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Наквакина, Екатерина y Yekatyerina Nakvakina. "Comparativist character of world politics as discipline (from the experience of teaching to post graduates)". Comparative Research In Law and Politics 1, n.º 2 (1 de noviembre de 2013): 118–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1935.
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Relatively young discipline “World Politics” is not a pure comparativist course of lectures. Nevertheless it contains many comparisons. World Politics does not devoted to contemporary international relations. It describes first of all the most burning problems for our planet and actions of different social and political forces at the world arena, including states, transnational companies, social movements, civic organizations, etc. This approach demands comparisons to be made when we speak for example, about globalization in different countries, economic and political integration at concrete continents, problems of migration, education, medical services, food rations in various states. World Politics is linked with classical Political Science but it contains very important foreign component. In the nearest future the progress of knowledge will make one step further. Comparative Global Science (Global Comparativistika) may be a reality. Simultaneously in Legal Sciences the logical next step for Comprative Law will be State and Legal Comparative Studies. So unprecedented promotion of comparative method in humanity sciences is the result of globalization.
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Kopaev, E. "Cognitive possibilities of political science: ask questions about Russian political science". Journal of Political Research 8, n.º 1 (6 de abril de 2024): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2024-8-1-93-102.
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The purpose of the work is to raise the question of the cognitive capabilities of political science and to what extent, in this regard, the methodological tools of political science are an adequate means for studying Russian reality. The methodology of the research was a politico-philosophical approach, which used a retrospective method and discourse analysis. The specificity of the social sciences and humanities implies the existence of value positions of the subject of cognition and determines the practice-oriented orientation of his research activity. The model of reality reconstructed by the scientist is based on a value-colored picture of the world, which directly or implicitly influences the interpretation of facts. Political science, being a part of social and humanitarian knowledge, is not devoid of its specificity and is also based on a certain model of the worldview - a paradigm. The science of politics was formed in the bosom of Western society, taking as a basis the corresponding paradigm of thinking. At a certain point, comparative studies begins to occupy a central position in the study of politics, in fact identifying the whole of political science with itself. Its distinctive feature, which has not been overcome to this day, is the attitude to compare the entire diversity of the political world with its own "ideal" of due. Accordingly, everything that does not fit into this value picture of the world is recognized as hostile, backward, imperfect. On such paradigmatic grounds, the study of Russian political life has been carried out for a long time. By adopting such a way of explaining the political sphere of Russian society, we put ourselves in the position of catching up, trying to adjust our own reality to the standards that were formed in other cultural and historical conditions. Based on this, the question arises about the application of the methodology of political science to Russian conditions. Conclusions: the question posed in the work may affect the change of the paradigm in force in Russian political science or, at least, the clarification of its methodological foundations, which opens up a wide scope for research for domestic social scientists.
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Monshipouri, Mahmood. "Political Science". American Journal of Islam and Society 14, n.º 4 (1 de enero de 1997): 99–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i4.2222.
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Adopting an issue-oriented approach toward understanding Islamic andWestern political thought, Professor Abdul Rashid Moten places these two tradition'swithin historical and contemporary contexts. Moten's book thereby providesa comparative analysis of key issues, including Islamic research methodology,Islamic law, Islamic political and social order, strategies and tactics ofvarious Islamic movements, and the link between Islam and politics.In chapter 1, Moten examines the secular domination of Muslim thought andculture, arguing that secularism was imported into the Muslim world throughthe efforts of a Westernized elite. He adds that no such secular state had everexisted in the Muslim world. This owes much to the fact that there was (is) nocommon ground between Islam and secularism (p. 7). With secularism camenationalism, liberal political institutions, and the pursuit of a capitalist economicsystem. Nationalism, Moten notes, wedged its way into the Muslim world,dividing it into new nation-states and client states (p. 12). Since independence,secularism has failed to meet the socioeconomic and political needs of Muslimsocieties. The rising tide of Islamic revivalism against secular regimes inAlgeria and Turkey demonstrates disenchantment with the shattered secularistdreams in the Muslim world (p. 16).Chapter 2 attempts to scrutinize the inherent link between Islam and politics.The pillars of Islam, Moten writes, go beyond moral and spiritual upliftment;they entail both practical and symbolic significance in all aspects of life. InIslam, ethics sets the tone for politics, and the rules of political behavior originatefrom ethical norms. Political life cannot be separated from the broaderframework of the religious and spiritual life (p. 21 ). Islamic rulers have hardly,if ever, emphasized the separation of religion and politics. Since the nineteenthcentury, Islamic modernists and revivalists have debated the nature of this separation.The reemergence of Islam in Muslim politics and societies in the lastquarter of the twentieth century has pointed to a distinct Islamic order and thereawakening of Muslim identity. Moten cites, among others, Iran and Pakistanas examples of such a renaissance (p. 30). However, he fails to examine the divisiveeffects of lslamization programs in Pakistan (under Zia al-Haqq) and othercountries such as Sudan.The comparison between Western and Islamic methods of political inquiry isthe subject of close scrutiny in chapter 3. Moten maintains that the Islamic conceptionof polity is based on profound religious-cultural grounds and that religionand polity form an organic unity (p. 37). Likewise, ethics and politics are ...
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LAITIN, DAVID D. "Toward a Political Science Discipline". Comparative Political Studies 31, n.º 4 (agosto de 1998): 423–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031004002.
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Harry Eckstein's 1973 classic article “Authority Patterns: A Structural Basis for Political Inquiry” is critically reviewed. In that article, Eckstein proposes that the scope of politics can be ascertained through a taxonomic exercise that he labels progressive differentiation. In so doing, he delimits political study to the systematic analysis of authority patterns, which he defines as the “set of asymmetric relations among hierarchically ordered members of a social unit that involves the direction of the unit.” This taxonomy is provocative in that it rules out of the discipline's domain standard fare within contemporary political science, concerning exchange among equals (virtually all of economic reasoning) and exchange between states (virtually all of international relations). An alternative delimitation is proposed, building on other insights from Eckstein's corpus but taking off from current research practice. Four subfields—political theory, comparative politics, democratic institutions, and international relations—are defined in such a way as to give coherence to the political science discipline.
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Bowman, Kirk S. y Ashley Jennings. "Pura Vida: Using Study Abroad to Engage Undergraduate Students in Comparative Politics Research". PS: Political Science & Politics 38, n.º 1 (enero de 2005): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096505055824.
