Tesis sobre el tema "Social conflict – history"
Siga este enlace para ver otros tipos de publicaciones sobre el tema: Social conflict – history.
Crea una cita precisa en los estilos APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard y otros
Consulte los 50 mejores tesis para su investigación sobre el tema "Social conflict – history".
Junto a cada fuente en la lista de referencias hay un botón "Agregar a la bibliografía". Pulsa este botón, y generaremos automáticamente la referencia bibliográfica para la obra elegida en el estilo de cita que necesites: APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
También puede descargar el texto completo de la publicación académica en formato pdf y leer en línea su resumen siempre que esté disponible en los metadatos.
Explore tesis sobre una amplia variedad de disciplinas y organice su bibliografía correctamente.
1
Rider, Nicholas Robert. "Anarchism, urbanization and social conflict in Barcelona, 1900 - 1932". Thesis, Lancaster University, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316474.
Texto completo
2
Sebire, M. (Mark). "The conflict between the personal and the social in Salman Rushdie’s Shame; ‘History’ vs. ‘history’". Master's thesis, University of Oulu, 2015. http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:oulu-201512122298.
Texto completoResumen
At its most simplistic, the novel Shame is a tale about the birth of the nation of Pakistan. Its author, Salman Rushdie, is perhaps uniquely placed to tell this tale. He was born in Bombay, then British India, on 19th June, 1947 to a wealthy Muslim family of Kashmiri descent. Less than two months after his birth, his country was subject to major political change. British India was divided, and the nation of Pakistan was created on 14th August, 1947. The following day India gained its independence from Britain. Rushdie was therefore born at a pivotal point in his country’s history. His upbringing and education is equally pivotal as it provides an insight into his writing style and perspective, as he is a product of both the Indian and British educational systems.
The central theme of this paper is that there are two distinct versions of history which are exposed in Shame; the official ‘History’ — with a capital ‘H’ — of the state, and the unofficial, personal ‘histories’ — with a small ‘h’ — of the characters in the novel. There is also the historical perspective of the author as well, which makes objective criticism complicated. The narrative process within the novel is a complex dialectic between the personal and the social; between what the state wishes people to believe has happened, and what people have actually witnessed, with the acknowledged limitations of memory and hindsight. The truth is a tantilising mirage; the closer the reader believes they are to it, the more Rushdie’s playful style leads them away. There are many views of the past depicted in the novel, therefore, but none of them could be described as definitive; they are all flawed by the subjectivity of the human condition. What Rushdie is doing, however, is forcing the reader to make up their own mind; to create their own ‘history’ from the versions he presents.
As well as being labelled as postcolonial writing, the novel has been described as postmodern fiction. Both of these assertions are examined in this paper. The “different” techniques that Rushdie applies in the telling of his story will be addressed in the first section of this paper. The second part of this paper details what I believe to be the main theme of the novel, which is the question of the nature of history, and the individual’s place within society. In telling his story, Rushdie is “creating” a history of his own. What is striking about this novel is that it illuminates the hazy uncertainty which exists between what people believe to be “fact” and what they see as “fiction”, and this is, of course, Rushdie’s point.
3
Osman, Idil A. "Re-creating conflict : an examination of Somali diasporic media involvement in the Somali conflict". Thesis, Cardiff University, 2015. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/86912/.
Texto completoResumen
Somalia has for more than two decades been in a perpetual state of conflict and more than a million Somalis have fled the initial civil war. Approximately 400,000 of them reside here in the UK. They have formed a large diasporic community and have set up their own websites and TV stations to remain engaged with the happenings of their homeland. Diasporic media is often hailed as a medium that allows immigrants to maintain their identity in their host country as well as providing a platform to sustain ties with their homeland. However, if these ties are being maintained with a homeland that is in a state of conflict, the potential to transport the dynamics of the conflict and re-create it amongst the diaspora audiences is very much a possibility. This thesis illustrates how diasporic media can re-create conflict through a theoretically developed and empirically informed argument that provides three analytically distinct approaches referred to as the three politics of non-recognition, solidarity and mobilisation. This thesis in essence, argues that diasporic media is more complex than what current scholars have demonstrated and that there is a need to broaden the scope of current academic debates concerning the interplay between diasporic media, transnationalism and conflict.
4
Adeney-Risakotta, Farsijana. "Politics, ritual and identity in Indonesia : a Moluccan history of religion and social conflict /". Yogyakarta : Farsijana Adeney-Risakotta, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40121498z.
