Artículos de revistas:

1

Park, Sunun, Sohyun An y Yun-Kyoung Park. "Representations of Refugees in the Social Studies Curriculum from South Korea and the United States". Korea Association of Yeolin Education 32, n.º 2 (30 de marzo de 2024): 49–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.18230/tjye.2024.32.2.49.

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This study aims to explore the representation of refugee-related content in the social studies curricula and textbooks of South Korea and the United States and to draw implications for social studies curriculum development. The study conducted a qualitative analysis of the 2015 Revised Social Studies Curriculum, 2022 Revised Social Studies Curriculum, “Social Studies”, and “Integrated Social Studies” textbooks of South Korea. It also examined the social studies curricula of 50 states in the U.S. and high school social studies textbooks from major U.S. publishers. The findings are as follows: first, refugees are scarcely mentioned in both the Korean and the U.S. social studies curricula. Second, in South Korean curricula, refugees were predominantly addressed in the context of international problems and global population movements. In contrast, U.S. curricula covered refugees concerning U.S. security, U.S. history, and global and domestic population movements. Third, refugees were commonly depicted as a group requiring support from the international community. While there were some efforts in South Korea to incorporate learning materials depicting the lives of refugees and in the U.S. to highlight the contributions of refugees to society, there is a limited number of contents addressing the human rights and lives of refugees in both countries' curricula. Based on these findings, the study suggests increased attention to refugee education in social studies, emphasizing in-depth discussions on the content of refugee education. Furthermore, the study recommends shifting the direction of refugee-related education in social studies toward education 'with' refugees.

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2

Park, Alyssa. "Making "Refugees": Repatriates, Migrants, and Institutions of Care in Liberated South Korea, 1945–1950". Seoul Journal of Korean Studies 36, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2023): 621–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/seo.2023.a916936.

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Abstract: This article examines the making of "refugees" in post-liberation South Korea (1945–1950). It shows that refugees were produced as a recognized social group through various institutions that coordinated their movement and engaged in care work, including the U.S. military, grassroots relief societies, and organs of the nascent South Korean government. After August 1945, millions of repatriates from Japan, Manchuria, and other parts of the Japanese empire "returned" to Korea. They were joined by migrants from the Soviet-occupied North. These sudden and simultaneous movements had profound demographic and social consequences for the South. The influx of refugees resulted in a near twenty-percent increase in the South's population and captivated the attention of the public and U.S. occupation forces, which came to see refugees as a critical foreign policy question. Problems wrought by colonial-era war mobilization, postwar shortages, division, and occupation were visibly reflected in the refugee population, especially in Seoul, where they formed communities. The neediest subset of refugees became the new indigent class of the South. Through a focus on refugees and institutions of care, this article places South Korea in broader post-WWII history and eschews the ideological binaries of the Cold War that has guided much of historical scholarship on the period.

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3

Kim, Suzy. "Revolutionary Mothers: Women in the North Korean Revolution, 1945–1950". Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, n.º 4 (octubre de 2010): 742–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000459.

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Women today are struggling with all their passion and all their strength day and night for the creation of a new history of a democratic country. Today in the streets, men, women, the old, the young, everyone stops to listen to the women.———Nam Hyǒn-sǒ, “Women of a New Country,” January 1947In Korea from ancient times, the master of the home was thought to refer to the husband … we now realize that the master of the home must be the woman, that is, the wife or mother.———Chang Chǒng-suk, “The New Home and Housewife,” October 1947All social revolutions in modern history, from the Russian Revolution of 1917 to the Cuban one of 1959, have attempted to address the status of women as a critical element of social change.1North Korea was no different. With Japan's defeat in World War II, Korea was liberated from its thirty-five-year colonial rule, and as in many postcolonial nations after the war, revolution was in the air.2When the Cold War came early to the peninsula, Korea took two divergent paths. Divided at the 38th parallel into separate occupation zones, with the United States in the south and the USSR in the north, social reforms were carried out swiftly in the north, aided and abetted by the Soviets, while in the south, the American occupiers saw most Korean political movements as too radical and suppressed them. In what follows, I focus on the formative years of early North Korean history, the five-year period between the end of Japanese colonial rule in 1945 and the start of the Korean War in 1950. I show how North Korea from the outset attempted to meld the old and the new through the figure of the revolutionary mother as a uniquely feminine revolutionary subjectivity. This sets the North Korean case apart from other historical examples of social revolutions and their handling of “the woman question.”

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4

Park, Albert L. "A Recycling of the Past or the Pathway to the New? Framing the South Korean Candlelight Protest Movement". Journal of Asian Studies 81, n.º 1 (febrero de 2022): 101–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911821001480.

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AbstractThis essay supplies brief historical context on the Candlelight Protest movement in South Korea (2016–17) and provides the thematic and theoretical framing for the forum “The South Korean Candlelight Protest Movement and Its Discontents.” It lays the groundwork for approaching the study of the protests and assessing their historical and contemporary value for the push for political change, challenging economic norms and social renewal in Korea. In particular, this essay helps frame the forum as a platform for interrogating the connections between revolution, democracy, and capitalism and the limits of and potential for political change within the political economy of Korea and elsewhere.

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5

Isabel, Heidy, Aurelia Maria Indri Rooselinda, Joe Harrianto y Marisol Hernandez Tolosa. "The Gender Equality Movement in South Korea: The Semiotic Analysis of Blackpink Ddu-du Ddu-du". Calathu: Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi 4, n.º 1 (29 de junio de 2022): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37715/calathu.v4i1.2457.