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Political science undergraduate students often have a difficult time understanding the processes and methods of social science research. The foci of courses in comparative politics such as Latin American Politics or European Politics are typically descriptive information, concepts and theories, and an overview of the principal debates and research findings. This stands in sharp contrast to undergraduate pedagogy in the natural sciences, where laboratory sections supplement classroom activities. For example, biology students learn the basics of the discipline in the classroom, and simultaneously use the tools and methods of scientists in the lab to replicate elementary experiments. This multi-method approach not only reinforces the students' understanding of biological concepts, but also gives them an appreciation for how their professors spend their time and the challenges, pleasures, and limitations of academic research.
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Bates, Clifford Angell. "The centrality of politeia for Aristotle’s Politics: Aristotle’s continuing significance for social and political science". Social Science Information 53, n.º 1 (marzo de 2014): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018413510364.
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Political theorists today are addressing issues of global concern confronting state systems and in so doing are often forced to confront the concept of Homo sapiens as a ‘political animal’. Thus theorists considering Aristotle’s Politics attempt to transcend his polis-centric focus and make the case that Aristotle offers ways to address these global concerns by focusing on Empire. This article, contra Dietz et al., argues that Aristotle’s political science is first and foremost a science of politeia and that this approach to the operation and working of political systems is far superior to recent attempts at regime analysis in comparative politics. Thus Aristotle’s mode of examining political systems offers much fruit for those interested in approaching political phenomena with precision and depth as diverse manifestations of the political communities formed by the species Aristotle called the ‘political animal’. From this perspective, focusing on the politeia constituting each political community permits an analysis of contemporary transformations of political life without distorting what is being analyzed.
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Ionescu, Ghiļa. "Reading Notes, Winter 1987". Government and Opposition 22, n.º 3 (1 de julio de 1987): 224–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017257x00019886.
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Susan’s ‘Faites vos jeux, messieurs. Rien ne va plus’ — The Politics of Liberalism — Bertrand de JouvenelSusan’s ‘Faites Vos Jeux, Messieurs. Rien Ne Va Plus’ Professor Susan Strange is widely recognised as the foremost British exponent of the meta-discipline of International Political Economy, better known under its nickname IPE. I define it as a meta-discipline because, as is well known, its purpose it to fuse into one the three previously disparate disciplines of economics, politics (notably comparative politics, political sociology and public policy) and international relations which can make sense now only when they are related to each other. The nineteenth-century founders of the social sciences had simply used the name of Political Economy. But then the unforeseeable agglomeration of empirical material led to an objective need for specialization and to a subjective professional interest which in turn led not only to a growing differentiation in the subject-matter, but also to an unnatural incompatibility of perspectives. Like many other artificial barriers which have fallen under the sweep of twentieth-century interdependence, the disciplinary barriers, and even the inadequate ‘interdisciplinary collaborations’ between the major social sciences, should now return to the initial common matrix. Whether the end result will indeed be a new, unique, science, or whether the social sciences will learn how to ‘see’ trifocally is another matter.
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Janos, Andrew C. "Social Science, Communism, and the Dynamics of Political Change". World Politics 44, n.º 1 (octubre de 1991): 81–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010424.
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In the past thirty years the comparative study of communism as conducted in the United States has rested on two conceptual pillars: Weber's theory of routinization and Spencer's notion of progress through industrialism. This article points out some of the limitations of these theories and then develops a more comprehensive framework for comparisons. One of the keys to the understanding of communist politics is the model of a “military society,” also formulated by Spencer but generally ignored by contemporary social science. In terms of this model, communism is presented as a militant geopolitical response to international inequalities, the initial logic of which has been undermined by technological developments in the period following World War II.
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MORDESON, JOHN N., TERRY D. CLARK, ADAM D. GRIESER y MARK J. WIERMAN. "AN INDUCTIVE APPROACH TO DETERMINING CAUSALITY IN COMPARATIVE POLITICS: A FUZZY SET ALTERNATIVE". New Mathematics and Natural Computation 03, n.º 02 (julio de 2007): 191–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793005707000719.
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Political science typically tests hypotheses by demonstrating correlations between variables. The most commonly employed method for doing so is regression analysis. The approach is essentially crisp, which carries with it a number of questionable assumptions about the data. Political phenomena such as democracy or stability often involve measuring the degree to which a particular observation demonstrates the qualities of the category. A fuzzy set approach better captures the inherent ambiguity in classifying our observations relative to such categories. However, the attempt to establish correlations between fuzzy sets in the social sciences has been plagued by the priority ranking issue. We illustrate the potential that Jeffrey's Rule has to overcome this difficulty.
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Vermonte, Philips J. y A’an Suryana. "Foreword". Muslim Politics Review 1, n.º 1 (25 de diciembre de 2022): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.56529/mpr.v1i1.48.
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Publishing in academic journals is an important endeavour in the academic world. Academic journals contribute immensely to the progress and accumulation of knowledge, as journals provide platforms for scholars to engage in the contestation of ideas that can spur innovation in their respective fields of study. Muslim Politics Review (MPR) is walking the path to that endeavour. Articles in this journal will reflect the unique contributions that they make in the field of political science and its sub-disciplines, such as comparative politics, public policy, political theory, and international relations. Contributions from other social sciences disciplines, including but not limited to sociology, history, anthropology, economics, and psychology, are also welcome, so long as they intersect with politics. It is important to underline this scope due to MPR’s position as a newly established academic journal focusing on politics.
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Pepinsky, Thomas B., Barbara Geddes, Duncan McCargo, Richard Robison, Erik Martinez Kuhonta, Dan Slater y Tuong Vu. "Discussion of Erik Martinez Kuhonta, Dan Slater, and Tuong Vu's Southeast Asia in Political Science: Theory, Region, and Qualitative Analysis". Journal of East Asian Studies 10, n.º 2 (agosto de 2010): 171–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s159824080000343x.
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Comparative politics has witnessed periodic debates between proponents of contextually sensitive area studies research and others who view such work as unscientific, noncumulative, or of limited relevance for advancing broader social science knowledge. In Southeast Asia in Political Science: Theory, Region, and Qualitative Analysis, edited by Erik Martinez Kuhonta, Dan Slater, and Tuong Vu, a group of bright, young Southeast Asianists argue that contextually sensitive research in Southeast Asia using qualitative research methods has made fundamental and lasting contributions to comparative politics. They challenge other Southeast Asianists to assert proudly the contributions that their work has made and urge the rest of the comparative politics discipline to take these contributions seriously. This symposium includes four short critical reviews of Southeast Asia in Political Science by political scientists representing diverse scholarly traditions. The reviews address both the methodological and the theoretical orientations of the book and are followed by a response from the editors.