Texto completo
5
Deeley, Susan Josephine. "Sexuality and people with learning disabilities : a conflict of ideologies". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1997. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3413/.
Texto completoResumen
This study addresses the issues of sexuality and learning disability. It is concerned with the views of professionals working with adults with learning disabilities and their parental carers. The views of professionals and parents regarding relationships, marriage and parenthood are explored. These form the basis of the emerging grounded theory, which incorporates the discrepancies between their ideologies of care. Although the subject of sexuality highlights these inherent differences, it is essentially the issue of sterilisation which magnifies them. It exacerbates the tension and potential conflict between professionals and parents. Furthermore, the focus on sterilisation has ramifications concerning the conflict between public and private concerns. There is controversy regarding the validity of consent to sterilisation by people with learning disabilities. This is because there is a final legal arbiter, which in Scotland is provided by the tutor-dative system. Ideologies of care have changed principally through normalisation. Although this is now the accepted orthodox philosophy, there remain some professionals who adhere to the superseded ideology of institutionalisation. As a result, they are more similar to those of parents than they are to their professional colleagues. The wider implications of these disparate ideologies of care are examined with respect to social work-family relations. Although these differences are at present irreconcilable, suggestions of how to alleviate tension and potential conflict between these two groups are made. Finally, the implications of normalisation with regard to sexuality are also addressed.
6
Viterbo, Hedi. "The legal construction of childhood in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/592/.
Texto completo
7
Swindlehurst, L. Catherine. "Trade expansion, social conflict and popular politics in the Spitalfields silkweaving community, c.1670-1770". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272134.
Texto completo
8
Höhne-Sparborth, Thomas. "The socio-economic spill-over effects of armed conflict on neighbouring countries". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3691/.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis explores the channels by which armed conflict may have wider regional effects through socio-economic spill-over effects. Collier (1999) has explored the economic consequences of civil war and other authors such as Murdoch and Sandler (2004) and de Groot (2010) have sought to verify the existence of neighbourhood effects through quantitative, large-N studies. These studies have only found mixed evidence of a net negative effect and have failed to identify the channels through which conflict affects neighbouring countries. This thesis adopts a case study approach to complement the longitudinal studies that have dominated the analysis of spill-over effects, focusing its primary case study on the example of Zambia, which experienced prolonged exposure to conflicts in Rhodesia, Mozambique, Angola and the DRC. Progressing from a survey of potential spill-over effects postulated in the existing literature, this thesis finds that the actual neighbourhood effects on Zambia have been more numerous and more ambiguous than previously acknowledged. In separate chapters on trade and investment, human capital and migration, food security, and military expenditure, this thesis assesses the range of effects by which these conflicts affected Zambia’s development. The thesis argues that trade and investment, agricultural policies, food security, and the escalation of government debt were affected by the pattern of regional instability, often in unexpected ways that defy easy generalisation. In addition to the Zambian case, the thesis offers a comparison with examples from Malawi, Belize, Jordan and Thailand. These supporting case studies demonstrate that the mechanisms identified in the study have widespread relevance in varied conflict situations, but that the net effect of individual channels of spill-over are dependent on local risk factors and policies. The thesis concludes with the provision of a framework outlining the various channels by which spill-over occurs, the risk factors involved, and possible policy responses.
9
Devine-Wright, Patrick. "Tracing the hand of history : the role of social memories in the Northern Ireland Conflict". Thesis, University of Surrey, 1999. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/699/.
Texto completo
10
Egan, Clare Louise. "Community conflict in early-modern South-West England : provincial libels and their performance contexts". Thesis, University of Southampton, 2014. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/377822/.