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Although women in South Korea today are actively engaged in a wide variety of fields and thus making significant contributions to society. This begun during the late 19th century. Looking through their history, South Korean already recognize the concept of female empowerment. The effect of modernization and globalization, people began to generate several discussions and new views. Especially where the world has begun to recognize Korean pop culture, Hallyu or K-Pop which led Korean culture to continue to experience the change to be accepted globally. Some views or social movements have begun to influence the cultural content produced in South Korea, one of it is Blackpink. They proudly have a strong and unapologetic stage presence, unique sound, and style. They are seeking to empower females and their fans in an incredibly upfront and obvious way. Their single in 2018, Ddu-Du Ddu-Du artistic music video which convey a deeper meaning about empower female using symbols that depict about power and women. With semiotics by Roland Barthes, this research discusses the awareness of power by engaging in dialogue and theory uses to interpret or explain social action that intends to encourage people to interact and learn about empowering female. Despite the strong culture of confucianism and patriarchy, South Korea already recognizes the concept of female leaders or women empowering from their history and in addition to the effect of modernization and globalization. Blackpink described being a strong and proud person who has the identity of a woman and conveys a message to become a strong woman to build one's own identity and be proud of it. Blackpink motivates women to actively contribute in various parts of society and proofing that women with all their talents and ambitions could be an inspiration and a new figure of a tough woman in the modern era and be the part of the feminism act in the postmodern feminism. Keywords: women empowerment; semiotic; Roland Barthes; Blackpink; Ddu-Du Ddu-Du music video

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6

Пак, Александр. "Зарождение возрожденческого движения в Корее в 1905–1910 гг." Историческая психология и социология истории 17, n.º 1 (30 de junio de 2023): 60–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.30884/ipsi/2023.01.04.

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The Christian revival movement in Korea at the beginning of the 20th century is a prominent and important part of Korean religious history. Despite the fact that modern scholars’ interpretations of this complex religious and cultural event are far from unambiguous, they all agree on the importance of its cultural, historical and religious significance not only in the history of the Japanese colonial period, but also in the formation of new democratic values in modern South Korea. Beginning as a narrow sectarian movement of European missionaries, it strengthened its ideological and religious influence in Korea against the background of the most acute religious, cultural and social contradictions of the colonial period, playing an important role in the formation of the modern Korean Christian church.

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7

Hyun, Jaehwan. "Blood purity and scientific independence: blood science and postcolonial struggles in Korea, 1926–1975". Science in Context 32, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2019): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889719000231.

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ArgumentAfter World War II, blood groups became a symbol of anti-racial science. This paper aims to shed new light on the post-WWII history of blood groups and race, illuminating the postcolonial revitalization of racial serology in South Korea. In the prewar period, Japanese serologists developed a serological anthropology of Koreans in tandem with Japanese colonialism. The pioneering Korean hematologist Yi Samyŏl (1926–2015), inspired by decolonization movements during the 1960s, excavated and appropriated colonial serological anthropology to prove Koreans as biologically independent from the Japanese. However, his racial serology of Koreans shared colonial racism with Japanese anthropology, despite his anti-colonial nationalism.

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8

Yang, Myungji. "The Specter of the Past: Reconstructing Conservative Historical Memory in South Korea". Politics & Society 49, n.º 3 (2 de agosto de 2021): 337–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00323292211033082.

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Through the case of the New Right movement in South Korea in the early 2000s, this article explores how history has become a battleground on which the Right tried to regain its political legitimacy in the postauthoritarian context. Analyzing disputes over historiography in recent decades, this article argues that conservative intellectuals—academics, journalists, and writers—play a pivotal role in constructing conservative historical narratives and building an identity for right-wing movements. By contesting what they viewed as “distorted” leftist views and promoting national pride, New Right intellectuals positioned themselves as the guardians of “liberal democracy” in the Republic of Korea. Existing studies of the Far Right pay little attention to intellectual circles and their engagement in civil society. By examining how right-wing intellectuals appropriated the past and shaped triumphalist national imagery, this study aims to better understand the dynamics of ideational contestation and knowledge production in Far Right activism.

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9

Zeller, Benjamin. "New religious movement responses to COVID". Approaching Religion 11, n.º 2 (22 de noviembre de 2021): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.30664/ar.107731.

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New religious movements (NRMs) have responded to the COVID-19 pandemic in diverse ways, ranging from closely following mainstream public health recommendations to explicit rejection of such guidance. This article considers the manner in which NRMs have responded to the pandemic through analysis of groups’ ideological alignment with their host societies’ cultural and social frames. Extending the Bromley–Melton (2012) model of social alignment and the Rochford (2018) approach of frame alignment, the response of these NRMs must be contextualized in regard to alignment with broader social frames. The article considers specific cases of NRMs in South Korea, India, and the United States and posits that no single model can encompass NRM responses to the pandemic, but that multiple social factors provide guidance for understanding why and how NRMs responded to the COVID-19 pandemic.

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10

Moon, Seungsook. "Carving Out Space: Civil Society and the Women's Movement in South Korea". Journal of Asian Studies 61, n.º 2 (mayo de 2002): 473–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2700298.

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Is civil society gendered? What can the Korean women's movement tell us about the very notion and working of civil society and the 1990s history of democratization in South Korea? Students of democratization have overlooked these questions in their study of civil society as a vehicle of democratization and counterweight to the repressive state or the totalizing market (Silliman and Noble 1998; White 1996; Koo 1993; Cohen and Arato 1992; Gold 1990; Keane 1988). Recent criticisms of the celebration of civil society as the third path to societal democratization point out that such analyses tend to lapse into abstract discussions of relations between the state and civil society, devoid of a specific historical or social context (Fine 1997; Tempest 1997; Blaney and Pasha 1993). This absence of context can also lead to an inadequate view of civil society as a uniform and homogeneous space without social inequalities or divisions.