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Harbeson, John W. "Area Studies and the Disciplines: A Rejoinder". Issue: A Journal of Opinion 25, n.º 1 (1997): 29–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502480.
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Robert Bates’ letter entitled “Area Studies and the Discipline” (American Political Science Association, Comparative Politics 1, Winter 1996, pp. 1-2) uses the occasion of the SSRC’s abolishing of area committees to announce that “within the academy, the consensus has formed that area studies has failed to generate scientific knowledge.” As someone who has done some of his most important work on African development issues, Bates deplores declining investment in area studies as a “loss to the social sciences, as well as to the academy,” at an inopportune moment, “just when our [political science] discipline is becoming equipped to handle area knowledge in a rigorous fashion.”
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Lamont, Michgle. "Comparative Historical Analysis in the Social Sciences". Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 33, n.º 5 (septiembre de 2004): 617–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610403300571.
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LARSSON, TOMAS. "Monkish Politics in Southeast Asia: Religious disenfranchisement in comparative and theoretical perspective". Modern Asian Studies 49, n.º 1 (27 de agosto de 2014): 40–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000419.
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AbstractIn the Theravāda Buddhist polities on the mainland of Southeast Asia, abiding concerns about the proper structuring of the relationship between the ‘two wheels ofdhamma’ (i.e. the realm of religion and the realm of politics) have had a profound influence on processes of state formation and political legitimation. This article explores one such religious ‘effect’ on the constitutions and electoral laws of modern Burma/Myanmar, Siam/Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos, namely the official disenfranchisement of Buddhist monks (and, in some instances, Buddhist ‘nuns’ as well as non-Buddhist clergy). The article traces the historical evolution of this Buddhist exception to the democratic principle of equal and universal suffrage, and assesses the extent to which dominant theoretical approaches in the social sciences help us to understand the politics of religious disenfranchisement in Southeast Asia. It finds that neither secularization theory nor the religious-economy approach can explain observed patterns. Instead, the article offers an account of the politics of religious disenfranchisement that emphasizes the role of ideas and historical context.
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Janos, Andrew C. "Paradigms Revisited Productionism, Globality, and Postmodernity in Comparative Politics". World Politics 50, n.º 1 (octubre de 1997): 118–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388710001474x.
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Inspired by a seminal essay of Albert O. Hirschman, as well as by the ongoing debate on the empirical foundations of social science, this article “revisits” (1) the paradigm concept popularized by T. S. Kuhn in the 1960s and (2) the relationship between probabilistic and “possibilistic” modes of theorizing that has acquired renewed relevance in comparative politics mainly with respect to recent theories of democratization and development. It does so by reviewing three major paradigm crises in modern political science: the shift from the Aristotelianpollsto the social “system,” the refocusing of political explanations from the social to the global environment, and the contemporary attempts to reevaluate the role of technology in political change. The review takes stock of the record of the discipline of comparative politics, of opportunities provided by paradigm shifts, seized upon or missed by the discipline. It also allows one to seek a more even balance between the potential utility and limitations of the paradigm concept, while at the same time pointing to the perils of divorcing the art of the possible from the laws of probability.
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Ballen, Cissy J., Dahsol Lee, Lise Rakner y Sehoya Cotner. "Politics a “Chilly” Environment for Undergraduate Women in Norway". PS: Political Science & Politics 51, n.º 03 (20 de marzo de 2018): 653–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518000045.
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ABSTRACTGender differences in academic performance and attitudes are widespread in male-stereotyped disciplines but rarely are studied in the social sciences. To assess the extent that gender influences the behavior of undergraduate women in political science, participation was analyzed in a large (N = 130) introductory comparative-politics class at the University of Bergen—a large public university in Norway. In the 2016 fall semester, observers documented classroom behaviors of men and women using a protocol that characterizes types of in-class participation. Findings showed that women participate less than expected given their observed numbers in the classroom. After the semester ended, we provided an opportunity for students to describe why they chose to participate and whether they felt that barriers existed in the classroom that prevented them from expressing their opinions. This article characterizes those responses and presents the first study to draw conclusions about the gendered educational experience in political science by integrating these qualitative and quantitative results.
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Pepinsky, Thomas B. "The Return of the Single-Country Study". Annual Review of Political Science 22, n.º 1 (11 de mayo de 2019): 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051017-113314.
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This article reviews the changing status of single-country research in comparative politics, a field defined by the concept of comparison. An analysis of single-country research published in top general interest and comparative politics journals reveals that single-country research has evolved from an emphasis on description and theory generation to an emphasis on hypothesis testing and research design. This change is a result of shifting preferences for internal versus external validity combined with the quantitative and causal inference revolutions in the social sciences. A consequence of this shift is a change in substantive focus from macropolitical phenomena to micro-level processes, with consequences for the ability of comparative politics to address many substantive political phenomena that have long been at the center of the field.
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Fearon, James D. "Counterfactuals and Hypothesis Testing in Political Science". World Politics 43, n.º 2 (enero de 1991): 169–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010470.
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Scholars in comparative politics and international relations routinely evaluate causal hypotheses by referring tocounterfactual caseswhere a hypothesized causal factor is supposed to have been absent. The methodological status and the viability of this very common procedure are unclear and are worth examining. How does the strategy of counterfactual argument relate, if at all, to methods of hypothesis testing based on the comparison of actual cases, such as regression analysis or Mill's Method of Difference? Are counterfactual thought experiments a viable means of assessing hypotheses about national and international outcomes, or are they methodologically invalid in principle? The paper addresses the first question in some detail and begins discussion of the second. Examples from work on the causes of World War I, the nonoccurrence of World War III, social revolutions, the breakdown of democratic regimes in Latin America, and the origins of fascism and corporatism in Europe illustrate the use, problems and potential of counterfactual argument in small-N-oriented political science research.
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Landman, Todd. "Comparative Politics and Human Rights". Human Rights Quarterly 24, n.º 4 (2002): 890–923. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2002.0050.
