Tesis:

1

Kim, Chulhyo. "Temporary labour migration, social movements and neoliberal transformation in South Korea". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18180.

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This research began with three grounded questions: ‘what had brought migrant workers to South Korea?’; ‘why does the government restrict the migrant worker’s free choice of job?’ and ‘why do the workers and pro-migrant activists protest?’ Karl Polanyi’s concepts and their contemporary interpretations suggest theoretical guidelines. First, the political economy of international labour migration has to be analysed in the context of the transformation of the mode of production management on a global scale, which involves fictitious commodification and entails disembeddedness. Second, the rationales of temporary labour migration policy have to be understood as a part of an employer-oriented political project and in the context of neoliberal social transformation into a market society. Third, the migrant protests are expressions of protective countermovement. Immigration- and labour market-data indicate an influx of migrant workers in the 1990s coincided with a labour market restructuring process. After the 1997 Asian financial crisis, a hierarchical subcontract system was established between transnational corporations and small and medium enterprises. The government institutionalised ‘flexibilisation’ of the labour market. The consequences were intensified pressures on wages and working conditions of non-unionised workers, pricaritised jobs and deteriorated living conditions. Temporary labour migration was an essential element of the labour market restructuring. The policy was driven by employers’ demand for non-regular and low-wage workforces and operated by such governing mechanisms as restricted job-choice, deportations, restricted entitlement to social security, paternalistic ‘assistance’ discourse, and exclusionary nationalist politics. Under extremely poor working and living conditions, migrant workers grew resistances from individual expressions of grievance to collective protests against the governing mechanisms. The migrant movements, however, saw a downturn after a formalisation of temporary labour migration policy in 2004. Migrant protests in 2012 suggest a potential resurrection of resistances against the policy and neoliberal commodification of labour and migration.

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2

Yun, Seongyi. "Politics of democratization in South Korea social movements and their political opportunity structures /". The Ohio State University, 1997. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/40596004.html.

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3

Khoo, Ee Hong. "Four decades of women's activism in labour and social movements in South Korea and Taiwan". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496755.

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This thesis examines the role women have played and continue to play for greater democracy in South Korea and Taiwan. Tracing the roots of the democratisation movements from the struggles against Japanese colonialism at the turn of the 20 century to the emergence of the resistance against military dictatorships in the 1960s, and the women workers' movements of the 1970s, women have alwavs been key in the development of Korea and Taiwan's democracy. However, this has been largely ignored. If and when women are mentioned, they tend to be stereotyped as cheap labour that both economies successfully exploit. This thesis tries to redress this by focusing on the role of women as agents in movements for change. It also steers away from the tendency to assume certain homogeneity within movements of women in Asia by highlighting the different streams of women's activism in these two places, revealing conflicts as well as consensus over ideas and strategies.

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4

Park, Mi. "Reflexivity, historicity and theframing of lived experience in social movements in South Korea, 1980-1995". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.406553.

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The thesis investigates two questions: what accounts for political change in South Korea over the last two decades and what were the characteristics of South Korean revolutionary movements between 1980 and 1995? As its analytical framework, the thesis takes a historical and dialectical approach drawing on multi-disciplinary concepts including historicity, reflexivity, ideology, framing and a repertoire of contention. As for political life in South Korea, the thesis argues that three factors contributed to changes in the political culture and polity structure of South Korea, namely political interaction between the state and social movements, economic reorganization, and geo-politics. As for the characteristics of the South Korean revolutionary movements, the thesis focuses on exploring patterns of changing ideologies over the life of the revolutionary movement. The research found that: [1] historicity and reflexivity were embedded in cognitive aspects of the revolutionary movement; [2] the accumulated experiences of struggle as well as the success and failure of previous social movements influenced the selection process of movement ideologies; [3] movement ideologies varied depending on the different conceptualization of what exists, what is desirable, and what is possible; [4] ideological shifts in social movements constantly occurred in response to social change.

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5

Lee, Hee-Jeong. "Discourses of civil society in South Korea : democratisation in an emerging information society". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3746/.