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11

Choi, Jae-Phil. "Medical Education for North Korean Defector Physicians: Experience at the Seoul Medical Center". Korean Medical Education Review 14, n.º 2 (31 de octubre de 2012): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.17496/kmer.2012.14.2.095.

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As North Korea passed from the Devotion (Jeongseong) movement to the black market (Jangmadang) system, the medical service system in that country was effectively destroyed. North Korean physicians who have successfully defected to South Korea (North Korean defector physicians, NKDPs) have experienced socio-economic hardships on their way to becoming incorporated into the South Korean medical system due to different medico-social cultures, different (English-based) medical terminology, and the clinical knowledge gap between North and South Korea. Since 2009, we have operated programs at the Seoul Medical Center to help NKDPs prepare for the South Korean medical licensing examination. These programs consist of clinical education at the medical center, personal mentoring, arrangement of educational programs at the medical college, mock tests at the consortium, and administrative aid. Looking forward, we hope to achieve the following: 1) More systematic support plans are needed involving medical education experts, field physicians, and experts on reunification. 2) An evaluation of defector physicians’ current medical knowledge may provide information about the areas where supplementary education is most needed and the standards for certificating licenses. 3) In the short term, a customized glossary should be developed to assist defector physicians prepare for the examination. 4) To secure internships and residencies is the most important issue for further sustained training of NKDP physicians to become good clinicians after certification. Hopefully, this short report on the current ongoing educational course will lead to more extensive discussion.

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12

Kim, Jina E. "Broadcasting Solidarity across the Pacific: Reimagining the Tongp'o in Take Me Home and the Free Chol Soo Lee Movement". Journal of Asian Studies 79, n.º 4 (24 de julio de 2020): 891–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911820001278.

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The South Korean radio docudrama and adapted novel Take Me Home (1978) were based on the real-life case of Chol Soo Lee, who in 1974 was wrongly convicted of murder and sentenced to life imprisonment in the United States. Lee was later acquitted following a series of investigative reports and amid an emerging social movement calling for his release that spanned South Korea and the United States. Influenced by both the American civil rights movement and the Korean progressive minjung ideology, Take Me Home is among several popular radio programs and novels that helped spark this transpacific movement by critiquing US hegemony and Korean state nationalism and by reimagining the figure of the tongp'o in the context of a nascent pan-Korean consciousness. This article traces how the tongp'o is foregrounded, constructed, and ultimately saved in Take Me Home and argues that the radio novel's sonic imagination played a crucial role in broadcasting solidarity across the Pacific.

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13

김수영. "The History of Conflicts between Social Movements and Social Welfare -A Case Study of Self-Sufficiency Promotion Centers in South Korea-". Korean Journal of Social Welfare 65, n.º 2 (mayo de 2013): 255–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.20970/kasw.2013.65.2.011.

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14

Kang, Byoung Yoong. "COVID-19 in North Korea and Its Effect on the Cooperation of North and South Korea in the Field of Health Care". Asian Studies 10, n.º 1 (19 de enero de 2022): 261–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2022.10.1.261-285.

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COVID-19 is an infectious respiratory disease that first appeared in December 2019 in Wuhan, China and first spread throughout the country and then worldwide. WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, concerned about the rapid spread of COVID-19, officially declared a global pandemic on March 11, 2020. North Korea (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) barred foreign tourists from China on January 21, 2020, and then completely closed its border with China. In this article, I will explore the impact of COVID-19 on North Korean society and research the cooperation plan between South and North Korea. I will also briefly introduce in the post-COVID-19 period. To better understand the health care system and health conditions in North Korea, I will first analyse the infectious disease management system and, in the context of this, then try to investigate in detail how COVID-19 has affected North Korea. From an economic point of view, I will examine the changes in economic cooperation between North Korea and China, and then try to explain the social changes caused by restrictions on movement and lack of goods, and the political situation in North Korea during the COVID-19 crisis. Finally, I will try to research the situation facing North Korea and suggest a way for cooperation between South and North Korea in the future. The basic aim of this research is to find a useful alternative for joint cooperation in the field of health care and safety and to improve cooperation between South and North Korea in the post-COVID-19 era.

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15

Karcher, Katharina. "Violence for a Good Cause? The Role of Violent Tactics in West German Solidarity Campaigns for Better Working and Living Conditions in the Global South in the 1980s". Contemporary European History 28, n.º 4 (31 de octubre de 2019): 566–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000237.

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AbstractTaking up Frank Trentmann's suggestion of ‘widening the historical frame’ in which we analyse the fair trade movement, this article explores the entangled history of violent and peaceful tactics in two transnational solidarity campaigns in West Germany the 1980s: the German anti-Apartheid movement and a campaign for women workers in a South Korean garment factory. Both campaigns had the aim to improve the living and working conditions of producers in the Global South and were characterised by a complex interplay of peaceful and militant tactics ranging from boycott calls to arson attacks and bombings. Although more research into the impact of violent protest is needed, the two case studies suggest that the use of violent protest tactics can contribute towards the success of protest movements if it attracts considerable media attention, the targeted companies face significant social and political pressure and the cumulative disruption costs clearly exceed the concession costs.

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16

Son, Elizabeth W. "Transpacific Acts of Memory: The Afterlives of Hanako". Theatre Survey 57, n.º 2 (13 de abril de 2016): 264–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557416000119.