Texto completoResumen
With a particular emphasis on Devon, this thesis examines cases of early-modern libel as performances devised and enacted in the provincial communities of South-West England. In particular, it focuses on the Star Chamber records of libel from the counties of Devon, Cornwall, Dorset and Somerset during the reign of James I between 1603 and 1625. Whilst the performance-nature of libel has previously been acknowledged, there has not been any full scale analysis of early-modern provincial libels in terms of performance. This thesis argues that it was the performance of libel which made it a growing concern to those in authority and that provincial libel should be viewed in terms of a spectrum of performance. It also critically considers the view of this kind of libel that is currently implied by the selected publication of libel cases in the Records of Early English Drama volumes. The thesis includes an exploration of the uses of space and place by performance-based libel through the mapping of a sample of cases from Devon onto their contemporary landscape. The roles of women as spectators and engineers of libel performances are also examined, and this, in turn, necessitates careful consideration of the nature and limitations of the records through which accounts of provincial libel are received. Finally, the thesis applies literary analysis to the contents of those performance-based libels which used texts, in verse or prose, to defame their targets. From this analysis emerge features which can begin to define a genre of performance-based textual libel characterised by a distinctive authorial voice and a complex system of generic association. The study of the offence of libel at a local level in the South-West counties of England reveals sophisticated uses of performance in early-modern communal conflicts from all levels of society during a period of wider cultural, social and political change.
11
Robson, Susan Margaret. "An exploration of conflict handling among Quakers". Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2005. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/5945/.
Texto completoResumen
The Quaker community is committed to conflict resolution; it might be expected that the community itself is conflict free. This study explores this proposition and presents a counter narrative: conflict does exist among Quakers, with its roots in the culture of the organization. An ethnographic case study was undertaken in a context of observing participation, where the researcher was also actively responsible inside the organization. The project included: 39 semi-structured interviews with Key Informants, Grassroots Quakers and Edge Quakers; a collaborative inquiry workshop with 20 self-selected participants; recording of reflections over six months with a final workshop. The study finds a dominant community narrative telling how the Quaker task is to 'mend the world' and live in a'peaceable kingdom'. This is achieved by ignoring conflict within the organization, defensively following the maxim 'don't ask, don't tell, don't even think about it'. A distinctive pattern of conflict handling is revealed; aversion precedes avoidance, relationship is privileged above outcome, and moderation and restraint are required. Conflict which does surface and persists focuses on the interpretation of Quaker identity. The culture of aversion from conflict makes it difficult for Quakers to articulate conflict experience; they lack confidence and are hesitant. Counter narratives and personal narratives are not made public. Consequently there are very few collectively articulated stories about Quaker conflict handling. A constructivist narrative framework acknowledges the power in the internalised collective narrative. As proud individual nonconformists, Quakers minimise the coercive power of the collective narrative, which positions them as stultified in conflict, with their agency neutralized. It is argued that one way of creating radical change is to encourage the telling of more stories of Quaker conflict, providing new parts in the play.
12
Must, Elise. "When and how does inequality cause conflict? : group dynamics, perceptions and natural resources". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3438/.
Texto completoResumen
Recent advances in conflict studies have led to relatively robust conclusions that inequality fuels conflict when it overlaps with salient group identities. Central to quantitative studies supporting this relationship is a stipulated causal chain where objective group – or horizontal – inequalities are translated into grievances, which in turn form a mobilization resource. All these studies are however limited by their use of objective measures of inequality, which leaves them unable to directly test the assumed grievance mechanism. In four papers I argue that objective asymmetries are not enough to trigger conflict. For people to take action on horizontal inequalities, they will have to be aware of them and consider them unjust. In the first paper, Perceptions, Horizontal Inequalities and Civil Conflict, I use data from the World Values Survey to show that perceived rather than objective economic inequality between sub-national regional groups is associated with increased risk of civil war. In the second paper, Injustice is in the eye of the beholder: Perceived Horizontal Inequalities and Communal Conflict in Africa, I analyse 20 countries covered by the Afrobarometer Surveys. I conclude that combined objective and perceived economic ethnic inequality, political ethnic inequality, and particularly perceived political ethnic inequality, increase the risk of between-group conflict. In the third paper, Expectations, Grievances and Civil Unrest in Emerging Petrostates. Empirical Evidence from Tanzania, I present evidence suggesting that those who feel that their region has been treated unfairly by the government are most prone to support and participate in civil unrest. I base my conclusions primarily on survey data collected in 2015. In a final article, From Silence to Storm. Investigating Mechanisms Linking Structural Inequality and Natural Resources to Mobilization in Southern Tanzania, I rely on 35 semi-structured interviews to argue that natural gas mismanagement triggered group grievances, which in turn fuelled civil unrest.
13
Smith, Alyson. "Post-conflict reconstruction in Rwanda : uncovering hidden factors in the gender policy context". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3056/.