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ASHBEE, EDWARD. "A Terminal Prognosis? The Study of US Politics in Europe". Journal of American Studies 47, n.º 4 (14 de febrero de 2013): 1197–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875812001776.
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The study of US politics in Europe has always been small-scale. In the UK, it is often tied to contemporary history. In much of continental Europe, it is distanced from political science (which largely eschews area studies) and is instead, intellectually and institutionally, an adjunct to American studies. Whereas many other fields within political science have been compelled to consider the methodological underpinnings of their work, US politics has yet to do this. In contrast, within the US, political science has, since the behaviouralist revolution, been largely structured around quantitative forms of analysis. There is therefore a significant gulf between the study of US politics in Europe and political science in both Europe and the US. Furthermore, American studies is itself under long-term threat in some European countries because, forecasters suggest, the demand for English-language teaching (to which American studies is generally tied) will decline in the long term. As a consequence of these developments, those who study US politics at university level are not being replaced as they retire and there are few new entrants into the profession. The article suggests that US politics should, as a subdiscipline, seek out openings that might bring the subject back towards political science. In particular, it argues that US politics researchers in Europe should look more closely at developments within historical institutionalism, American political development (APD) and comparative politics.
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Huang, Guan. "Comparative Analysis of Current Developments in Social Security Studies". Asia Proceedings of Social Sciences 11, n.º 1 (2 de julio de 2023): 28–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/apss.v11i1.2770.
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Though a country’s social security system is closely related to its economy and society, it is directly designed and operated by its politics (Hicks 1999; Stephens et al. 1999). Unlike social security studies from other academic perspectives, political science always tries to identify the essential political mechanism creating a country’s social security system. By focusing on political factors’ impact on social security development, the structure and the qualitative development of a social security system, in addition to the political results of the running of social security system, existing studies usually start from a macro and supply perspective, preferring to use official statistical data on macro supply to support their arguments. Compared with political science studies, economic studies on social security usually identify the correlation between the economy and social security by testing their mutual effects and paying attention to the economic efficiency of the running of social security system, preferring quantitative methods and statistical data to evaluate national social security development and test the hypothesis on the correlation. Sociologists focus on ‘how a society modifies its social security, and what social security does to the society’. They also test mutual interactions between their independent and dependent variables, as do scholars from the other two schools, but prefer using data obtained through surveys and usually start from a micro and demand perspective. This review will examine the general nature and value of the development of existing studies from a political perspective. The fact that studies with the same arguments may adopt different methods, or studies may use similar methods to support very different arguments, seriously undermines the reliability of arguments put forward by existing reviews, especially in the case of individual countries. To eliminate that problem, a proper review, comparison and evaluation of the major aspects of existing studies is necessary to identify the main arguments of previous studies on social security system, as well as their limitations, from a political science perspective.
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Mahler, Sarah J. y Myer Siemiatycki. "Diverse Pathways to Immigrant Political Incorporation". American Behavioral Scientist 55, n.º 9 (18 de julio de 2011): 1123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211407837.
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In both Canada and the United States, immigration is producing major demographic and sociocultural changes. Yet relatively little research has been devoted to the impact of immigration on each country’s political life. Even less attention has been paid to comparing the patterns of immigrant political participation in both countries. This has left underinvestigated a host of important questions about the body politic of Canada and the United States: Measured at national, urban, and community scales, do immigrants in the two countries become integrated into formal politics such as voting and running for elected office? Are they engaged in more informal political activities such as community and ethnic organizing? If so, then how do various immigrant communities mobilize politically, form agendas and alliances, express their voices, and expand their opportunities? As more countries and cities around the world become immigration destinations, there is much to be learned about creating inclusive political systems from the comparative experience of Canada and the United States illustrated in this volume.
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Kinyakin, A. A., Aleksey Vyacheslavovich Teplov, Mariya Gennad'evna Ivanova, Ekaterina Andreevna Lutsenko, Ivan Evgen'evich Khlebnikov, Anna Anatol'evna Kaganovich, Evgeniy Andreevich Bondarenkov y Khlov Vodalen. "Public-Private Partnership in Russia: Problems and Perspectives. The Papers of the “Round-Table” Conference of the Lecturers and Students of the Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia". RUDN Journal of Political Science, n.º 1 (15 de diciembre de 2015): 61–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2015-1-61-96.
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The paper dedicated to the “round-table” conference “Public-Private Partnership” which was organized by the Department of the comparative politics of the Peoples` Friendship University of Russia (PFUR) and held on December 1 2014 on the faculty of the humanities and social sciences. Among the participants of the conference were the lecturers and the students of the political department of the PFUR.
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López, Matias y Joshua K. Dubrow. "Politics and Inequality in Comparative Perspective: A Research Agenda". American Behavioral Scientist 64, n.º 9 (24 de julio de 2020): 1199–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764220941234.
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Democracy’s normative foundation is political equality. Yet the dominance of the elite over the masses, and the systematic exclusion of particular social and economic groups from the influence on, and outcomes of, important decisions, manifests in political inequality. If this situation is normatively intolerable, why does political inequality endure? We build on the theoretical and empirical literature of politics and inequality and the collection of articles in this special issue to argue that the reproduction of political inequality within and across nations and time results from two key interrelated mechanisms: elite coordination and mass discoordination. We discuss how these mechanisms shape patterns of contestation and participation that reproduce inequalities in both old and new democracies.
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Bleich, Erik. "Immigration and Integration Studies in Western Europe and the United States: The Road Less Traveled and a Path Ahead". World Politics 60, n.º 3 (abril de 2008): 509–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100009072.
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This article examines the significant contributions of recent research on immigration and integration in Europe and North America and highlights the potential of such research to influence the social sciences. The first part of the article advances a framework for analyzing four types of scholarship and then applies that framework to the study of immigration and integration. Type 1 scholarship develops theoretical or conceptual insights for scholars within a subfield, type 2 tests or refines theories that are specific to a particular dimension of the subfield, type 3 imports broader comparative or social scientific concepts to reshape the study of a topic within a subfield, and type 4 uses evidence from a subfield to develop theoretical tools that can be applied more broadly in the social sciences. The second part of the article reviews four books that highlight the empirical frontiers of immigration and integration research. Each book tends to epitomize one of the four types of scholarship, but together they demonstrate the possibility of making contributions on multiple registers. The article concludes by suggesting promising frontiers within the immigration and integration subfield and by defining the concept of a comparative politics of identity and sketching out its terrain. Since immigration and integration researchers are centrally interested in the role of identity in politics, they have the potential to be pivotal in advancing this new arena of inquiry.