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This thesis presents a late-Durkheimian theoretical framework on civil society as a sphere of solidarity and applies it to the development from modern society to an „information society‟. The framework is used to identify the cultural codes that exist in different information societies and to show their role in integrating or dividing the members of civil society. The framework is applied to South Korean civil society entering an information age coincident alongside processes of democratisation. Three policy debates relating to information are used as case studies to show the coexistence of, and conflicts between, a „developmental code‟ based on economic growth and anti-communism deriving from the authoritarian period of state-sponsored capitalism, and a later „democratic code‟ based on human rights. The three cases are: the Electronic National Identification Card, the National Education Information System and the credit information system. The thesis argues that the values of a „democratic‟ code are becoming more dominant in recent South Korean society, despite continuous challenge for its validity. The cases provide evidence that democratisation and informatization can operate in tandem to establish the dominance of the democratic code in public discourse in South Korean civil society.

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6

Carrieri, Ilenia <1998&gt. "South Korea’s democratic social movements: how they impacted South Korea’s history and consequently influenced its foreign policy with Japan". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/22035.

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Gli anni Ottanta hanno rappresentato un punto di svolta per la Corea del Sud rispetto ai tre decenni precedenti. Sebbene la Prima Repubblica della Corea del Sud sia nata come un governo democratico, nel tempo è diventata sempre più autocratica. Inoltre, dopo il suo crollo negli anni Sessanta, le quattro repubbliche sudcoreane successive furono guidate da governi militari autocratici che lasciavano spazio alla democrazia solo a livello teorico e non a livello pratico. L'assenza di democrazia e la persistenza nel governo di regimi autocratici oppressivi hanno alimentato un forte sentimento rivoluzionario non solo da parte dei cittadini ma anche da parte di personalità politiche di spicco. Il loro impegno per la causa democratica e talvolta il loro sacrificio in rivolte duramente represse hanno portato a una svolta politica fondamentale nel Paese che si è consolidata con la Sesta Repubblica all'alba degli anni Novanta. Si può affermare che i movimenti sociali sono in grado di intervenire nel processo decisionale di un Paese? Il focus principale di questa tesi è proprio sui movimenti sociali democratici presenti in Corea del Sud negli anni Ottanta, e sul modo in cui hanno avuto influenza non solo per quanto riguarda la politica interna del Paese ma soprattutto per quanto riguarda la politica estera. Pertanto, lo scopo principale di questa tesi è mostrare come i movimenti sociali, in questo caso i movimenti sociali democratici in Corea del Sud, siano stati in grado di intervenire e influenzare la politica e il processo decisionale del Paese. Nel caso specifico di questa tesi, si mostrerà come, sulla scia dei movimenti sociali per la democrazia nati negli anni Ottanta, si siano conseguentemente sviluppati diversi tipi di movimenti sociali per evidenziare importanti questioni irrisolte tra Giappone e Corea del Sud, influenzando così le relazioni internazionali tra i due paesi. Attraverso questa analisi si spiegherà come non solo la percezione nei confronti del Giappone ma anche le richieste nei confronti del Giappone siano cambiate a causa della riscoperta di questioni storiche e sociali precedentemente messe da parte dai regimi autocratici sudcoreani e anche grazie alla democrazia, che ha concesso ai cittadini la libertà di parola.

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7

Stefanovski, Ivan. "Raised on streets? The influence of social movements over policy outcomes in South East Europe: the cases of Macedonia, Bulgaria and Bosnia and Herzegovina". Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86225.

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8

Hope, Kofi N. "In search of solidarity : international solidarity work between Canada and South Africa 1975-2010". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:94fc88ca-de19-4e97-b66f-97cd9f5d4595.

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This thesis provides an account of the work of Canadian organizations that took part in the global anti-apartheid movement and then continued political advocacy work in South Africa post-1994. My central research question is: What explains the rise and fall of international solidarity movements? I answer this question by exploring the factors that allowed the Canadian anti-apartheid network to grow into an international solidarity movement and explaining how a change in these factors sent the network into a period of decline post-1994. I use two organizations, the United Church of Canada and CUSO, as case studies for my analysis. I argue that four factors were behind the growth of the Canadian solidarity network: the presence of large CSOs in Canada willing to become involved in solidarity work, the presence of radical spaces in these organizations from which activists could advocate for and carry out solidarity work, the frame resonance of the apartheid issue in Canada and the political incentives the apartheid state provided for South African activists to encourage Northern support. Post-1994 all of these factors shifted in ways that restricted the continuation of international solidarity work with South Africa. Accordingly I argue that the decline of the Canadian network was driven in part by specific South African factors, but was also connected to a more general stifling of the activist work of progressive Canadian CSOs over the 1990s. This reduction of capacity was driven by the ascent of neo-liberal policy in Canada and worldwide. Using examples from a wide swath of cases I outline this process and explain how all four factors drove the growth and decline of Canadian solidarity work towards South Africa.

