Bibliografías temáticas / Social movements – korea (south) – history

Literatura académica sobre el tema "Social movements – korea (south) – history"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 25 de julio de 2024

Última modificación: 26 de julio de 2024

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Social movements – korea (south) – history"

Park, Sunun, Sohyun An y Yun-Kyoung Park. "Representations of Refugees in the Social Studies Curriculum from South Korea and the United States". Korea Association of Yeolin Education 32, n.º 2 (30 de marzo de 2024): 49–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.18230/tjye.2024.32.2.49.

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This study aims to explore the representation of refugee-related content in the social studies curricula and textbooks of South Korea and the United States and to draw implications for social studies curriculum development. The study conducted a qualitative analysis of the 2015 Revised Social Studies Curriculum, 2022 Revised Social Studies Curriculum, “Social Studies”, and “Integrated Social Studies” textbooks of South Korea. It also examined the social studies curricula of 50 states in the U.S. and high school social studies textbooks from major U.S. publishers. The findings are as follows: first, refugees are scarcely mentioned in both the Korean and the U.S. social studies curricula. Second, in South Korean curricula, refugees were predominantly addressed in the context of international problems and global population movements. In contrast, U.S. curricula covered refugees concerning U.S. security, U.S. history, and global and domestic population movements. Third, refugees were commonly depicted as a group requiring support from the international community. While there were some efforts in South Korea to incorporate learning materials depicting the lives of refugees and in the U.S. to highlight the contributions of refugees to society, there is a limited number of contents addressing the human rights and lives of refugees in both countries' curricula. Based on these findings, the study suggests increased attention to refugee education in social studies, emphasizing in-depth discussions on the content of refugee education. Furthermore, the study recommends shifting the direction of refugee-related education in social studies toward education 'with' refugees.

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Park, Alyssa. "Making "Refugees": Repatriates, Migrants, and Institutions of Care in Liberated South Korea, 1945–1950". Seoul Journal of Korean Studies 36, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2023): 621–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/seo.2023.a916936.

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Abstract: This article examines the making of "refugees" in post-liberation South Korea (1945–1950). It shows that refugees were produced as a recognized social group through various institutions that coordinated their movement and engaged in care work, including the U.S. military, grassroots relief societies, and organs of the nascent South Korean government. After August 1945, millions of repatriates from Japan, Manchuria, and other parts of the Japanese empire "returned" to Korea. They were joined by migrants from the Soviet-occupied North. These sudden and simultaneous movements had profound demographic and social consequences for the South. The influx of refugees resulted in a near twenty-percent increase in the South's population and captivated the attention of the public and U.S. occupation forces, which came to see refugees as a critical foreign policy question. Problems wrought by colonial-era war mobilization, postwar shortages, division, and occupation were visibly reflected in the refugee population, especially in Seoul, where they formed communities. The neediest subset of refugees became the new indigent class of the South. Through a focus on refugees and institutions of care, this article places South Korea in broader post-WWII history and eschews the ideological binaries of the Cold War that has guided much of historical scholarship on the period.

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Kim, Suzy. "Revolutionary Mothers: Women in the North Korean Revolution, 1945–1950". Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, n.º 4 (octubre de 2010): 742–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000459.

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Women today are struggling with all their passion and all their strength day and night for the creation of a new history of a democratic country. Today in the streets, men, women, the old, the young, everyone stops to listen to the women.———Nam Hyǒn-sǒ, “Women of a New Country,” January 1947In Korea from ancient times, the master of the home was thought to refer to the husband … we now realize that the master of the home must be the woman, that is, the wife or mother.———Chang Chǒng-suk, “The New Home and Housewife,” October 1947All social revolutions in modern history, from the Russian Revolution of 1917 to the Cuban one of 1959, have attempted to address the status of women as a critical element of social change.1North Korea was no different. With Japan's defeat in World War II, Korea was liberated from its thirty-five-year colonial rule, and as in many postcolonial nations after the war, revolution was in the air.2When the Cold War came early to the peninsula, Korea took two divergent paths. Divided at the 38th parallel into separate occupation zones, with the United States in the south and the USSR in the north, social reforms were carried out swiftly in the north, aided and abetted by the Soviets, while in the south, the American occupiers saw most Korean political movements as too radical and suppressed them. In what follows, I focus on the formative years of early North Korean history, the five-year period between the end of Japanese colonial rule in 1945 and the start of the Korean War in 1950. I show how North Korea from the outset attempted to meld the old and the new through the figure of the revolutionary mother as a uniquely feminine revolutionary subjectivity. This sets the North Korean case apart from other historical examples of social revolutions and their handling of “the woman question.”