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Kazarinova, D. B., I. E. Khlebnikov, V. V. Taisheva, N. N. Yagodka y D. A. Dzhivanyan. "Memory of the War and War on Memory: Historical Lessons of the Past and Political Challenges of the Present. The Papers of the “Round Table” of the Lecturers and Students of the Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia". RUDN Journal of Political Science, n.º 3 (15 de diciembre de 2016): 154–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2016-3-154-180.
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On 7 May of 2015 the Department of Comparative Politics of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of the Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia held a “Round-table” Conference commemorating the 70th anniversary of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War under the title: “Memory of the war and war on memory: historical lessons of the past and political challenges of the present”.
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Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristóbal. "Bringing political psychology into the study of populism". Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 376, n.º 1822 (22 de febrero de 2021): 20200148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2020.0148.
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Although it is true that populism is a contested concept in the social sciences, there is increasing consensus around the use of an ideational definition of populism within the political science literature. This definition has the advantage of providing a clear concept that can be employed to empirically study not only the supply side but also the demand side of the populist phenomenon. Not by chance, an increasing number of scholars are working with a set of survey items to measure the presence and relevance of populist ideas at the mass level, something that is usually conceived of as populist attitudes. Despite the incremental study of populist attitudes in political science, only very limited links with the political psychology literature have been established so far. In this short piece, I address this shortcoming by discussing two avenues for further research on populism that seek to promote much-needed dialogue between comparative politics and political psychology: political identities and conspiracy theories. This article is part of the theme issue ‘The political brain: neurocognitive and computational mechanisms’.
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Roth, Silke y Clare Saunders. "Gender Differences in Political Participation: Comparing Street Demonstrators in Sweden and the United Kingdom". Sociology 53, n.º 3 (30 de octubre de 2018): 571–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038518803008.
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Research on gender and politics has primarily focused on women’s participation in women’s movements and institutional politics separately. Our article is innovative in multiple respects: first, employing a comparative perspective we analyse what impact gender regimes have on participation in street protests. Second, we study the relationship between participation in electoral and protest politics and how this relationship is gendered. Third, we compare the participation of men and women in social movements. We are able to do this by drawing on nuanced survey data of five street demonstrations in the UK and Sweden. Our comparative research demonstrates that involvement in protest and institutional politics varies by gender, country and context. Our findings have important implications for gender equality in terms of social inclusion and political representation and contribute to political sociology, sociology of gender and social movement research.
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Cohen, Maurie J. "Science and Society in Historical Perspective: Implications for Social Theories of Risk". Environmental Values 8, n.º 2 (mayo de 1999): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096327199900800203.
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Over the past decade risk society theory has become increasingly prominent within the field of environmental social theory. This perspective contends that conventional political divisions based on class are becoming less salient and are giving way to a politics predicated upon the distribution of risk. There is much in risk society theory, especially its central contention that public anxieties about high consequence-low probability events undermine the legitimacy of science, that has a distinctly German stamp. Through a comparative analysis of how national context has differently shaped science as a public epistemology this paper suggests we should tread carefully in moving to accept the general applicability of this theoretical approach.
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Matveenkov, Denis Olegovich, Vasiliy Alekseevich Kopyl, Valeriya Anatol'evna Popova, Andrey Alekseevich Kinyakin, Yuliya Evgen'evna Shulika, Vladimir Gennad'evich Ivanov y Vasiliya Borisovna Taisheva. "«Within Sanction Regime»: Problems and Perspectives of Russian Economic and Political Development. The Papers of the “Round Table” of the Lecturers and Students of the Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia". RUDN Journal of Political Science, n.º 2 (15 de diciembre de 2016): 87–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2016-2-87-126.
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The paper comprises the materials of the “round-table” “Within sanctions regime: problems and perspectives of Russian economic and political development” which was organized by the chair of the comparative politics of the Peoples` Friendship University of Russia (PFUR) and took place on February 20. 2016 on the faculty of the humanities and social sciences. Among the questions discussed within the “round table” were economic and political aftermaths of the sanctions imposed on Russia by the West and Russian countersanctions against the EU, USA and the further perspectives of Russian economic and political development, cooperation with the West. Among the participants of the “round-table” were the lecturers and the students of the political department of the PFUR, the students of the faculty of applied political sciences of the National Research University of Higher School of Economics as well as political experts.
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Patrushev, Sergey V., Artemiy M. Kuchinov, Olga A. Miryasova, Irina L. Nedyak, Tamara V. Pavlova y Ludmila E. Filippova. "Formation of Civic Responsibility in Russia". Sociologicheskaja nauka i social naja praktika 8, n.º 1 (2020): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/snsp.2020.8.1.7093.
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The concept of civic responsibility is poorly studied by modern political science and is not sufficiently used in the analysis of the Russian political situation. This article attempts to develop the concept of civic responsibility as a category in political science using political, sociological and institutional approaches. The scientific novelty lies in the deployment of the concept of civic responsibility in the institutional context of civil society and the state. The identification of the normative and value structure of civic responsibility and its congruence in the institutional environment and the assessment of the development potential of civic responsibility will allow the better understanding of Russian politics and Russian society, as well as the expansion of the possibilities for influencing the process of the formation of civic responsibility as a stable foundation of modern politics. For empirical verification of theoretical assumptions, we used the data of an all-Russian representative survey of the population aged 18 years and older conducted by the comparative political research department of the Institute of Sociology of the Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences (with the support of the Center of Social Forecasting and Marketing) in June 2019. The size of the sampled population was 700 people (OSPI-2019).
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De Juan, Alexander y Jan Henryk Pierskalla. "The Comparative Politics of Colonialism and Its Legacies: An Introduction". Politics & Society 45, n.º 2 (15 de mayo de 2017): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329217704434.
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What are the causes and consequences of colonial rule? This introduction to the special issue “Comparative Politics of Colonialism and Its Legacies” surveys recent literature in political science, sociology, and economics that addresses colonial state building and colonial legacies. Past research has made important contributions to our understanding of colonialism’s long-term effects on political, social, and economic development. Existing work emphasizes the role of critical junctures and institutions in understanding the transmission of those effects to present-day outcomes and embraces the idea of design-based inference for empirical analysis. The four articles of this special issue add to existing research but also represent new research trends: increased attention to (1) the internal dynamics of colonial intervention; (2) noninstitutional transmission mechanisms; (3) the role of context conditions at times of colonial intervention; and (4) a finer-grained disaggregation of outcomes, explanatory factors, and units of analysis.