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9

Lee, Eun-Jeung. "Internetmacht und soziale Bewegung in Südkorea". Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/804/.

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Beginning with the year 2000, the political society of South Korea has undergone a development towards more transparency. The increasing emergence of civil organizations as well as their new-orientation favoured the development of an alternative “online-public” which tries to mediate between the public’s interests and the state. The influence of this online-public, who profits from the fast and various ways of communication via internet, is best shown by some successful examples of online-action in the economic and the political sector. This gives credence to Dick Morris’ postulated rise of the internet to be the “fifth power” of the state.

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10

Baloch, Bilal Ali. "Crisis, credibility, and corruption : how ideas and institutions shape government behaviour in India". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a017adea-7dc4-45a2-9246-4df6adcabb9b.

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Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the worldâs largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance governmentâs tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests â such as votes and rents â as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.

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11

Whitney, Younghye Seo. "Transnational Intellectual Networks and their Influence on Social Movements in South Korea - A rediscovery of history through grassroots activism in the 1970s and 1980s". Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/159275.

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Younghye Seo Whitney: Transnational intellectual networks and their influence on social movements in South Korea - A rediscovery of history through grassroots activism in the 1970s and 1980s (Under the Direction of Hyaeweol Choi) What role did grassroots associations in Japan play in South Korea’s pro-democracy movement? The end of the Second World War in 1945 finally liberated the Korean Peninsula from 36 years of Japanese colonial rule. The political vacuum this left resulted in the nation being torn in two in 1953, with the formation of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) and the Republic of Korea (South Korea). The turmoil continued for decades, with South Korea’s population facing ongoing pro-democracy struggles. It was not until 1987 that these struggles culminated in the nation achieving its first directly elected President. Despite ample evidence that an intricate network of individuals was actively conveying information between Korea and Japan during this period, the narrative surrounding South Korea’s pro-democracy struggles is one that is generally told from the perspective of its domestic actors, with rare mention of external actors, aside from those based in the United States. This thesis attempts to add greater nuance to the shared political history between these two nations by rediscovering the role that missionaries and scholars residing in Japan played in supporting South Korea’s pro-democracy movement. Commencing with the broad-daylight kidnapping of Kim Dae Jung in the middle of Tokyo in August 1973, Japan found itself deeply embroiled in the ongoing turmoil in South Korea. This ongoing engagement proved to be a crucial trigger for intense grassroots interest in the situation in Korea. This engagement also acted as a catalyst for the long-running success of the Letters from South Korea articles that were published each month in the influential magazine Sekai between 1973 and 1988. Using Keck and Sikkink’s boomerang model as an overarching framework, this thesis focuses on the personal history of Chi Myŏng-gwan, author of the Letters articles. Through an examination of Chi’s early life, this thesis considers important factors which contributed to the success of the Letters project. This thesis argues that a convergence of like-minded individuals who possessed key capacities was crucial in enabling the project to play an essential role in raising and maintaining the awareness of South Korea in Japan and around the world. This thesis finds evidence that the activities carried out by the actors driving the Project helped to motivate governments beyond Japan to apply pressure on the Park regime and subsequent regimes in South Korea and thus played an indirect, yet important support role in enabling the nation’s pro-democracy movement to achieve its goals. By focusing on this under-explored narrative of grassroots cooperation between South Korea and Japan, this thesis attempts to rethink the recent political history between these two nations, with the aim of identifying possible avenues for improving Korea-Japan relations going forward.

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12

Lee, Namhee. "Making minjung subjectivity : crisis of subjectivity and rewriting history, 1960-1988 /". 2001. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3006523.

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13

Kim, Chong Su. "Democracy as romance and satire: democratisation in South Korea by social movements". Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/3504.

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This thesis investigates democratisation in South Korea. Unlike what structure- and process-oriented accounts of democratisation claim, democracy in South Korea was achieved through sustained popular action. The late-late development led by the authoritarian developmental state did not allow bourgeois or institutional politics to take the leading role for democracy. Social movements replaced them by making political opportunities and developing collective identity, their mobilising structures, and by using various discourses, repertoires, and framing. The structural context, movements' interaction with the state, and their strategies produced democracy with paradoxical results. Not only did they fail to achieve social democracy as their objective, but also the “founding election” for the transition to democracy in 1987 was exploited by elites. The paradoxical process of democratisation suppressed the reverse transition to reauthoritarianism on the one hand and constrained the popular sovereignty expressed through constitutionally legitimate massive collective action on the other hand. Though democratisation through collective action did not end “happily ever after,” it brought about democracy not only in institutional politics but also in noninstitutional politics.
Graduate

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14

Tzu-ChianLee y 李子千. "Social Movements and Development of Civil Society: A Comparative Study of Taiwan and South Korea". Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/21772287093963210237.

