asasi manusia. Dengan seluruh upaya dari berbagai institusi, seperti UN Women, kekerasan terhadap perempuan tetap menjadi masalah besar di berbagai negara, termasuk Indonesia. Elemen kejelasan dan peristiwa yang tidak pernah berhenti terjadi dalam kekerasan terhadap perempuan di Indonesia mulai memancing beragam aktivis, baik di dalam maupun di luar negeri, untuk memulai gerakan-gerakan dengan bantuan media digital (khususnya media sosial). Salah satu kelompok aktivis tersebut adalah Jakarta Feminist. Sebuah studi menunjukkan bahwa Jakarta Feminist menggunakan sosial media sebagai sarana diseminasi informasi aktivis dan mobilisasi aktor. Namun, belum ada studi yang membahas bagaimana hal tersebut berkaitan dengan peran aktivis sebagai bagian dari Jalur 6 dalam Diplomasi Multi-Jalur. Naskah ini berpendapat bahwa sosial media, dengan naturnya sebagai media baru (penekanan pada budaya partisipasi), dapat mendukung implementasi Diplomasi Multi-Jalur untuk memberantas isu kekerasan terhadap perempuan di Indonesia, terutama melihat pertumbuhan kelompok-kelompok aktivis seperti Jakarta Feminist dan/atau SEAFAM. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian meja dan observasi, naskah ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan peran sosial media dalam implementasi Diplomasi Multi-Jalur. Naskah ini menemukan bahwa media sosial memainkan peran yang signifikan sebagai alat pendukung bagi Jakarta Feminist untuk menjalankan peran mereka sebagai kelompok aktivis dan bagian dari Jalur 6. Selain itu, melalui Instagram, Jakarta Feminist dapat menghasilkan energi dan semangat di antara pengikut mereka melalui konten-konten edukasi (Jalur 5) dan diseminasi informasi yang relevan (Jalur 9). Dengan demikian, mereka dapat terus menjaga eksistensi pergerakan akar rumput (Jalur 4) dalam bentuk demonstrasi perempuan dan dapat memengaruhi keputusan pemerintah sebagai Jalur 1.

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Peterson, Abby. "Book Reviews : Ron Eyerman & Andrew Jamison: Social Movements: A Cognitive Approach. Cam bndge : Polity Press, 1991. Leila J. Rupp & Verta Taylor: Survival in the Doldrums: The American Women's Rights Movement 1945 to the 1960s. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987 and Ohio University Press, 1990. Margareta Lindholm: Talet om det kvinnliga: Studier l feminist tankande i Sverige under 19-30-talet (Discourses on 'Women': Studies in Feminist Thinking during the 1930s in Sweden). Goteborg: Monograph from the Department of Soci ology, no. 44, 1990". Acta Sociologica 34, n.º 2 (abril de 1991): 146–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000169939103400208.

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Hudson, Barbara A., Jo VanEvery, Martin O'Brien, Larry Ray, Chris Fitch, Bryan S. Turner, Keith Tester et al. "Book Reviews: Law, Crime and Sexuality: Essays in Feminism, Theory in its Feminist Travels: Conversations in U.S. Women's Movements, up against Foucault: Explorations of Some Tensions between Foucault and Feminism, Critical Theory, Reading, Writing & Rewriting the Prostitute Body, Theorising Citizenship, Dimensions of Radical Democracy: Pluralism, Citizenship, Community, Race, Politics and Social Change, the People's Home? Social Rented Housing in Europe and America, Green Networks: A Structural Analysis of the Italian Environmental Movement, Understanding the Family, a Field of One's Own: Gender and Land Rights in South Asia, the Sociology of Health and Illness, the Healing Bond: The Patient—Practitioner Relationship and Therapeutic Responsibility, Scotland — The Brand: The Making of Scottish Heritage, Media Matters: Everyday Culture and Political Change, Sociology and Visual Representation, Law, Space, and the Geographies of Power". Sociological Review 44, n.º 1 (febrero de 1996): 119–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1996.tb02966.x.

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Chirakadze, Elene. "The Spain Women’s anti-fascist movement in the XX-th century". enadakultura, 16 de noviembre de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52340/lac.2021.644.

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If we look at the modern world, we can clearly see how big problem it is to achieve gender equality. Women still have to fight for their rights. Gender research has become particularly relevant in the 21st century. Special institutions, faculties, organizations and movements have been established which are actively working on this problem, including in Georgia. It should also be noted that the issue of women's participation in politics has become especially relevant in the world today, which has defined our interest in the history of gender. Since the XXth century, we have been actively witnessing the establishment of gender sciences in various educational institutions. For historians, gender issues are very interesting in the context of studying political, economic or social history, it is interesting how the role and function of women was seen at different stages of history, according to countries with different levels of development or type of government.This paper presents one specific section of the huge prism of the struggle for women’s rights that followed the existence of the Francoist dictatorship in Spain.The paper focuses on the anti-fascist movement of Spanish women and their activities during the Francoist dictatorship in Spain. It also gives a brief history of the pre-period status of women's rights in the country and how it changed before and after the civil war.It is noteworthy that Europe in the second half of the twentieth century was completely different from Spain in the territory of Western Europe, where there was discriminatory rule on the basis of gender.

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Anyidoho, Nana Akua, Gordon Crawford y Peace A. Medie. "The Role of Women's Movements in the Implementation of Gender-Based Violence Laws". Politics & Gender, 8 de enero de 2020, 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x19000849.

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Abstract The question of whether social movements can catalyze change has preoccupied researchers but an understanding of how such change can be created is equally important. Specifically, there has been little investigation of how women's movements engage in the process of implementation of women's rights laws. We use a case study of Ghana's Domestic Violence Coalition to examine the challenges that movements face in the policy implementation process. The Domestic Violence Coalition, a collective of women's rights organizations, was instrumental to the passage of Ghana's Domestic Violence Act in 2007. Our study investigates the coalition's subsequent attempts to influence the act's implementation. Drawing from the social movement literature, we apply an analytical framework consisting of three internal factors (strategies, movement infrastructure, and framing) and two external factors (political context and support of allies) that have mediated the coalition's impact on implementation. We find that changes in movement infrastructure are most significant in explaining the coalition's relative ineffectiveness, as these changes adversely affect its ability to employ effective strategies and take advantage of a conducive political context and the presence of allies. This article advances the literature on rights advocacy by women's movements by analyzing the challenge of translating success in policy adoption to implementation and explaining why women's movements may have less impact on implementation processes.

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Corradi, Consuelo y Stellamarina Donato. "Movements’ Dynamics and Government Responsiveness to Violence Against Women: A Study Set Against Political and Social Change in Spain and Italy". Violence Against Women, 12 de junio de 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10778012231177999.

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Actions to counter violence against women are a fully fledged policy field with significant differences across countries. Through a comparative analysis of Spain and Italy, this article maps the interplay between women's movements and national governments in launching violence against women (VAW) policies. In Spain, policy formation was the outcome of dual feminist–socialist activism, leading to dialogue between movements and the government. In Italy, movements opposed the government from the outside. In both countries, the critical factor inciting responsiveness on VAW was not one single variable but a combination of political opportunity, movement identity, dedicated women's policy agencies, and the soft power of international institutions.

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