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In producing Chungmi Kim's eponymous Hanako (1999), the first Asian American play on the topic of “comfort women,” East West Players (EWP) provided a critical space for addressing this devastating chapter of Asian history and showing its relevance to communities in the United States. It also inadvertently launched the play on a ten-year transpacific journey as Comfort Women (2004) in New York and as Nabi (2005–9) throughout South Korea and Canada. Hanako dramatizes the intergenerational bonds between a Korean American university student, her grandmother, and Korean “comfort women” survivors who travel to New York to give their public testimonies. As the play develops, one learns that the grandmother has been repressing her own memories of enslavement as one of an estimated two hundred thousand young girls and women euphemistically called “comfort women” whom the Japanese Imperial military forced into sexually servicing its troops in the years leading up to and during World War II. Survivors kept their wartime experiences a secret from the public until the early 1990s, when a social movement for redress emerged in Asia. Over the past two and a half decades, activists and artists from around the world have joined survivors in their quest for justice. The recent agreement in 2015 between South Korea and Japan to “resolve” the “comfort women” issue sparked outcry from survivors and their supporters for its insincerity and inadequacy, further galvanizing the movement. Hanako and its afterlives as Comfort Women and Nabi are part of the transpacific culture of political activism and artistic expression that contends with the ongoing struggle over the history of “comfort women.”

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17

EPERJESI, JOHN R. "The Unending Korean War in Film: From The Bridges at Toko-Ri to Welcome to Dongmakgol". Journal of American Studies 52, n.º 3 (9 de mayo de 2017): 787–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875817000524.

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Korean War films from the US and South Korea provide one cultural site through which scholar–teachers working in American studies, and the humanities in general, can intervene in the unending Korean War. An emergent peace movement has organized around term unending Korean War in order to educate the public both about the history of the three-year period of active combat, and about the repercussions of the fact that the Armistice Agreement, signed on 27 July 1953, stopped the shooting but did not end the war. In the US context, the Korean War is described as a forgotten war. When the war is remembered, it has often been interpreted as a limited, defensive, or static war – a war fought in the trenches – a perspective that tends to occlude the air war. Through a comparative study of the Hollywood film The Bridges at Toko-Ri (Mark Robson, 1954) and the South Korean film Welcome to Dongmakgol (Park Kwang-hyun, 2005), I explore conflicting ways of representing and remembering the air war: as limited to an interdiction campaign in the former, as the cause of civilian casualties in the latter. The friction that results from viewing Welcome to Dongmakgol against the grain of The Bridges at Toko-Ri provides one starting point for a discussion of the unending Korean War, a discussion which has yet to appear in the field of transnational American studies. My hope is that greater understanding of the devastating air war can contribute to the struggle for peace on the Korean peninsula.

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18

Hur, Young Jin. "Social Aspects of and Literary Expressions in Cho Yong-Pil’s Lyrics". Korean Association for the Study of Popular Music 29 (31 de mayo de 2022): 337–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.36775/kjpm.2022.29.337.

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This study set out to analyze the social nature of Cho Yong-pil’s lyrics and examine the ways social aspects are expressed and messages reflected in Korean popular songs. The findings were as follows. First, Cho’s songs such as <Come Back to Busan Port>, <Seoul, Seoul, Seoul>, and <Arirang in My Dream> were written to commemorate historical moments. <Come Back to Busan Port> offers lyrics reflecting the pain of family separation due to the Japanese occupation, national unity, and his wish for the unification of North and South Korea. <Seoul, Seoul, Seoul> focuses on the placeness of Seoul and paints a depressing outlook for the social aspects that the nation would face after the Seoul Summer Olympic Games. <Arirang in My Dream> reinterprets the Arirang folk song that represents the history of the Korean people’s suffering, indicating that the history of Korea faces a grand turning point. Secondly, <The Empty Sky>, <Life>, and <1987 of Seoul> reflect people’ aspirations for anti-autocracy and democratization. <The Empty Sky> and <Life> are set against the backdrop of “Seoul’s Spring in 1980” and the “Gwangju Democratization Movement of May,” depicting the dream of democratization that was lost in the “empty sky” and the noble spirit of sacrifice of democratic souls. The lyrics of <1987 of Seoul> talk about the historical site of a democratic protest on June 10 and the beginning of the democratic society that the Korean people finally won. Lastly, <Ilseong> represents people’s anger toward the political world. Its lyrics are impressive for their harsh political satire. <My Friend’s Morning> and <One Day on the Way Back Home> talk frankly about the anxiety and alienation of the middle aged and the older generations that faced a rapidly changing social situation after the foreign currency crisis. These findings show that many of Cho Yong-pil’s songs contain social messages in their lyrics, that the lyrics of his songs did not enjoy as much attention as their popular awareness, that it was inevitable for him to hide his original intentions with literary expressions, and that he continued to deliver his social messages.

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19

Kim, Sun-Chul. "Asia's Unknown Uprisings, Volume 1: South Korean Social Movements in the 20th Century. By George Katsiaficas. Chicago: PM Press, 2012. 480 pp. $28.95 (paper)." Journal of Asian Studies 72, n.º 3 (agosto de 2013): 733–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911813000946.

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20

KIM, Jinhyouk. "The Health Care System Debate and the Health Care Policy of a Unified Nation Immediately after the Liberation". Korean Journal of Medical History 30, n.º 3 (31 de diciembre de 2021): 499–545. http://dx.doi.org/10.13081/kjmh.2021.30.499.