Texto completoResumen
Post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) policies often highlight gender issues during the agenda setting stage, but they largely fall off policy agendas as PCR processes advance. Interestingly, Rwanda is a counter-example to this trend. In 1994, Rwanda experienced a horrific genocide that caused a complete breakdown of the state. At that time, a new government, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) under the leadership of Paul Kagame, came into power. During the PCR period, gender policies were deemed a priority by the new government and this resulted in gains for women in several areas. The fact that Rwanda has a majority female parliament, for example, has resulted in significant international attention to Rwanda. Much of the credit for these gains and for putting gender issues on the PCR agenda has been given to the RPF and Kagame. However, is political will (as it is often described) a sufficient explanation for the post-conflict gender policy focus? I argue that it is not. By situating this research within a theoretical framework that draws upon feminist theoretical propositions, literature that questions the PCR dynamics of international aid and political outcomes, and Rwanda-specific literature, a fuller explanation of Rwanda’s PCR gender policy focus emerges. The evidence suggests that whilst political will was undoubtedly important, it is only one of five key factors: a majority female population, grassroots actions on the part of women, international aid, and the 1995 Beijing Conference on Women were also drivers behind this policy focus. However, these factors have largely been rendered invisible within PCR analysis on Rwanda. In this research I seek to explain why these factors were critical to setting the stage for a PCR gender policy focus and how this policy focus has been subsumed under a highly political agenda over the last two decades.
14
Jones, Lee C. "ASEAN, social conflict and intervention in Southeast Asia". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c17c8000-e2f2-46c2-a421-5a94a94bea0d.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis challenges the prevailing academic and journalistic consensus that ASEAN states, bound by a cast-iron norm of non-interference, do not intervene in other states’ internal affairs. It argues that ASEAN states have frequently engaged in acts of intervention, often with very serious, negative consequences. Using methods of critical historical sociology, the thesis reconstructs the history of ASEAN’s non-interference principle and interventions from ASEAN’s inception onwards, drawing on sources including ASEAN and UN documents, US and UK archives, and policymaker interviews. It focuses especially on three case studies: East Timor, Cambodia, and Myanmar. The thesis argues that both the emergence of ideologies of non-intervention and their violation can be explained by the social conflicts animating state policies. Non-interference was developed by embattled, authoritarian, capitalist elites in an attempt to bolster their defence of capitalist social order from radical challenges. Where adherence to non-intervention failed to serve this purpose, it was discarded or manipulated to permit cross-border ‘containment’ operations. After communism was defeated in the ASEAN states, foreign policy continued to promote the interests of dominant, state-linked business groups and oligarchic factions. Non-interference shifted to defend domestic power structures from the West’s liberalising agenda. However, ASEAN elites continued meddling in neighbouring states even as containment operations were discarded. This contributed to the collapse of Cambodia’s ruling coalition in 1997, and ASEAN subsequently intervened to restore it. The 1997 Asian financial crisis dealt a crippling blow to ASEAN. To contain domestic unrest in Indonesia, core ASEAN states joined a humanitarian intervention in East Timor in 1999. In the decade since, non-interference has been progressively weakened as the core members struggle to regain domestic legitimacy and lost international political and economic space. This is expressed most clearly in ASEAN’s attempts to insert itself into Myanmar’s democratisation process after decades of failed ‘constructive engagement’.
15
Aldorde, Nicholas. "German-Czech conflict in Cisleithania : the question of the ethnographic partition of Bohemia, 1848-1919". PDXScholar, 1987. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3663.
Texto completoResumen
Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia, the former Crownlands of Austria-Hungary which now make up the western half of Czechoslovakia, had for centuries a population mixture of 40% German, 60% Czech. The national reawakening of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries pitted the majority Czechs against their German minority master. This, coupled with the social upheavals caused by the industrial revolution, brought Czechs and Germans in Bohemia to center stage in the nationality conflict in the multinational Empire.
16
Moyer, Paul Benjamin. "Wild Yankees: Settlement, conflict, and localism along Pennsylvania's northeast frontier, 1760-1820". W&M ScholarWorks, 1999. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623949.