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Park, Albert L. "A Recycling of the Past or the Pathway to the New? Framing the South Korean Candlelight Protest Movement". Journal of Asian Studies 81, n.º 1 (febrero de 2022): 101–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911821001480.

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AbstractThis essay supplies brief historical context on the Candlelight Protest movement in South Korea (2016–17) and provides the thematic and theoretical framing for the forum “The South Korean Candlelight Protest Movement and Its Discontents.” It lays the groundwork for approaching the study of the protests and assessing their historical and contemporary value for the push for political change, challenging economic norms and social renewal in Korea. In particular, this essay helps frame the forum as a platform for interrogating the connections between revolution, democracy, and capitalism and the limits of and potential for political change within the political economy of Korea and elsewhere.

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Isabel, Heidy, Aurelia Maria Indri Rooselinda, Joe Harrianto y Marisol Hernandez Tolosa. "The Gender Equality Movement in South Korea: The Semiotic Analysis of Blackpink Ddu-du Ddu-du". Calathu: Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi 4, n.º 1 (29 de junio de 2022): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37715/calathu.v4i1.2457.

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Although women in South Korea today are actively engaged in a wide variety of fields and thus making significant contributions to society. This begun during the late 19th century. Looking through their history, South Korean already recognize the concept of female empowerment. The effect of modernization and globalization, people began to generate several discussions and new views. Especially where the world has begun to recognize Korean pop culture, Hallyu or K-Pop which led Korean culture to continue to experience the change to be accepted globally. Some views or social movements have begun to influence the cultural content produced in South Korea, one of it is Blackpink. They proudly have a strong and unapologetic stage presence, unique sound, and style. They are seeking to empower females and their fans in an incredibly upfront and obvious way. Their single in 2018, Ddu-Du Ddu-Du artistic music video which convey a deeper meaning about empower female using symbols that depict about power and women. With semiotics by Roland Barthes, this research discusses the awareness of power by engaging in dialogue and theory uses to interpret or explain social action that intends to encourage people to interact and learn about empowering female. Despite the strong culture of confucianism and patriarchy, South Korea already recognizes the concept of female leaders or women empowering from their history and in addition to the effect of modernization and globalization. Blackpink described being a strong and proud person who has the identity of a woman and conveys a message to become a strong woman to build one's own identity and be proud of it. Blackpink motivates women to actively contribute in various parts of society and proofing that women with all their talents and ambitions could be an inspiration and a new figure of a tough woman in the modern era and be the part of the feminism act in the postmodern feminism. Keywords: women empowerment; semiotic; Roland Barthes; Blackpink; Ddu-Du Ddu-Du music video

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Пак, Александр. "Зарождение возрожденческого движения в Корее в 1905–1910 гг." Историческая психология и социология истории 17, n.º 1 (30 de junio de 2023): 60–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.30884/ipsi/2023.01.04.

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The Christian revival movement in Korea at the beginning of the 20th century is a prominent and important part of Korean religious history. Despite the fact that modern scholars’ interpretations of this complex religious and cultural event are far from unambiguous, they all agree on the importance of its cultural, historical and religious significance not only in the history of the Japanese colonial period, but also in the formation of new democratic values in modern South Korea. Beginning as a narrow sectarian movement of European missionaries, it strengthened its ideological and religious influence in Korea against the background of the most acute religious, cultural and social contradictions of the colonial period, playing an important role in the formation of the modern Korean Christian church.

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Hyun, Jaehwan. "Blood purity and scientific independence: blood science and postcolonial struggles in Korea, 1926–1975". Science in Context 32, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2019): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889719000231.

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ArgumentAfter World War II, blood groups became a symbol of anti-racial science. This paper aims to shed new light on the post-WWII history of blood groups and race, illuminating the postcolonial revitalization of racial serology in South Korea. In the prewar period, Japanese serologists developed a serological anthropology of Koreans in tandem with Japanese colonialism. The pioneering Korean hematologist Yi Samyŏl (1926–2015), inspired by decolonization movements during the 1960s, excavated and appropriated colonial serological anthropology to prove Koreans as biologically independent from the Japanese. However, his racial serology of Koreans shared colonial racism with Japanese anthropology, despite his anti-colonial nationalism.