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Immediately after the liberation, the health care system debate was studied focusing on the orientation of the American and Soviet medical systems, roughly divided into Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok. However, the existence of people who are not explained in the American and Soviet health care systems’ orientation led to the need to reconsider the existing premise. Therefore, this study identifies the characters that were not explained in the perspective of existing studies, and reevaluates the arguments of Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok. This paper raises the following questions: First, what is the background of the policy orientation that Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok had? Second, if there are people who made different arguments from Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok, what direction did they set and argue? third, how the orientations of Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok and etc. converge into the answer to the Joint Soviet-American Commission? In response to theses questions, this study confirms the following: first, Lee Yong-seol’s and Choi Eung-seok’s health care policies were established based on realism and empiricism. As a policyholder, Lee Yong-seol emphasized withholding medical state administration and raising the level of medical education and medical systems according to the condition at that time, although the American system was mobilized by Lee as the basis for his judgment and administrative assets. On the other hand, Choi Eung-seok aimed for a Soviet-style systems in health care but this was realistically put on hold. Choi insisted on the establishment of the Medical Service Associations and rural cooperative hospitals that appeared in Japan’s medical socialization movement. In summary, immediately after the liberation, Lee Yong-seol’s and Choi Eung-seok’s policy arguments were based on policies that could be implemented in Korea, and the American system and Soviet system served as criteria for the policy resources. Second, Jeong Gu-chung and Kim Yeon-ju show that the topography of the health care debate immediately after the liberation was not represented only by Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok. Both Jeong and Kim were consequently led to medical socialization, which was the implementation of a health care system that encompasses social reform, but the context was different. Jeong drew the hierarchy of the health care system, which peaked in the United States, from the perspective of social evolution based on his eugenics, but the representation suitable for Korea was the Soviet model absorbed into his understanding. On the contrary, Kim argued that representations suitable for Korea should be found in Korea. As national medical care, Kim’s idea aimed at a medical state administration that provides equal opportunities for all Koreans. Third, the aspect of convergence to the Joint Soviet-American Commission reply proposal was complicated. Among the policies of Lee Yong-seol, the promotion of missionary medical institutions and the gradual planning of medical institutions converged into the three organizations’ proposal, and Choi Eung-seok’s policy was almost the same as that of the Democracy National Front and the South Korean Labor Party. However, the medical system of Japan, the colonial home country, appears to have been based on Lee Gap-soo, chairman of the Korean Medical Association in the colonial period, and the plan was in line with the use of the union system of the left-wing organizations’ proposal in the south. It was in accordance with a common task to expand health care from colonial conditions to different status.

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21

Heo, Yoon. "The Distance Between Women’s reader and Women’s Liberation after Liberation of Joseon". Modern Bibiography Review Society 25 (30 de junio de 2022): 643–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.56640/mbr.2022.25.643.

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Lee Man-kyu, an educator and nationalist during the Japanese colonial period, was belatedly spotlighted in South Korea due to his defection to North Korea during the liberation period. Part of Lee Man-kyu’s educational aspects can be examined in two women’s readers he wrote, Home Reader (1941; 1946) and Women’s lesson in Family of New Era(1946) were published during the liberation period and used as books for women’s education. As can be seen from the title, these two books emphasize naming women as beings in the home and fulfilling their responsibilities as wise wives and mothers. Lee Man-kyu’s view of women is modern in that it imagines a husband-wife-centered family order, while it emphasizes expanded families such as parents, brothers, and sisters. This can also be confirmed by the fact that Lee Man-kyu accepted modern ideas as a Christian, but was conservative in love or marriage. This hybridity is evident when compared to the socialist Choi Hwa-sung’s Joseon Women’s Reader(1948), which was published at a similar time. Choi Hwa-sung emphasizes the need to transform the social system and achieve women’s liberation through the socialist revolution, placing the liberation of Joseon on the same track as women’s liberation. She presented knowledge related to women’s movement history around the world as a reader of women during the liberation period. While Lee Man-kyu assumed women as non-working subjects, Choi Hwa-sung emphasizes women as social beings in a way that women’s right to education also exists for the right to work. Despite the commonalities between the two Christian socialists in North Korea, the position on the theory of women’s liberation is completely changed by gender and generation differences.

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22

Caban, Heather. "Democracy and Social Change: A History of South Korean Student Movements, 1980–2000 by Mi Park. Oxford: Peter Lang, 2008. 291 pp. $64.95 (paper). ISBN 978‐3‐03911‐066‐7." Comparative Education Review 54, n.º 3 (agosto de 2010): 437–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/655404.

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23

Kim, Cheehyung Harrison. "Democratization and Social Movements in South Korea: Defiant Institutionalization". Journal of Korean Studies 22, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2017): 260–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21581665-4153403.

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24

Stent, Dylan. "A Century of Contention in South Korea". Asian Survey 59, n.º 5 (septiembre de 2019): 889–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.5.889.

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This paper examines a century of contentious politics in South Korea. I argue that there have been three distinctive eras of contention in modern Korea. The first two eras saw institutional arrangements limit the success of contentious campaigns. However, expanded repertoires in the third era allowed movements to succeed. I end by examining the role of social media in future movements.

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BUI, Ngoc Son. "Social Movements and Constitutionalism in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan". Asian Journal of Comparative Law 14, S1 (26 de julio de 2019): S51—S75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2019.16.

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AbstractThis article considers whether the academic inquiry of comparative constitutionalism in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan may be further developed by a full consideration of the relevance of social movements. Integrating social movement theories into comparative constitutional law, this article argues that a more nuanced positive account of the creation and consolidation of constitutionalism in these East Asian polities must be situated within the engagement of social movements in discursive venues for formal and informal constitutional change.

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Yun, Seongyi. "Democratization in South Korea: Social Movements and Their Political Opportunity Structures". Asian Perspective 21, n.º 3 (diciembre de 1997): 145–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.1997.a921122.