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Black, Jerome H. "Immigrant and Minority Political Incorporation in Canada". American Behavioral Scientist 55, n.º 9 (5 de julio de 2011): 1160–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211407843.
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The primary aim of this article is to represent the current state of knowledge about the nature and extent of immigrant and minority political incorporation in Canada at the national level. It pays particular attention to activities associated with mass-level political participation, although some consideration is given to office seeking and office holding as indicators of involvement in elite-level politics. The most general conclusion available from the literature is that newcomers and minorities are significantly engaged in Canadian politics. Also identified in the literature are various independent variables that contribute to explaining why some individuals and groups, including different origin categories, are more politically engaged than others. Some of these variables have relevance in the context of a secondary goal pursued here, namely, reflecting on and illustrating how dedicated comparative research of the Canadian and American cases can enhance understanding of political incorporation in one or both countries. The discussion leads to the conclusion that there is enormous potential for many fruitful lines of inquiry.
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DUNN, JOHN. "REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE". European Journal of Sociology 44, n.º 2 (agosto de 2003): 279–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975603001292.
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REVOLUTION entered modern politics in the form of a bold and ambitious political judgment, aimed both at grasping something momentous, which was unmistakably happening, and at gauging its limited susceptibility to intentional control. From the outset that judgment, and the term in which it was precariously embodied, picked out one key image: the necessitated and ineluctably hazardous resolution of a profound crisis within a particular society, which must and would transform through intense political and social struggle its forms of government and social organization, and very possibly also of economic life. Over time every element in that judgment has proved as vulnerable as it was always bound to be contentious. But for all its manifest exposure and inevitable provocation, for almost two centuries, it went a long way towards setting the agenda for modern politics the world over. The two most inflammatory elements in the judgment were clear from quite early on in the French Revolution. One was the sense of crisis as the working through of a clearly intelligible fatality. The other was the fond hope that, once compelled to begin, that crisis must in due course issue in a resolution of the acute strains which had occasioned it in the first place. Jeff Goodwin's title does not explicitly affirm either element; but it contrives to evoke both, and do so in their most politically insinuating form.
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Strate, John. "Biology and Political Science. By Robert H. Blank and Samuel M. Hines, Jr. New York: Routledge, 2001. 183p. $80.00." American Political Science Review 96, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2002): 798–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402230464.
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What is biopolitics? The authors are well-published scholars in this field, and their answer to this question supplied in this book should give hope to those who are disappointed with the direction and progress of political science. Many of the questions about politics that biopolitics addresses were first asked by ancient political philosophers, such as Aristotle. The field of biopolitics, however, is only 30 or 40 years old. Over that time the field has strengthened its institutional base. Of equal importance, it has produced a growing body of scholarship in such fields as political theory, comparative politics and international relations, methodology, political behavior and decision making, and public administration and public policy. Unfortunately, largely because the field is interdisciplinary, only a small portion of this scholarship has been published in the major political science journals, so that most political scientists and other social scientists are largely unaware of what this field is and what it has to offer.
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Jafarova Lala Afig. "Political institutions in health and social policy of the state". InterConf, n.º 43(193) (20 de marzo de 2024): 128–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.51582/interconf.19-20.03.2024.014.
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This scientific work examines the role of political institutions in the formation of the state’s social policy, with a focus on the part that concerns issues of protecting public health. Next, politics on protection of health of population (or health policy) is considered in the prism of global processes. Purpose. The purpose of this work is to study issues of social policy, in particular, its part relating to health care, in the context of global politics and to analyze the role of political institutions in the process of its formation and implementation. Methods. During the research, works devoted to the issues covered in the topic of the work were studied, in particular, the very concept of political institutions and the meaning of social policy were analyzed. A literature review was conducted and results were generated based on methods of generalization and comparative analysis. Main results and conclusions. Based on the materials studied, a conclusion is made about the key role of political institutions in the development and implementation of social policy, which on a global scale influences global health issue. The conclusion is made about the need for a more detailed study of the importance of the involvement of political institutions in the formation of policies to protect public health.
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Parker, Jonathan. "Undergraduate Research-Methods Training in Political Science: A Comparative Perspective". PS: Political Science & Politics 43, n.º 01 (enero de 2010): 121–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510990677.
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AbstractUnlike other disciplines in the social sciences, there has been relatively little attention paid to the structure of the undergraduate political science curriculum. This article reports the results of a representative survey of 200 political science programs in the United States, examining requirements for quantitative methods, research methods, and research projects. The article then compares the results for the United States with a survey of all political science programs in Australia, Canada, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The results suggest (1) that the state of undergraduate methods instruction is much weaker in the United States than indicated in previous research, (2) this pattern is repeated in other countries that emphasize broad and flexible liberal arts degrees, and finally (3) this pattern of weak methods requirements is not found in more centralized, European higher education system that emphasize depth over breadth. These countries demonstrate a consistent commitment to undergraduate training in research methods that is followed up with requirements for students to practice hands-on research. The model of weak methods requirements in the discipline is not the norm internationally, but differs depending upon the type of higher education system.
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Kim, Phil. "A New Standard for Classification of Countries: Social Integration and Politics-administration Relationship". Korean Association of Governance Studies 32, n.º 2 (30 de junio de 2022): 219–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26847/mspa.2022.32.2.219.
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In the era of globalization in which the validity of the New Public Management (NPM) is suspected, comparative administrative research is necessary in order to strengthen the competitiveness of the government. This study presented the new national classification criteria for comparative administration as a social integration and political-administrative relationship, and classified 56 developing countries into four types through the fuzzy set ideal analysis method. As a result of the analysis, 10 countries with “integrated/administrative state” (Type A), 17 countries with “integrated/legislative state” (Type B), 16 countries with “non-integrated/administrative state” (Type C), and 10 countries with “non-integrated/legislative state” (Type D) were derived. This study contributes to future comparative administrative research by presenting new national classification criteria.
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Green, Donald P. y Peter John. "Field Experiments in Comparative Politics and Policy". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 628, n.º 1 (23 de febrero de 2010): 6–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716209351498.