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Yang, Myungji. "The Specter of the Past: Reconstructing Conservative Historical Memory in South Korea". Politics & Society 49, n.º 3 (2 de agosto de 2021): 337–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00323292211033082.

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Through the case of the New Right movement in South Korea in the early 2000s, this article explores how history has become a battleground on which the Right tried to regain its political legitimacy in the postauthoritarian context. Analyzing disputes over historiography in recent decades, this article argues that conservative intellectuals—academics, journalists, and writers—play a pivotal role in constructing conservative historical narratives and building an identity for right-wing movements. By contesting what they viewed as “distorted” leftist views and promoting national pride, New Right intellectuals positioned themselves as the guardians of “liberal democracy” in the Republic of Korea. Existing studies of the Far Right pay little attention to intellectual circles and their engagement in civil society. By examining how right-wing intellectuals appropriated the past and shaped triumphalist national imagery, this study aims to better understand the dynamics of ideational contestation and knowledge production in Far Right activism.

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Zeller, Benjamin. "New religious movement responses to COVID". Approaching Religion 11, n.º 2 (22 de noviembre de 2021): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.30664/ar.107731.

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New religious movements (NRMs) have responded to the COVID-19 pandemic in diverse ways, ranging from closely following mainstream public health recommendations to explicit rejection of such guidance. This article considers the manner in which NRMs have responded to the pandemic through analysis of groups’ ideological alignment with their host societies’ cultural and social frames. Extending the Bromley–Melton (2012) model of social alignment and the Rochford (2018) approach of frame alignment, the response of these NRMs must be contextualized in regard to alignment with broader social frames. The article considers specific cases of NRMs in South Korea, India, and the United States and posits that no single model can encompass NRM responses to the pandemic, but that multiple social factors provide guidance for understanding why and how NRMs responded to the COVID-19 pandemic.

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Moon, Seungsook. "Carving Out Space: Civil Society and the Women's Movement in South Korea". Journal of Asian Studies 61, n.º 2 (mayo de 2002): 473–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2700298.

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Is civil society gendered? What can the Korean women's movement tell us about the very notion and working of civil society and the 1990s history of democratization in South Korea? Students of democratization have overlooked these questions in their study of civil society as a vehicle of democratization and counterweight to the repressive state or the totalizing market (Silliman and Noble 1998; White 1996; Koo 1993; Cohen and Arato 1992; Gold 1990; Keane 1988). Recent criticisms of the celebration of civil society as the third path to societal democratization point out that such analyses tend to lapse into abstract discussions of relations between the state and civil society, devoid of a specific historical or social context (Fine 1997; Tempest 1997; Blaney and Pasha 1993). This absence of context can also lead to an inadequate view of civil society as a uniform and homogeneous space without social inequalities or divisions.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Social movements – korea (south) – history"

Kim, Chulhyo. "Temporary labour migration, social movements and neoliberal transformation in South Korea". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18180.

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This research began with three grounded questions: ‘what had brought migrant workers to South Korea?’; ‘why does the government restrict the migrant worker’s free choice of job?’ and ‘why do the workers and pro-migrant activists protest?’ Karl Polanyi’s concepts and their contemporary interpretations suggest theoretical guidelines. First, the political economy of international labour migration has to be analysed in the context of the transformation of the mode of production management on a global scale, which involves fictitious commodification and entails disembeddedness. Second, the rationales of temporary labour migration policy have to be understood as a part of an employer-oriented political project and in the context of neoliberal social transformation into a market society. Third, the migrant protests are expressions of protective countermovement. Immigration- and labour market-data indicate an influx of migrant workers in the 1990s coincided with a labour market restructuring process. After the 1997 Asian financial crisis, a hierarchical subcontract system was established between transnational corporations and small and medium enterprises. The government institutionalised ‘flexibilisation’ of the labour market. The consequences were intensified pressures on wages and working conditions of non-unionised workers, pricaritised jobs and deteriorated living conditions. Temporary labour migration was an essential element of the labour market restructuring. The policy was driven by employers’ demand for non-regular and low-wage workforces and operated by such governing mechanisms as restricted job-choice, deportations, restricted entitlement to social security, paternalistic ‘assistance’ discourse, and exclusionary nationalist politics. Under extremely poor working and living conditions, migrant workers grew resistances from individual expressions of grievance to collective protests against the governing mechanisms. The migrant movements, however, saw a downturn after a formalisation of temporary labour migration policy in 2004. Migrant protests in 2012 suggest a potential resurrection of resistances against the policy and neoliberal commodification of labour and migration.