Texto completoResumen
Pennsylvania's northeast frontier---a region embraced by the upper reaches of the Delaware and Susquehanna Rivers---was the scene of a bitter and, at times, bloody backwoods dispute. Here Yankees (settlers and speculators holding deeds from Connecticut land companies) fought Pennamites (settlers and landlords who claimed land under Pennsylvania) for land and authority. This contest began in the 1760s and lasted till the first decade of the nineteenth century and, for a time, pitted Connecticut against Pennsylvania in a bitter jurisdictional conflict. This study focuses on the dispute after the revolutionary war when the federal government awarded the contested territory to Pennsylvania and when Connecticut claimants, who became known as Wild Yankees, violently resisted the imposition of Pennsylvania's authority and soil rights.;This study explores agrarian unrest in northeast Pennsylvania and adds to existing backcountry scholarship by demonstrating that the revolutionary frontier was not only the scene of a battle over land and authority but also the locus of a struggle over identity and the definition of local culture. It analyzes how frontier expansion, the Revolution, class conflict, and disputes over property intersected with the daily lives of ordinary men and women by examining the small-scale social networks (family, kin, and neighborhood) that delimitated their lives.;This study makes two closely connected arguments. First, it contends that backcountry inhabitants' local lives---the social relationships, economic networks, and sources of authority that operated on a face-to-face level---framed their aspirations as well as their perceptions of the Revolution and social conflict. This parochial world view, or localism, played an important role in shaping frontier expansion and frontier unrest. Second, it argues that localism, though it had always been present in agrarian society, became a paramount ingredient of identity and ideology in the backcountry between the mid-eighteenth and early nineteenth century. Rapid frontier expansion combined with the Revolution to create a distinct parochial world view among settlers that can best be described as revolutionary backcountry localism .
17
Arévalo, Viñas Miriam. "Ripoll: menestrals i monjos en el marc feudal: segles XVI-XVIII". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/401345.
Texto completoResumen
Aquesta tesi estudia la lluita dels homes de la vila de Ripoll per a obtenir un consell de govern propi independent de l’abat des del segle XVI fins a l’any 1755. El govern polític i econòmic existent a la vila ripollesa al segle XV fou exactament igual que a la primera meitat del segle XVIII, sense cap evolució política, passant per sobre, inclòs, del mateix Decret de Nova Planta, convertint-se en un cas únic a tot el Principat. Per tant, aquesta tesi esdevé el millor exemple de pervivència i resistència de les estructures feudals a les acaballes de l’Antic Règim.
L’estudi dels fets primer, per veure com fou l’evolució d’aquesta lluita entre els segles XIII-XVIII, i de l’economia i especialment de la societat moderna posteriorment, ens evidenciaran tres punts molt importants; el primer, que la lluita es desenvolupà tant per la via de dret com per la via de fet; el segon, que el fet que la vila de Ripoll fos de jurisdicció baronial no perjudicà ni el seu creixement demogràfic ni el seu creixement econòmic; i el tercer, que les xarxes familiars o clientelars foren fonamentals, tant per la lluita pel govern consolar i/o l’emancipació baronial, com per a l’impediment d’aquests objectius per part dels monjos, estenent-se els llaços d’aquestes xarxes arreu de Catalunya, impedint que la voluntat dels ripollesos pogués aconseguir-se abans de l’any 1755.This thesis studies the fight of the men of Ripoll to obtain a council of government independent of the abbot since the 16th century until year 1755. The political and economic government existing in the town of Ripoll in the 15th century was exactly the same as at the first half of the 18th century, without any political evolution, passing over, included, of the same Decree of Nueva Planta, becoming a unique case in the Principality of Catalonia. Therefore, this thesis becomes the best example of survival and resistance of the feudal structures on the final stages of the Ancient Regime. The study about the facts first, to see how the evolution of this fight was among the centuries XIII-XVIII, and about the economy and especially of the modern society later, they will make us evident three very important points; the first, that the fight developed via law as well as via fact; the second, that the fact that Ripoll was of baronial jurisdiction did not prejudice either its demographic growth or its economic growth; and the third, that the family or clientelistic networks would be fundamental in this fight for the government to the town and/or to obtain the baronial emancipation, existing these networks all over Catalonia, preventing from the will of the inhabitants of Ripoll being able to be achieved before year 1755.