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Marx, Axel, Benoît Rihoux y Charles Ragin. "The origins, development, and application of Qualitative Comparative Analysis: the first 25 years". European Political Science Review 6, n.º 1 (22 de febrero de 2013): 115–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773912000318.
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A quarter century ago, in 1987, Charles C. Ragin published The Comparative Method, introducing a new method to the social sciences called Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). QCA is a comparative case-oriented research approach and collection of techniques based on set theory and Boolean algebra, which aims to combine some of the strengths of qualitative and quantitative research methods. Since its launch in 1987, QCA has been applied extensively in the social sciences. This review essay first sketches the origins of the ideas behind QCA. Next, the main features of the method, as presented in The Comparative Method, are introduced. A third part focuses on the early applications. A fourth part presents early criticisms and subsequent innovations. A fifth part then focuses on an era of further expansion in political science and presents some of the main applications in the discipline. In doing so, this paper seeks to provide insights and references into the origin and development of QCA, a non-technical introduction to its main features, the path travelled so far, and the diversification of applications.
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Lê, Adam, Emily M. Farris, Jane L. Sumner y Josephine M. Warmka. "Extra, Extra, Reddit All About it: What Reddit can Teach us About Local Politics". Forum 18, n.º 1 (21 de septiembre de 2020): 87–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2020-1005.
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AbstractAlthough local government is a rich, important arena for understanding politics, local politics presents a few challenges for understanding and participating in it. To better explore comparative urban politics, we turn to reddit, a social media, news, and discussion platform. We ask if city subreddits are places of discussion of local politics and what can we learn about the salience of local topics, and about local politics, from the content of these subreddits. Using visualization and text analysis, we find that city subreddits are indeed forums for political discussion, finding that approximately a quarter of the topics on city subreddits are political in nature. We observe that people discuss matters including, but not limited to, taxation, policing and crime, homelessness, and education. We conclude with areas for future study, including, most prominently, the rise of nationalized local politics, such as minimum wage increases and body cameras, increasingly discussed and organized on the national stage.
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Munck, Gerardo L. "Game Theory and Comparative Politics: New Perspectives and Old Concerns". World Politics 53, n.º 2 (enero de 2001): 173–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2001.0005.
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In an effort to take stock of the claims put forth by advocates of game theory, this article offers an assessment that considers game theory both as a set of theoretical principles that extends rational choice theory to interdependent decision making and as a type of formal methodology. Some important strengths of game theory are identified, such as its emphasis on actors and strategic choices and its ability to generate predictions in a logically rigorous and internally consistent manner. But many shortcomings are also discussed. One shortcoming is that the effort to develop a theory of action falls short, both in the sense of failing to provide a full explanation of actions and in the sense of not applying to domains of great significance. A second shortcoming is the failure of the procedures used in formal modeling to offer guidance pertaining to a critical step in the process of modeling: the conceptualization of the model. Thus, the challenge facing scholars in comparative politics is to consider the new perspectives offered by game theory and draw upon its strengths, but to do so without losing sight of a series of old concerns in the social sciences that game theory is not suited to tackle.
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Minkoff, Debra, J. Craig Jenkins y Bert Klandermans. "The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements." Contemporary Sociology 26, n.º 2 (marzo de 1997): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076768.
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Schwander, Hanna. "Labor Market Dualization and Insider–Outsider Divides: Why This New Conflict Matters". Political Studies Review 17, n.º 1 (18 de agosto de 2018): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929918790872.
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Reflecting the importance of inequality for individuals’ lives, the implications of labor market inequality for core elements of democracy are crucial topics in comparative politics and comparative political economy. This article critically reviews the main findings of the emerging literature on insider–outsider divides to highlight its possible contributions to adjacent fields, in particular the research on party politics, the literatures on economic voting, political participation, and democratic representation or the study of social movements. The conflict between labor market insiders and outsiders demonstrates that in today’s societies with their diversified risk structure and sophisticated welfare states, distributive conflicts are about specific social and regulatory policies that have different implications for individuals depending on their situation on the labor market. By drawing our attention to new divides within the social democratic electorate, the insider–outsider literature reveals an additional argument why the social democratic parties find it hard to mobilize their voters and to win elections. Moreover, the insider–outsider literature can help to bring the economic dimension of politics back to the study of social movements and to light on the relationship between contentious and conventional politics.
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Cherkasov, P. "“Platform for Change” (Part Two)". World Economy and International Relations 67, n.º 6 (2023): 131–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-6-131-140.
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In the article, the author continues to acquaint the reader with representatives of the IMEMO scientific elite – academicians and corresponding members of the Russian Academy of Sciences, who lead the most important areas of research at the Institute. Research teams engaged in the development of specific problems are united around them. Academician Aleksey Arbatov, prominent researcher and politician, deputy of the State Duma in 1994–2003, heads the IMEMO Center for International Security, which he has created. Its developments are implemented in real politics, and are also highly appreciated in the national and international expert community. Irina Semenenko, Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences, heads the Center for Comparative Socio-Economic and Political Studies at the Institute. She is known as a major specialist in the field of comparative political research, a comparative analysis of socio-political changes in the modern world. In the sphere of her professional attention there are tendencies of political transformations in Western countries and Russia. I. Semenenko has priority in developing the theory and methodology for studying identity as a resource for social development. Sergey Afontsev, Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences, began his career at IMEMO as a laboratory assistant and has come a long way to the position of Deputy Director, Head of the Department of Economic Theory. He is known as one of the most authoritative experts on fundamental and applied economic problems. His professional interests include a wide range of issues: international political economy, economic and political models for analyzing the processes of economic policy formation, managing global economic processes, applied issues of foreign trade and industrial policy, attracting investments and managing economic specialization, Russian-European economic relations. Another major theoretical economist, Rostislav Kapelyushnikov, Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences, has been fruitfully working at IMEMO for a long time: he is one of the best specialists in Russia in the new institutional economics, the Russian labor market, and methodological problems of economic science. All these specialists are the pride of IMEMO. They largely determine the high rating of the Institute as the most authoritative think tank in Russia in studying the problems of the modern world development.
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Beach, Derek. "Multi-Method Research in the Social Sciences: A Review of Recent Frameworks and a Way Forward". Government and Opposition 55, n.º 1 (1 de febrero de 2019): 163–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.53.