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Yun, Seongyi. "Politics of democratization in South Korea social movements and their political opportunity structures /". The Ohio State University, 1997. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/40596004.html.

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Khoo, Ee Hong. "Four decades of women's activism in labour and social movements in South Korea and Taiwan". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496755.

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This thesis examines the role women have played and continue to play for greater democracy in South Korea and Taiwan. Tracing the roots of the democratisation movements from the struggles against Japanese colonialism at the turn of the 20 century to the emergence of the resistance against military dictatorships in the 1960s, and the women workers' movements of the 1970s, women have alwavs been key in the development of Korea and Taiwan's democracy. However, this has been largely ignored. If and when women are mentioned, they tend to be stereotyped as cheap labour that both economies successfully exploit. This thesis tries to redress this by focusing on the role of women as agents in movements for change. It also steers away from the tendency to assume certain homogeneity within movements of women in Asia by highlighting the different streams of women's activism in these two places, revealing conflicts as well as consensus over ideas and strategies.

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Park, Mi. "Reflexivity, historicity and theframing of lived experience in social movements in South Korea, 1980-1995". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.406553.

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The thesis investigates two questions: what accounts for political change in South Korea over the last two decades and what were the characteristics of South Korean revolutionary movements between 1980 and 1995? As its analytical framework, the thesis takes a historical and dialectical approach drawing on multi-disciplinary concepts including historicity, reflexivity, ideology, framing and a repertoire of contention. As for political life in South Korea, the thesis argues that three factors contributed to changes in the political culture and polity structure of South Korea, namely political interaction between the state and social movements, economic reorganization, and geo-politics. As for the characteristics of the South Korean revolutionary movements, the thesis focuses on exploring patterns of changing ideologies over the life of the revolutionary movement. The research found that: [1] historicity and reflexivity were embedded in cognitive aspects of the revolutionary movement; [2] the accumulated experiences of struggle as well as the success and failure of previous social movements influenced the selection process of movement ideologies; [3] movement ideologies varied depending on the different conceptualization of what exists, what is desirable, and what is possible; [4] ideological shifts in social movements constantly occurred in response to social change.

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Lee, Hee-Jeong. "Discourses of civil society in South Korea : democratisation in an emerging information society". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3746/.

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This thesis presents a late-Durkheimian theoretical framework on civil society as a sphere of solidarity and applies it to the development from modern society to an „information society‟. The framework is used to identify the cultural codes that exist in different information societies and to show their role in integrating or dividing the members of civil society. The framework is applied to South Korean civil society entering an information age coincident alongside processes of democratisation. Three policy debates relating to information are used as case studies to show the coexistence of, and conflicts between, a „developmental code‟ based on economic growth and anti-communism deriving from the authoritarian period of state-sponsored capitalism, and a later „democratic code‟ based on human rights. The three cases are: the Electronic National Identification Card, the National Education Information System and the credit information system. The thesis argues that the values of a „democratic‟ code are becoming more dominant in recent South Korean society, despite continuous challenge for its validity. The cases provide evidence that democratisation and informatization can operate in tandem to establish the dominance of the democratic code in public discourse in South Korean civil society.

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Carrieri, Ilenia <1998&gt. "South Korea’s democratic social movements: how they impacted South Korea’s history and consequently influenced its foreign policy with Japan". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/22035.