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碩士
國立成功大學
政治經濟學研究所
99
The thesis regards the social movement as one of civil society development links based on the past social movement discussions to the civil society's present situation in order to carry on the comparison and the appraisal. As two of the Asian four dragons, Taiwan and South Korea, both of which have been colonized by Japan and influenced by the Confucianism, against the communism and experienced the national fission, the authority system and the economic growth, the democratization as well as other essential factors. Therefore, this thesis is based on the most similar systems design and chooses these two countries as comparison object. It studies the development of the civil society through the social movement evolution during the authority reforms and the democratization process. On the ground of the Political Process Approach, the Resources Mobilization Model and the Political Opportunity Structure, we will try to understand the transformation of the movement in the context of the evolution of the governmental system. The thesis figured out: first, during the transition of the authoritarian rule, the elites in two countries adopted different methods for social protest, but their social movements of both countries often collaborated with the opposition and were generally politicized, especially in Taiwan. Second, the past social movement associations trend to “the institutionalization” and become non-governmental organizations since Taiwan rescinded martial law and South Korea promulgated its declaration of 629 in 1987. Third, the democratization has changed the social movement’s concerned issues and the relation between the civil society and State from the zero game to the cooperation. The last even provides the public service together with the State. When we attempt to estimate the civil society development in the future in Taiwan and South Korea, we realize that all scholars agree the contribution of the the civil society to the democratization. Meanwhile, they estimate the civil society will play a more important role in consolidated democracy stage. In the future, the civil society will confront three new challenges: the maintenance of their organization, their independence and publicity, their relation with the social network.

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15

Lee, Hyunjung 1977. "Global fetishism : dynamics of transnational performances in contemporary South Korea". Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3877.

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Using South Korea's transnational performances as a case-study, this dissertation examines the cultural implications of the much-celebrated Korean model of national development. Starting with two contemporary South Korean performances--The Last Empress, the Musical (1995), and Nanta [Cookin'] (1997), a nonverbal performance--I explore how the producers' commitments to South Korea's cultural development are manifested in these productions. Situating these performances within the South Korean social context of the mid-1990s, I explore how the reinvention of Korean traditional cultures represents both national capacity and responds to calls for globalism without losing Korean identity. In the first chapter, my analysis of The Last Empress illustrates how local desire for global success resulted in a perpetuation of a Broadway-style musical in a Korean mode. I argue that, while the play utilizes its female character's pioneering image to claim a place for the musical in the global era, it simultaneously pulls her back into the traditional domain. With Nanta [Cookin'] in the following chapter, I argue that the production's commercial accomplishment lies in its strategic blending of pan-Asian cultural elements and the use of food without language which well co-operated with the burgeoning cultural tourism industry in South Korea. Extending my argument further, I conclude with an analysis of global-national interplay as they were played out at the 2002 Korea-Japan World Cup. As a way of understanding the nationalistic fervor during the event, I suggest that the mass festive rally functions as a "social performance." In these performances, Korean nationalism, conjoined with global desire, was reconfigured through spontaneous gatherings, styles, fashions, expressions, and gestures. Like its theatrical counterparts, the World Cup rally insists on Korean-ness as what qualifies South Korea to be a global player. I conclude by offering the concept, "global fetishism," to explicate the complex and even contradictory assimilation of the national into the global in these performances. They are showcases for how globalization taps into the local rhetoric of development, charged by South Korea's inherent nationalism. If for South Korea "global" is synonymous with glamorous cultural success, in each context it is precisely the return to the local which permits global fetishism.
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16

Kim, Me Suk. "Literacy and social development : the church and nonformal education in South Korea (1910-1945)". Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/1949.

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The purpose of this thesis is to relate literacy (nonformal education) to social development. It begins with a theoretical discussion on literacy and social development and uses Paulo Freire's dialogical framework to determine the contribution literacy can make. In using the context of a South Korean literacy campaign, this work covers the historical development of the Korean alphabet and initiation of Hangeul literacy. It examines the arrival of Christian missionaries in Korea and how they used literacy to maximise conversion and Church establishment. Literacy became the Christian Church's mission and this is examined in the light of the Korean struggle for independence during the Japanese occupation. The impact of literacy on social development in political, economic and social sectors is evaluated. The paper discusses the problem of literacy and social development in developing nations and suggests some strategies for the society and Church.
Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2005.