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Abstract: This paper analyzes the efforts and roles of social movements during democratization in South Korea from 1980 to 1987. The basic assumption of this study is that civil society’s preparedness was more critical than any other factor in the success or failure of democratization in South Korea. This study refutes the basic assumption of elite-focused theories of democratization, which argue that no transition to democracy is possible without significant divisions within the authoritarian regime itself. The preparedness of civil society for democracy is indicated by two factors: the resources of social movement organizations, and the alliances of diverse social sectors, including student, labor, dissident groups and the urban poor. The amount of resources and the relative success of alliances are influenced by four aspects of the political opportunity structure: repression of the state, elite fragmentation, external support and the overall power configuration in the political society.

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Taehyung, Kim. "Showcasing Case Studies of Artists and Artistic Movements That Have Sparked Transformative Social Movements in South Korea". International Journal of Arts, Recreation and Sports 1, n.º 1 (3 de julio de 2023): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.47941/ijars.1331.

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Purpose: The aim of this study was to explore the showcasing case studies of artists and artistic movements that have sparked transformative social movements in South Korea. Methodology: The study adopted a desktop research methodology. Desk research refers to secondary data or that which can be collected without fieldwork. Desk research is basically involved in collecting data from existing resources hence it is often considered a low-cost technique as compared to field research, as the main cost is involved in executive’s time, telephone charges and directories. Thus, the study relied on already published studies, reports and statistics. This secondary data was easily accessed through the online journals and library. Findings: The findings revealed that there exists a contextual and methodological gap relating to the artists and artistic movements that have sparked transformative social movements in South Korea. Preliminary empirical review revealed that the there is a high potential of art therapy in addressing mental health challenges. It was a longitudinal study with participants in art therapy programs, pre- and post-program assessments, and qualitative interviews. Art therapy promotes self-expression, emotional healing, and personal transformation among participants. Recommendations: The Social Movement Theory, Cultural Sociology and Visual Sociology may be used to anchor future studies on the artists and artistic movements that have sparked transformative social movements in south Korea. The South Korean government should support and promote artists from diverse backgrounds and give them platforms to showcase their work. Integrating arts education in schools and communities allows individuals to develop critical thinking skills, empathy, and an appreciation for diverse perspectives.

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Bidet, Eric y Hyung‐Sik Eum. "Social enterprise in South Korea: history and diversity". Social Enterprise Journal 7, n.º 1 (24 de mayo de 2011): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17508611111130167.

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Kim, Sangmin. "From protest to collaboration: The evolution of the community movements amid sociopolitical transformation in South Korea". Urban Studies 54, n.º 16 (13 de diciembre de 2016): 3806–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098016681705.

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What roles do grassroots movements play in urban change? While many studies have focused on the substantive effects of grassroots movements in specific times and places, few have examined how a movement sustains its long-term development through changing sociopolitical and urban circumstances, and how this long-term, historical evolvement affects urban change. In exploring the development of the community movements over half a century in Korea, this paper examines the community movements’ various incarnations, from its function as a repository for early protest activism to recent collaborative efforts in response to the complex transformation of political and social systems and the subsequent development of urban and regional policies. Throughout this transformation in Korea, grassroots community movements have acted as a critical social catalyst, exerting major influence on the country’s shift from a prototypical modernist planning structure to a decentralised, participatory system.

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Choi, Su Young y Younghan Cho. "Generating Counter-Public Spheres Through Social Media: Two Social Movements in Neoliberalised South Korea". Javnost - The Public 24, n.º 1 (2 de enero de 2017): 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2017.1267155.

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Ho, HAU Ka y DongGen Rui. "A Comparative Study on Social Movements between Hong Kong and South Korea". Journal of Public Society 7, n.º 1 (28 de febrero de 2017): 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21286/jps.2017.02.7.1.205.

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Steinhoff, Patricia G. "Accidental Activists: Victim Movements and Government Accountability in Japan and South Korea". Social Science Japan Journal 22, n.º 1 (2019): 169–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyy035.

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Kim, Cheehyung Harrison. "Democratization and Social Movements in South Korea: Defiant Institutionalization by Sun-Chul Kim". Journal of Korean Studies 22, n.º 1 (2017): 260–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jks.2017.0009.

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Yang, Myungji. "The Politics of Parasite in South Korea". Current History 121, n.º 836 (1 de septiembre de 2022): 218–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2022.121.836.218.

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Over the quarter-century since the Asian financial crisis, social inequality has become more visible, and precariousness is now a part of daily life for many in South Korea. Examining patterns of disparity in different areas and the ways in which social discontent with increasing inequality is manifested and politicized will advance our understanding of the politics of social inequality—how perceived inequality leads to political preferences and collective action. This essay describes how different forms of inequality have evolved in South Korea since the late 1990s, what narratives have formed around these issues, and how they have shaped South Korean politics.

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Fiori, Antonio y Sunhyuk Kim. "The Dynamics of Welfare Policy-Making in South Korea: Social Movements as Policy Entrepreneurs*". Asian Social Work and Policy Review 5, n.º 2 (junio de 2011): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1753-1411.2011.00053.x.

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Burawoy, Michael. "The Global Turn". Work and Occupations 36, n.º 2 (12 de marzo de 2009): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0730888409333677.

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For too long U.S. labor sociology has been reluctant to explore the world. By taking a global turn, we have much to learn from labor scholars and labor movements in the Global South—much to learn about our own peculiarities, about the possibilities and obstacles to building links across national boundaries, and about the implications of “globalization” for both labor organizing and labor studies. In particular, the public turn taken by scholars in the Global South toward their own labor movements holds lessons for a collaboration that is always fraught from both sides. These are just some of the issues raised by the essays in this issue that examine the history of labor sociologies and labor movements in Brazil, China, India, South Africa, and South Korea.