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Gli anni Ottanta hanno rappresentato un punto di svolta per la Corea del Sud rispetto ai tre decenni precedenti. Sebbene la Prima Repubblica della Corea del Sud sia nata come un governo democratico, nel tempo è diventata sempre più autocratica. Inoltre, dopo il suo crollo negli anni Sessanta, le quattro repubbliche sudcoreane successive furono guidate da governi militari autocratici che lasciavano spazio alla democrazia solo a livello teorico e non a livello pratico. L'assenza di democrazia e la persistenza nel governo di regimi autocratici oppressivi hanno alimentato un forte sentimento rivoluzionario non solo da parte dei cittadini ma anche da parte di personalità politiche di spicco. Il loro impegno per la causa democratica e talvolta il loro sacrificio in rivolte duramente represse hanno portato a una svolta politica fondamentale nel Paese che si è consolidata con la Sesta Repubblica all'alba degli anni Novanta. Si può affermare che i movimenti sociali sono in grado di intervenire nel processo decisionale di un Paese? Il focus principale di questa tesi è proprio sui movimenti sociali democratici presenti in Corea del Sud negli anni Ottanta, e sul modo in cui hanno avuto influenza non solo per quanto riguarda la politica interna del Paese ma soprattutto per quanto riguarda la politica estera. Pertanto, lo scopo principale di questa tesi è mostrare come i movimenti sociali, in questo caso i movimenti sociali democratici in Corea del Sud, siano stati in grado di intervenire e influenzare la politica e il processo decisionale del Paese. Nel caso specifico di questa tesi, si mostrerà come, sulla scia dei movimenti sociali per la democrazia nati negli anni Ottanta, si siano conseguentemente sviluppati diversi tipi di movimenti sociali per evidenziare importanti questioni irrisolte tra Giappone e Corea del Sud, influenzando così le relazioni internazionali tra i due paesi. Attraverso questa analisi si spiegherà come non solo la percezione nei confronti del Giappone ma anche le richieste nei confronti del Giappone siano cambiate a causa della riscoperta di questioni storiche e sociali precedentemente messe da parte dai regimi autocratici sudcoreani e anche grazie alla democrazia, che ha concesso ai cittadini la libertà di parola.

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Stefanovski, Ivan. "Raised on streets? The influence of social movements over policy outcomes in South East Europe: the cases of Macedonia, Bulgaria and Bosnia and Herzegovina". Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86225.

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Hope, Kofi N. "In search of solidarity : international solidarity work between Canada and South Africa 1975-2010". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:94fc88ca-de19-4e97-b66f-97cd9f5d4595.

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This thesis provides an account of the work of Canadian organizations that took part in the global anti-apartheid movement and then continued political advocacy work in South Africa post-1994. My central research question is: What explains the rise and fall of international solidarity movements? I answer this question by exploring the factors that allowed the Canadian anti-apartheid network to grow into an international solidarity movement and explaining how a change in these factors sent the network into a period of decline post-1994. I use two organizations, the United Church of Canada and CUSO, as case studies for my analysis. I argue that four factors were behind the growth of the Canadian solidarity network: the presence of large CSOs in Canada willing to become involved in solidarity work, the presence of radical spaces in these organizations from which activists could advocate for and carry out solidarity work, the frame resonance of the apartheid issue in Canada and the political incentives the apartheid state provided for South African activists to encourage Northern support. Post-1994 all of these factors shifted in ways that restricted the continuation of international solidarity work with South Africa. Accordingly I argue that the decline of the Canadian network was driven in part by specific South African factors, but was also connected to a more general stifling of the activist work of progressive Canadian CSOs over the 1990s. This reduction of capacity was driven by the ascent of neo-liberal policy in Canada and worldwide. Using examples from a wide swath of cases I outline this process and explain how all four factors drove the growth and decline of Canadian solidarity work towards South Africa.

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Lee, Eun-Jeung. "Internetmacht und soziale Bewegung in Südkorea". Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/804/.

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Beginning with the year 2000, the political society of South Korea has undergone a development towards more transparency. The increasing emergence of civil organizations as well as their new-orientation favoured the development of an alternative “online-public” which tries to mediate between the public’s interests and the state. The influence of this online-public, who profits from the fast and various ways of communication via internet, is best shown by some successful examples of online-action in the economic and the political sector. This gives credence to Dick Morris’ postulated rise of the internet to be the “fifth power” of the state.

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Baloch, Bilal Ali. "Crisis, credibility, and corruption : how ideas and institutions shape government behaviour in India". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a017adea-7dc4-45a2-9246-4df6adcabb9b.

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Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the worldâs largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance governmentâs tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests â such as votes and rents â as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.

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Libros sobre el tema "Social movements – korea (south) – history"

Park, Mi. Democracy and social change: A history of South Korean student movements, 1980-2000. Oxford: P. Lang, 2008.

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1956-, Cho Hŭi-yŏn, ed. Hanʾguk minjujuŭi wa sahoe undong ŭi tonghak =: The dynamics of democracy and social movements in South Korea. 8^a ed. Sŏul-si: Nanum ŭi Chip, 2001.

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Lee, Namhee. The making of minjung: Democracy and the politics of representation in South Korea. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006.