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17

(6863141), Soon Seok Park. "Threat, Memory, and Framing: The Development of South Korea’s Democracy Movement, 1979-1987". Thesis, 2019.

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This dissertation research focuses on the development of South Korea’s democracy movement from 1979 to 1987, a time that was marked by two waves of sustained protest: one of which was brutally repressed while the other led to a transition to democracy. This dissertation examines the cultural processes at work during the period between these two waves. This study builds a dataset drawing on archival data in the form of memoirs, diaries, leaflets and brochures, minutes, statements, and testimonies of activists and activist organizations as well as newspaper reports and government documents. Using the dataset, this study advances scholarship on contentious politics and democratization by revising and expanding three theoretical concepts: threat, memory work, and framing.

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18

Van, Niekerk Letitia. "Intimidation as a factor in the liberation struggle in South Africa with special reference to Bela Bela (Warmbaths) : an anthropological perspective". Diss., 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17744.

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INTIMIDATION AS A FACTOR IN THE LIBERATION STRUGGLE OF SOUTH AFRICA WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO BELA BELA (WARMBATHS): AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE The cultural revitalisation or adjustment model of Anthony Wallace provides a basis for interpreting religious, political and other revitalisation movements. This study focuses on political revitalisation movements. Participation in the activities of revitalisation movements does not always occur voluntarily. Leaders of such movements apply techniques and methods of intimidation enforcing change and participation. In South Africa, political revitalisation was inter alia brought about by the ANC as political liberation movement who used methods of violent and non-violent intimidation to force people, regardless of their ethnic affiliation, to support the movement and enforce political change. The ANC inter alia used charactersitic cultural phenomena and components of Bantu-speakers as resources for intimidation to ensure unanimity, participation and ultimately to achieve political liberation. Cultural components that were exploited included communality, group solidarity, administration of justice, songs and dances.
INTIMIDASIE AS 'N FAKTOR IN DIE VRYHEIDSTRYD IN SUID-AFRIKA MET SPESIALE VERWYSING NA BELA BELA (WARMBAD): 'N ANTROPOLOGIESE PERSPEK.TIEF Kulturele vernuwmg ts 'n universele verskynsel. Anthony Wallace se model van kulturele vernuwing of -aanpassing bied 'n raamwerk vir die verduideliking en interpretasie van die fases waardeur kulturele vernuwingsbewegings van 'n godsdienstige, politieke of ander aard ontwikkel. In hierdie studie word daar uitsluitlik gefokus op vernuwingsbewegings van 'n politieke aard. Aangesien deelname aan die aktiwiteite van kulturele vernuwings- en aanpassingsbewegings nie noodwendig vrywillig geskied nie, het leiers van hierdie bewegings gebruik gemaak van tegnieke en metodes van intimidasie om deelname en vernuwing op die massas af te dwing. In SuidAfrika is politieke vernuwing onder andere teweeggebring deur die ANC as politieke bevrydingsbeweging. Die ANC het gebruik gemaak van gewelddadige (harde of direkte) sowel as nie-geweldadige (sagte of indirekte) intimidasie om mense, ongeag hulle etniese aanhorigheid, te dwing om die beweging se oogmerke aktief te ondersteun om politieke verandering te weeg te bring. As dee! van die strategie om deur intimidasie mense tot deelname aan massa-aksies soos optogte, betogings en massa-vergaderings te dwing, het die ANC gebruik gemaak van bepaalde kultuur verskynsels en -komponente wat eie is aan die lewensbeskouinge en lewenswyse van Bantoe-sprekendes. Kultuurkomponente wat suksesvol benut is deur die leiers en lede van bevrydingsbewegings omvat, onder andere verskynsels soos kommunaliteit, groep solidariteit, die regspraak, liedere en danse. Hierdie kultuurkomponente en verskynsels is verander en aangepas om ten eerste eenheid en deelname te bewerkstellig en te verseker en uiteindelik om die hoofdoelwit van politieke bevryding te bereik.
Anthropology and Archaeology
M.A. (Anthropology)

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19

Le, Roux M. "In search of the understanding of the Old Testament in Africa : the case of the Lemba". Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17188.