18
Cante, Fabien. "Living together in the post-conflict city : radio and the re-making of place in Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3731/.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis examines the role of proximity radio (radio de proximité) in the re-making of place in post-conflict Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire. Proximity radio stations are areabased, non-commercial broadcasters introduced in the late 1990s as part of the liberalisation of the Ivoirian airwaves. Following recent politico-military conflict, stations have become key actors in national and local efforts to rebuild ways of living together. To understand the role that proximity radio stations play in post-conflict cohabitation, it is necessary to move beyond policy discourses of "reconciliation" and "social cohesion." These discourses are ubiquitous in Abidjan but they provide an abstracted and de-politicising account of togetherness. Instead, putting critical media and urban studies in dialogue, I ground my approach in the layered complexities of everyday mediation, as well as the contested politics of city life. Theoretically, the work of proximity radio stations can be understood in terms of what I call the mediated production of locality. This situates radio's significance in its ability to sustain habits of shared space from which encounters can spring and new commonalities can emerge. It also conceives of urban place as thoroughly political terrain, challenging top-down discourses that posit the local as a realm of social activity separate from (national) politics. The centrality of place, as a concept for inquiry, informs an ethnographic methodology attuned both to the multiple sites of media-related practices and to discourses linking (or de-linking) locality, media and politics in Abidjan. Asking what kind of place proximity radio stations make in the Ivoirian metropolis allows us to grasp local mediation in its full ambivalence - that is, considering both its challenges and its potential for new commonalities. My empirical analysis shows that, on the one hand, proximity radio stations carry discourses in which the local serves to contain and constrain urban dwellers' ability to question their situation. On the other hand, stations foster a sociability of encounter in which it is possible to discern the promise of a new form of local politics, rooted in the shared experiences of everyday urban life. In the end, I argue that proximity radio should allow inhabitants to make their own place in the city, rather than tell them what kind of meaning the local should take in their lives.
19
Musselwhite, Paul Philip. "Conflict, Coexistence, and Community: Settlement Politics and the Emergence of a Social Network in Proprietary South Carolina, 1670-1700". W&M ScholarWorks, 2006. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626516.
Texto completo
20
Peterson, Joseph S. "Exploiting tribal networks through conflict". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FPeterson.pdf.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Anna Simons. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-68). Also available in print.
21
Alarid, Michael Joseph. "Caudillo Justice: Intercultural Conflict and Social Change in Santa Fe, New Mexico, 1837-1853". The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1345132862.
Texto completo
22
Canning, Victoria. "Transcending conflict : exploring sexual violence support for women seeking asylum in Merseyside". Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2011. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/6154/.
Texto completoResumen
Rape and sexual violence have long been acknowledged in feminist literature as a silenced social problem which requires long term strategies for prevention, prosecution and support. Social sciences more generally, however, have had a more ambivalent relationship with the theoretical and conceptual development of research in this area. Outside of feminist sociology and criminology there has been little engagement, yet sexual violence remains a prevalent social problem in all regions of the globe. The latter half of the twentieth century saw quick and significant changes to the structures of states as the result of localised and international conflicts, many of which continue or are experiencing post-conflict transformation that has resulted in global growths in refugee populations as a result of forced migration. Alongside this has been an increasing globalisation of rights based approaches related to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, the Geneva Convention of 1951 and the development of United Nations Resolutions and the establishment of the International Criminal Courts. Focussing on Merseyside as a case study, a main area of dispersal in the UK, this thesis critically examines domestic responses to women's asylum applications and support for women survivors of conflict related sexual violence. Using qualitative activist methodologies from a feminist standpoint perspective, it explores support available through interviews with local governmental and non-governmental organisations working within sexual violence support, asylum, and/or women's organisations before applying a structural analysis of long term impacts of sexual violence through an oral history with Hawwi, an Ethiopian rape survivor and asylum seeker in . . Merseyside. It concludes that, despite international developments, women's rights continue to lie marginalised in these arenas within and outside of academia. As such, important gaps in response exist with regard to sexual violence in conflict, but also in Merseyside. It concludes that, like rights based developments, considerations for applications continue to overlook the gendered experience of conflict, particularly with regard to the widespread perpetration of sexual violence. As such, limited resources for support exist for women survivors in Merseyside which can have detrimental effects on women's emotional, psychological and physical health as well as having wider social impacts beyond the individual.
23
Redman, Lydia Catherine. "Industrial conflict, social reform and competition for power under the Liberal governments 1906-1914". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708257.