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Cho, Hŭi-yŏn. Pijŏngsangsŏng e taehan chŏhang esŏ chŏngsangsŏng e taehan chŏhang ŭro. 8^a ed. Sŏul Tʻŭkpyŏlsi: Arŭkʻe, 2004.

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Katsiaficas, George N. Han'guk ŭi minjung ponggi: Minjung ŭl chuin'gong ŭro tasi ssŭn Namhan ŭi sahoe undongsa 1894 Nongmin chŏnjaeng-2008 Ch'otpul siwi. Kyŏnggi-do P'aju-si: Owŏl ŭi Pom, 2015.

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Myŏng-jun, Yi. Kŭdŭl ŭn ŏttŏk'e Chusap'a ka toeŏnnŭn'ga: Han NL undongga ŭi hoego wa sŏngch'al. 8^a ed. Sŏul-si: Pao, 2012.

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Pipe, Jim. South Korea. London: Franklin Watts, 2012.

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Miller, Jennifer A. South Korea. Minneapolis: Lerner, 2010.

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Shin, Gi-Wook y Paul Y. Chang. South Korean social movements: From democracy to civil society. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2011.

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Senker, Cath. North and South Korea. New York: Rosen Pub., 2012.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Social movements – korea (south) – history"

Kwak, Tae Yang. "The Vietnam War, Protest, and Democratization in South Korea". En Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 293–323. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_11.

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Kim, Sunhyuk. "Democratization and Social Movements in South Korea: A Civil Society Perspective*". En East Asian Social Movements, 141–56. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-09626-1_7.

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Chung, Chulhee. "Mesomobilization and the June Uprising: Strategic and Cultural Integration in Pro-democracy Movements in South Korea". En East Asian Social Movements, 157–80. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-09626-1_8.

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Kim, Jung Han y Jeong-Mi Park. "Subjectivation and Social Movements in Post-Colonial Korea". En The History of Social Movements in Global Perspective, 297–324. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-30427-8_11.

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Tinker, Hugh. "The Rise of Modern Social, Religious and Political Movements". En South Asia: A Short History, 154–87. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19856-6_8.

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Park, Bae-Gyoon. "Social Movements and the Geographies of Economic Activities in South Korea". En The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to Economic Geography, 486–500. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118384497.ch31.

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Soske, Jon. "The Family Romance of the South African Revolution". En Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 175–201. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79580-1_7.

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Kim, BoRin. "Aging in South Korea with Dynamic Social and Cultural Changes". En Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science, 181–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-76501-9_12.

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Chen, Boyu. "When Elections Become Social Movements: Emerging “Citizen-Initiated” Campaigning in Taiwan". En Internet Election Campaigns in the United States, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, 165–88. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-63682-5_7.

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Hayes, Patricia. "Political Funerals in South Africa: Photography, History, and the Refusal of Light (1960s–80s)". En Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 291–325. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79580-1_11.

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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Social movements – korea (south) – history"

Kang, Mia. "Social Activism of Youth Feminist Groups During the #SchoolMeToo Movements in South Korea". En AERA 2023. USA: AERA, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/ip.23.2018985.

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Stevens, Quentin. "A History of Protest Memorials in Three Democratic East-Asian Capital Cities: Taipei, Hong Kong and Seoul". En The 39th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. PLACE NAME: SAHANZ, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a5043pmsjd.

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Resumen

This paper examines a range of grassroots protest memorials erected over the past 60 years within public spaces in the capital cities of three ‘Asian Tigers’: Taiwan, Hong Kong and South Korea. These cities grew quickly as their polities rapidly democratized in the 1980s after long periods of foreign and local authoritarian rule. The paper explores the complex relationships between these memorials and their various urban settings, and how these reflect the wider evolution of political authority, social history and values in each host territory. Drawing on documentary research, interviews, discourse analysis and site analysis of over 20 projects, the paper examines two key aspects of the planning and design of grassroots memorials in Taipei, Hong Kong and Seoul. Firstly, it discusses how these memorials’ designs communicate and critique the struggles of civil society against the cities’ authoritarian rulers. Secondly, it analyses the kinds of sites where these grassroots memorials have been erected, which contrast with the cities’ more prominent, government-endorsed commemorative sites. The paper identifies key formal types, commonalities and differences, and historical changes in the ways that citizens in each capital city have developed a post-colonial, post-authoritarian representation of local history through protest memorials in urban spaces.

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