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AbstractThis article reviews recent attempts to develop multi-method social scientific frameworks. The article starts by discussing the ontological and epistemological foundations underlying case studies and variance-based approaches, differentiating approaches into bottom-up, case-based and top-down, variance-based approaches. Case-based approaches aim to learn how a causal process works within a case, whereas variance-based approaches assess mean causal effects across a set of cases. However, because of the different fundamental assumptions, it is very difficult for in-depth studies of individual cases to communicate meaningfully with claims about mean causal effects across a large set of cases. The conclusions discuss the broader challenges this distinction has for the study of comparative politics more broadly.
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Harell, Allison y Dietlind Stolle. "Diversity and Democratic Politics: An Introduction". Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, n.º 2 (28 de mayo de 2010): 235–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842391000003x.
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Abstract.In recent years, there has been increasing popular and academic debate about how ethnic and racial diversity affects democratic politics and social cohesion in industrialized liberal democracies. In this introduction, different interdisciplinary theoretical approaches for understanding the role of diversity for intergroup relations and social cohesion are reviewed and four extensions to the current literature are proposed. These include taking advantage of a comparative framework to understand how generalizable the consequences of diversity are. A comparative country approach also helps to reveal which policies might be able to mitigate any potential negative consequences of diversity. Most importantly, we propose that the research in this area should include other aspects of social cohesion beyond measures of generalized trust, such as solidarity, attitudes about the welfare state and redistributive justice, as well as political and social tolerance. Finally, research on the effects of diversity might gain more insights from taking less of a majority-centric approach to include the effects on various minority groups as well.Résumé.Ces dernières années ont procuré un sol fertile au débat populaire et universitaire autour des effets de la diversité ethnique et raciale sur la politique démocratique et sur la cohésion sociale dans les démocraties libérales industrialisées. Dans cette introduction, nous passons en revue diverses approches théoriques interdisciplinaires permettant de clarifier le rôle de la diversité dans les relations entre les groupes et dans la cohésion sociale et nous proposons quatre ajouts à la littérature courante. Nous suggérons, entre autres, de tirer profit d'un cadre comparatif pour comprendre à quel point les conséquences de la diversité sont généralisables. Une étude comparative des pays aide également à cerner les politiques qui pourraient atténuer les conséquences négatives potentielles de la diversité. Par-dessus tout, nous avançons que la recherche dans ce domaine devrait inclure d'autres aspects de la cohésion sociale à part les mesures de la confiance généralisée, des aspects tels que la solidarité, les attitudes envers l'État-providence et la justice redistributive, ainsi que la tolérance politique et sociale. Finalement, la recherche sur les effets de la diversité pourrait devenir plus instructive en adoptant une approche moins centrée sur la majorité afin d'inclure également les effets sur divers groupes minoritaires.
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Bohle, Dorothee y Aidan Regan. "The Comparative Political Economy of Growth Models: Explaining the Continuity of FDI-Led Growth in Ireland and Hungary". Politics & Society 49, n.º 1 (8 de febrero de 2021): 75–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329220985723.
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This article argues that the quiet politics of informal business-state interaction explains the political determinants of growth regimes. Building on the business power literature within the study of comparative capitalism, it shows that the noisy politics of elections often leads to changes of government but rarely to fundamental changes in the growth regime. Rather, growth models can be traced to the interactions and interests of dominant corporations within a country and its policymaking elites. The argument is developed through a comparative case study research design, using the case of foreign direct investment–led (FDI-led) growth in Ireland and Hungary. FDI-led growth regimes are a universe of cases that rely on state-led industrial and enterprise policies targeting the capital investment of foreign-owned multinational firms. Despite periods of noisy electoral politics challenging basic tenets of the FDI-led growth model in both Hungary and Ireland, the continuity of FDI-oriented growth is traced to the corporate politics of business-state elite deals.
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Davronova, Feruza R. "THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AS A SOCIAL INSTITUTION". JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 4, n.º 2 (28 de febrero de 2021): 4–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2021-2-1.
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This article discusses the socio-political activity of women, provides a comparative analysis of modern and traditional female images. In the course of the current scientific and technological revolution, we see that women are becoming the subject of active reforms. The traditional image of a woman is transformed before our eyes in different shapes and forms, acquiring new traits and features. Gender differences in leadership, sexual socialization, gender stereotypes, personal qualities of male and female leaders, managerial characteristics, and the creation of a socio-psychological image of a modern female leader require research in a number of social sciences. The article examines the reforms carried out in our country and around the world in order to achieve equals their socio-political activity in the management of the state and government, as well as the teachings, scientific and practical guidance of Eastern and Western scientists. Index Terms: governance, politics, political activity, gender equality, gender stereotypes, gender differences, leadership, quotas, personal qualities and characteristics
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Nelson, Matthew J., Aslı Bâli, David Mednicoff y Hanna Lerner. "From Foreign Text to Local Meaning: The Politics of Religious Exclusion in Transnational Constitutional Borrowing". Law & Social Inquiry 45, n.º 4 (14 de abril de 2020): 935–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2019.75.
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AbstractConstitutional drafters often look to foreign constitutional models, ideas, and texts for inspiration; many are explicit about their foreign borrowing. However, when implemented domestically, the meaning of borrowed elements often changes. Political scientists and scholars of comparative constitutional law have analyzed the transnational movement of constitutional ideas and norms, but the political processes through which the meaning of foreign provisions might be refashioned remain understudied. Sociolegal scholars have examined the “transplantation” and “translation” of laws and legal institutions, but they rarely scrutinize this process in the context of constitutions. Drawing on an examination of borrowed constitutional elements in four cases (Pakistan, Morocco, Egypt, Israel), this article builds on research in comparative politics, comparative constitutional law, and sociolegal studies to provide a nuanced picture of deliberate efforts to import “inclusive” constitutional provisions regarding religion-state relations while, at the same time, refashioning the meaning of those provisions in ways that “exclude” specific forms of religious, sectarian, doctrinal, or ideological diversity. Building on sociolegal studies regarding the translation of law, we argue that foreign constitutional elements embraced by politically embedded actors are often treated as “empty signifiers” with meanings that are deliberately transformed. Tracing the processes that lead political actors to engage foreign constitutional elements, even if they have no intention of transplanting their prior meaning, we highlight the need for detailed case studies to reveal both the international and the national dynamics that shape and reshape the meaning of constitutions today.