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This project seeks to determine, to what extent the culture of early Israel (1250-1000 BC) is similar to African cultures, more specifically, to that of the Lemba. However, a comparison between the cultures of early Israel and those of certain African tribes is not the primary objective in this case. This project is neither an anthropological study nor does it intend to mainly focus on the Lemba as such -though this may appear to be the case. This endeavour primarily fits into the ambit of Old Testament Studies. The investigation into the Lemba is meant to be subsidiary to the point of contingence between their culture and Old Testament customs and traditions, and how this information affects the interpretation of the Old Testament and its teaching in Africa. A number of comparisons between the early Israelite religion as reflected in the Old Testament and the Lemba are drawn. Though the qualitative research (inductive approach) is employed in the field work, the greatest part of the data on religious perspectives and practices is mediated by the theory of a phenomenological approach as advocated by Ninian Smart on matters of experience, mythology, ritual, and ethical/judicial dimensions. Therefore, the approach is also deductive. The Lemba is a very specific group with claims about Israelite/Judaic origins. Their early departure from Israel (according to them ca 586 BC) can mean that there are remnants of a very ancient type oflsraelite religion, now valuable when juxtaposed to that of early Israel. This study takes Lemba traditions seriously, but finally does not verify or falsify Lemba claims - but the outcomes in this thesis may take this debate a step further. Their claims make them special and extremely interesting to study from the point of view of oral cultures. Their oral culture is constitutive of their world-view and self-understanding or identity. It incorporates the role of oral traditions, history and historiography and parallels are drawn between orality in early Israelite and Lemba religions. The reciprocity between orality and inscripturation of traditions, yielding valuable information on what may have happened in the developent of traditions in Israel, are also attended to in this project. Nevertheless, this project is primarily a search for the understanding and relevance of the Old Testament in Afiica and is, therefore, a selective and not an exhaustive comparison between the Lemba and early Israel. And so, taking cognisance of the hermeneutic of contextualisation in Africa in particular, a teaching module syllabus for Old Testament Studies is developed, of which the very strands of religion among the Lemba and early Israel are constitutive for teaching Old Testament Studies in present-day African cultures (and perhaps elsewhere).
Biblical and Ancient Studies
D. Litt. et Phil. (Biblical Studies)

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Le, Roux Magdel. "In search of the understanding of the Old Testament in Africa : the case of the Lemba". Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17188.

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This project seeks to determine, to what extent the culture of early Israel (1250-1000 BC) is similar to African cultures, more specifically, to that of the Lemba. However, a comparison between the cultures of early Israel and those of certain African tribes is not the primary objective in this case. This project is neither an anthropological study nor does it intend to mainly focus on the Lemba as such -though this may appear to be the case. This endeavour primarily fits into the ambit of Old Testament Studies. The investigation into the Lemba is meant to be subsidiary to the point of contingence between their culture and Old Testament customs and traditions, and how this information affects the interpretation of the Old Testament and its teaching in Africa. A number of comparisons between the early Israelite religion as reflected in the Old Testament and the Lemba are drawn. Though the qualitative research (inductive approach) is employed in the field work, the greatest part of the data on religious perspectives and practices is mediated by the theory of a phenomenological approach as advocated by Ninian Smart on matters of experience, mythology, ritual, and ethical/judicial dimensions. Therefore, the approach is also deductive. The Lemba is a very specific group with claims about Israelite/Judaic origins. Their early departure from Israel (according to them ca 586 BC) can mean that there are remnants of a very ancient type oflsraelite religion, now valuable when juxtaposed to that of early Israel. This study takes Lemba traditions seriously, but finally does not verify or falsify Lemba claims - but the outcomes in this thesis may take this debate a step further. Their claims make them special and extremely interesting to study from the point of view of oral cultures. Their oral culture is constitutive of their world-view and self-understanding or identity. It incorporates the role of oral traditions, history and historiography and parallels are drawn between orality in early Israelite and Lemba religions. The reciprocity between orality and inscripturation of traditions, yielding valuable information on what may have happened in the developent of traditions in Israel, are also attended to in this project. Nevertheless, this project is primarily a search for the understanding and relevance of the Old Testament in Afiica and is, therefore, a selective and not an exhaustive comparison between the Lemba and early Israel. And so, taking cognisance of the hermeneutic of contextualisation in Africa in particular, a teaching module syllabus for Old Testament Studies is developed, of which the very strands of religion among the Lemba and early Israel are constitutive for teaching Old Testament Studies in present-day African cultures (and perhaps elsewhere).
Biblical and Ancient Studies
D. Litt. et Phil. (Biblical Studies)

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