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Kang, Bong Gu, Hee-Mun Park, Mi Jang y Kyung-Min Seo. "Hybrid Model-Based Simulation Analysis on the Effects of Social Distancing Policy of the COVID-19 Epidemic". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, n.º 21 (27 de octubre de 2021): 11264. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph182111264.

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This study utilizes modeling and simulation to analyze coronavirus (COVID-19) infection trends depending on government policies. Two modeling requirements are considered for infection simulation: (1) the implementation of social distancing policies and (2) the representation of population movements. To this end, we propose an extended infection model to combine analytical models with discrete event-based simulation models in a hybrid form. Simulation parameters for social distancing policies are identified and embedded in the analytical models. Administrative districts are modeled as a fundamental simulation agent, which facilitates representing the population movements between the cities. The proposed infection model utilizes real-world data regarding suspected, infected, recovered, and deceased people in South Korea. As an application, we simulate the COVID-19 epidemic in South Korea. We use real-world data for 160 days, containing meaningful days that begin the distancing policy and adjust the distancing policy to the next stage. We expect that the proposed work plays a principal role in analyzing how social distancing effectively affects virus prevention and provides a simulation environment for the biochemical field.

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Chun, Jennifer Jihye. "Protesting Precarity: South Korean Workers and the Labor of Refusal". Journal of Asian Studies 81, n.º 1 (febrero de 2022): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911821001479.

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AbstractThis essay examines the crisis of solidarity affecting workers who protest labor precarity under South Korea's capitalist democracy. Once considered foundational to the struggle for national democratization, the dramatic protests of aggrieved workers are frequently depicted as out of place and out of sync. Drawing upon ethnographic research on workers’ protest repertoires, this essay challenges prevailing explanations and instead argues that heightened forms of drama, ritual, and suffering in workers’ protests enact a willful politics of refusal. Moving beyond resistance as an all-encompassing frame, the labor of refusal foregrounds ways of being and becoming that are not rooted in the contractual fallacies of liberal capitalist democracy, but in the spaces of solidarity produced by social movement networks and grassroots communities of care. The labor of refusal may not always generate robust solidarity, but it challenges the structures of organized abandonment that treat workers as disposable under neoliberal capitalist rule.

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39

Dai, Yixun, Haochen Jiang y Ruixin Tao. "Analysis of Social Enterprise Policies in China and South Korea from a Comparative Research Perspective". Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 22, n.º 1 (20 de noviembre de 2023): 286–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/22/20230327.

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There is a noticeable discrepancy in the advancement of social enterprises in China and South Korea. Compared to South Korea, social enterprise development in China is lagging behind. Most of the current research starts from the dual perspectives of the two countries, but there are a few studies that focus on the growth of social enterprises in South Korea and use this to reflect on Chinese social enterprises. In order to fill this gap, this study concentrates on the advantages of social enterprise development in South Korea, while looking at the development trend and prospects of social enterprises in China. This paper adopts the simple comparative analysis method and the four-dimensional progressive analysis method, and evaluates the progress of social enterprises in China and South Korea from the four dimensions of history, goal, structure, and performance by collecting relevant data in recent years. The research results show that South Korea has a long history of social enterprise policies. Innovation, market failure, and the maturity of the social environment are of great importance to the government, which also encourages the progress of social enterprises. In contrast, Chinas failure to formulate national policy actions has been attributed to a conservative government approach to innovation and weak market forces. Therefore, this paper draws on the experience of Korean social enterprises, provides suggestions for the improvement of Chinese social enterprises in terms of government policies and markets, opens up ideas for follow-up research, and provides a new research perspective.

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Kang, Hyewon, Hae Won Kim, Giyeon Baek y Dongsook Park. "Recalling the Past Within a Social Network’s Collective Memory Work: How Did Korean Twitter Users Shape #Equal_Punishment_for_Equal _Crime From Their Experiences?" Social Media + Society 9, n.º 1 (enero de 2023): 205630512311563. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051231156365.

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On 19 May 2018, more than 12,000 women gathered at Hyehwa subway station in Seoul, South Korea to protest discrimination against Korean women and spy camera involved crimes. This rally was a response to an incident in which a male nude model in a class was secretly photographed by a female model at Hongik University. This study examined how discourses on Twitter regarding the incident led to the demonstration and what was the memory working that shaped significant discourses through critical discourse analysis. First, a discourse that “women have long been victims” emerged through personal remembrances. Second, photographs of the female suspect standing with police officers directed a discourse that “women have been treated unfairly by public authorities” through collective witnessing. Third, many women contextualized the incident as a gendered event by connecting the past feminist movements. Finally, through appropriating past slogans and accumulated hashtags on Twitter, the main slogan of the rally #Equal_punishment_for_equal_crime was established. This study provides an under-researched context of digital mnemonic practices and the logic of connective actions by analyzing feminist movements in South Korea.

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Habib, Ben. "Leverage of the weak: labor and environment movements in Taiwan and South Korea". Asian Studies Review 40, n.º 2 (24 de febrero de 2016): 314–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2016.1148539.

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42

Floridi, Ginevra. "Social policies and intergenerational support in Italy and South Korea". Contemporary Social Science 15, n.º 3 (12 de marzo de 2018): 330–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21582041.2018.1448942.

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Lim, Youngseop y Dong Jin Kim. "Mobilising Social Movement for Peace". International Journal of Asian Christianity 4, n.º 2 (27 de agosto de 2021): 248–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-04020007.