Texto completo
24
Hammond, Catherine. "Family conflict in ducal Normandy, c. 1025-1135". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3940.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis focuses on conflict within families in Normandy, c. 1025 to 1135. Despite the occurrence of several acute struggles within the ducal house during this period, and a number of lesser known but significant disputes within aristocratic families, this topic has attracted little attention from historians. Kin conflict was cast by medieval commentators as a paradox, and indeed, it is often still regarded in these terms today: the family was a bastion of solidarity, and its members the very individuals to whom one turned for support in the face of an external threat, so for a family group to turn against itself was aberrant and abhorrent. In this thesis, I draw on significant narrative and documentary evidence to consider the practice and perception of family discord. When considered in its broader setting, it emerges that kin disputes were an expected and accepted part of Norman society at this time. I begin by introducing the topic, justifying my approach, considering the relevant historiography, and providing an overview of the sources. In chapter one, I examine the representations of family and conflict in a range of primary sources to glean contemporary views. In chapters two and three, I focus on the practice of conflict within the ducal family, considering the causes of disputes, and then the place of internal ducal dissension in the Norman world. Chapter four analyses the same issues in relation to discord within aristocratic families, before chapter five explores family disputes which arose from patronage of the Church. In the conclusion, I consider the Norman example within its comparative contemporary milieu and ponder the broader themes of family conflict.
25
Allen, C. "On theory, knowledge and practice in housing and urban research : a phenomenology of conflict and reconciliation". Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2018. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/7787/.
Texto completoResumen
One year before my academic life began, Jim Kemeny published a book called ‘Housing and Social Theory’ (Kemeny 1992). This book has had a major impact within European housing and urban research over the last two and a half decades, not least by crystalizing its epistemic divisions into ‘mainstream’ and ‘critical’ (Webb 2012). In the face of Kemeny’s critique, ‘mainstream’ housing and urban researchers have remained wedded to ‘policy oriented’ empiricist approaches about which they have been defensive. In fact, it could even be argued that policy oriented housing researchers have been emboldened during this period. On the other hand, some housing and urban researchers have spent the last 25 years exploring the relationship between housing and social theory with a view to developing a more ‘critical’ understanding of housing and housing policy. My own work falls into this latter category and can be broken down into three phases (represented in the three parts of this thesis) which all bear the hallmarks of Kemeny’s influence, to greater or lesser degrees. Kemeny’s influence is most obvious in part I of the thesis. This contains a series of papers that represent my attempts to develop a sociology of housing and housing research. Although my initial contributions to the literature focussed on the social construction of housing problems and policy, my subsequent interventions recognise that it is not enough to focus ‘critical’ theoretical attention on policy issues alone; the context of research practice, itself, requires the same critical theoretical attention. This recognition set me on an intellectual track that resulted in published contributions to the sociology of knowledge literature, within the entrepreneurial context of the contemporary university. These contributions examine how entrepreneurial contexts shape academic subjectivities and the sociological episteme. If part I of the thesis finds sociology useful in illuminating housing policy and housing research practice then part II contains a book and two papers that call it into question. The origins of this ‘hostile turn’ towards sociology are in two pieces of research (into the lives of heroin users and visual impaired children) where sociology had hindered my attempts to develop an adequate knowledge of the phenomena under the microscope. The publications in this part of the thesis embrace phenomenology to make theoretical sense of the limits of the sociological episteme and to develop a more adequate understanding of the lives of heroin users and visual impaired children. They also set me on an intellectual path that led to my theoretical development of a more fundamental critique of housing and urban research and, eventually, a constructive and reconciliatory resolution to what I have argued are its epistemic limitations. The book and two papers contained in part III of the thesis were produced in conditions of acute conflict. The book and ‘fallacy paper’ were written in response to the controversial housing market renewal programme but were contextualised within my wider intellectual concerns about the fundamental problems of housing and urban research. They represent a full-frontal intellectual ‘attack’ on the professional enterprise of housing and urban research and its social consequences. The ‘impact’ paper was written and published 5 years later, following a ‘career break’ during which I had reflected on the fundamentally conflictual nature of housing and urban research and sought nonviolent alternatives to such conflict. It outlines a reconciliatory approach to housing and urban research that is true to the intellectual argument in the ‘fallacy paper’ whilst seeking to outline and advance the possibilities for collaboration between housing and urban researchers and their constituencies.
26
Lindberg, Miryam. "Conflict Analysis of Economic Perceptions and Misperceptions in the United States". NSUWorks, 2016. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/52.