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Abstract Informed by the resource mobilisation theory, this article conducts a case study on Christianity in Korea, in order to explore the nexus between religion and social movements, and how this nexus could contribute to peace, rather than violence. Given its geopolitical dimensions, involving nuclear weapons and the legacy of the Cold War, the role of religion in the Korean conflict has been under-researched. Nonetheless, Christianity has influenced the Korean conflict, with its association with anticommunism, as well as with peace movements. This article argues that Christian ecumenical organisations in the context of the Korean conflict utilised their social resources for peace and reconciliation, when they rediscovered the just peace tradition in Christianity. This article contributes to theoretical and practical discussions surrounding religion, war, and peace, by conceptualising just peace in the Christian tradition, and by adding empirical substance to the nexus between ecumenism and social movement for just peace.

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Moon, Seungsook. "Protesting the Expansion of US Military Bases in Pyeongtaek: A Local Movement in South Korea". South Atlantic Quarterly 111, n.º 4 (1 de octubre de 2012): 865–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-1724246.

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Since World War II, US military bases have become a global phenomenon and generated complex responses from their “host” societies. For these past six decades, South Korea has functioned as one of the major hubs of the global network of US military bases, yet organized local movements against US military bases did not develop until the late 1980s when the country began its transition to procedural democracy. This essay examines one of the major antibase movements in South Korea that took place in Pyeongtaek from 2003 through 2007. This local movement is chosen for two reasons. First, the city has become the primary hub of the United States Forces Korea after the restructuring of the global US military presence. Second, the democratic South Korean government’s use of coercive and violent measures in dealing with the local movement sets an alarming precedent for global base politics, pitting the vested interests of transnational political elites against the interests of local men and women in living a safe, everyday life. This essay first provides a brief history of two major military bases in the provincial city of Pyeongtaek. Then it examines how the antibase movement by local residents and political activists from outside reemerged and declined in Pyeongtaek. Finally, it analyzes lessons that can be drawn from the case study of Pyeongtaek for antibase movements and a critical understanding of the global US military presence.

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45

Moon, Katharine H. S. "Resurrecting Prostitutes and Overturning Treaties: Gender Politics in the “Anti-American” Movement in South Korea". Journal of Asian Studies 66, n.º 1 (febrero de 2007): 129–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911807000046.

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Although recent expressions of “anti-Americanism” in South Korea have alarmed policy makers in Seoul and Washington and aroused fears about declining popular support for the bilateral alliance, they are understandable manifestations of civil society activism, which has grown since democratization began during the late 1980s. This paper analyzes anti-Americanism as a dynamic coalition movement accompanied by the all of internal competition, conflicts, and contradictions that characterize such movements. In the process, some actors and issues have become high priorities, whereas others have been marginalized or silenced. Professor Moon examineskijich'on(camptown) prostitution around U.S. military bases in Korea as a case study of how power conflicts within the coalition movement, which are focused on nationalism and gender, have exploited and shut out the very people who served as its initiators and early leaders.

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HONG Sung-Tai. "Structurated Violence of Social Movements in South Korea: Violent Interaction of Repression and Protest, 1960~1987". Economy and Society ll, n.º 115 (septiembre de 2017): 183–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.18207/criso.2017..115.183.

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Jeong, Boyeong. "A Critical Discourse Analysis of Minimum Wage Politics in South Korea: Framing Strategies of the Minimum Wage Movement and Changes in Institutional Discourse". Korean Association of Cultural Studies 12, n.º 1 (30 de abril de 2024): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.38185/kjcs.2024.12.1.5.

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This study examines the social movement's framing strategy and the changing discourse of the institution through the case of the minimum wage movement. The discourse politics of the minimum wage began in earnest in the 2000s and has continuously changed. Social movement organizations, especially the newly emerging labor movements have been actively producing new framings related to the minimum wage. Through the framing of ‘the minimum wage is the youth wage,’ the Youth Union has made the minimum wage a important social agenda connecting the issue with the precariousness of youth generation. The Part-time Workers’ Union’s ‘minimum wage into 10,000 won’ restructured the existing minimum wage discourse through a progressive framing, stimulating the formation of public opinion necessary for a sharp increase. However, the minimum wage movement failed to respond to the rapidly growing number of people opposing the increases. As a result, the impetus for raising the minimum wage was lost. Through the analysis, it was confirmed that the frames dispute with each other and are ultimately adopted among social movement sector. Institutional discourse acts as an environment that constrains social movements when they construct framing strategies, but social movements can change existing discourse even within these constraints.

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Arrington, Celeste L. "Disabled People’s Fight for Rights in South Korea and Japan". Current History 120, n.º 827 (1 de septiembre de 2021): 233–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.827.233.

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Long considered objects of pity and welfare assistance, people with disabilities in South Korea and Japan are increasingly treated as rights-bearers. Through activism, litigation, and involvement in international treaty negotiations, Koreans and Japanese with disabilities spurred reforms that created new anti-discrimination protections and obligations to provide reasonable accommodations, access, employment, and social supports. These policy changes also signal a notably more legalistic approach to governance, particularly in South Korea, because they include more detailed rules and formal rights, more enforcement mechanisms like fines, and better recourse to judicial or other dispute resolution bodies.

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Bonner, Philip L. "Migration, Urbanization and Urban Social Movements in Twentieth Century India and South Africa". Studies in History 20, n.º 2 (agosto de 2004): 215–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/025764300402000203.

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Kwon, Jaok. "Forging feminism within labor unions and the legacy of democracy movements in South Korea". Labor History 59, n.º 5 (11 de mayo de 2018): 639–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2018.1470142.

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