Texto completoResumen
Economics plays a vital role in people’s lives and societal development. Research shows a prevalence of large deficits in economic literacy among the U.S. population, which may help perpetuate misperceptions about how economic systems operate and why they render specific results. The issue of human nature and how it influences policy design is explored. The purpose of this study is to explore Americans’ perceptions and misperceptions regarding three economic systems—capitalism, socialism, and communism—to determine if there is a generational gap. Furthermore, this research explores how people acquire their epistemological assumptions on economics in the era of Internet; and how perceptions and misperceptions about these three economic systems and economic literacy may play an important role in macro-conflict formation. This dissertation identifies specific conditions, factors, and characteristics driving this conflict-saturated social trend. It leverages a thirty-five question survey, designed for this research and administered among U.S. residents, as a method of inquiry to provide a quantitative description from the lens of macro conflict. This study also analyzes some of the effects of the tech revolution by executing data about how people are currently getting their impressions about economic systems and the primary sources and experiences that inform them. This research argues that endogenizing economic knowledge can have far-reaching repercussions in the prevention and avoidance of macro conflict. It also recommends the use of non-Marxist theoretical frameworks to analyze conflict.
27
Margolis, Oren y Brian Maxson. "The 'Schemes' of Piero de' Pazzi and the Conflict with the Medici (1461–2)". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6175.
Texto completoResumen
This article opens up an important but overlooked chapter in the political and diplomatic history of Florence, as well as that of fifteenth-century Franco-Italian relations more broadly. In late 1461, the city of Florence elected ambassadors to go to France to congratulate King Louis XI on his accession to the throne. Intended as a purely ceremonial mission, the Florentine diplomat Piero de' Pazzi ignored his commission and pursued policies that explicitly promoted French interests in Italy. By doing so, Piero sought to improve the standing of his own family, both domestically and abroad, at the expense of the Medici regime in Florence and the anti-French Italian League that the Medici supported. This article offers for the first time a full investigation of a surprisingly early example of tensions between the Medici and the Pazzi, tensions that famously erupted in the Pazzi Conspiracy of 1478.
28
Paulin, Margaret. "The Presence of the Past in Three Guatemalan Classrooms: The Role of Teachers in a Post-Conflict Society". Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1368572974.
Texto completo
29
Najjuma, Rovincer. "Peace education in the context of post-conflict formal schooling : the effectiveness of the revitalising education participation and learning in conflict affected areas-peace education programme in Northern Uganda". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3083/.
Texto completoResumen
This qualitative, multiple methods case study concerns the effectiveness of Revitalising Education Participation and Learning in Conflict affected Areas-Peace Education Programme (REPLICA-PEP). There is currently limited evidence regarding the effectiveness of peace education programmes in the context of post-conflict formal schooling. This study therefore set out to explore the effectiveness of REPLICA-PEP and to gain insight into the reality of the current practice of peace education in schools in a post-conflict context in Northern Uganda. The school is one of the places where children learn values, attitudes and behaviour, schooling is often criticised for using symbolic violence to maintain and reinforce different forms of violence including physical violence. This study explores theoretical and practical aspects of peace education and key issues relevant to the effectiveness of peace education programmes, including the role and influence of formal schooling in a post-conflict context. A combination of qualitative methods (interviews, observation and documentary analysis) were employed to examine REPLICA-PEP effectiveness and its impact on pupils’ knowledge, attitudes, skills and behaviour. The results show that, although some traces of impact were found in pupils’ awareness of: the dangers of using violence; non-violent conflict resolution alternatives; and attitude change to non-violent conflict resolution, pupils did not develop empathy, self-control, competences and skills for non-violent conflict resolution. Interrogation of qualitative data about the REPLICA-PEP implementation process and activities in the schools have led to the generation of theoretically-informed and empirically-grounded recommendations which integrate and accommodate the nature of formal schooling in a post-conflict context and programme design features for improving the effectiveness of peace education programmes. It has also laid the ground for future research on what is possible in terms of strategies to facilitate and promote pupil peace building activities in post-conflict formal schooling contexts such as peace-related pupil voice, documentation and action.
30
Carter, Daniel Barnaby. "Narratives of nation, frontier and social conflict in Chile : the province of Cautín during the agrarian reform period, 1967-1973". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648297.
Texto completo
31
Tarrant, Iona Elizabeth. "Is there a conflict between liberty and social welfare? : an historical perspective on Sen's "Impossibility of a Paretian Liberal"". Thesis, University of Hull, 2000. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3952.
Texto completo
32
Brydon, Thomas Robert Craig. "Poor, unskilled and unemployed : perceptions of the English underclass, 1889-1914". Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32900.
Texto completoResumen
From the families of dockside London to the cautious cabinets of the Edwardian 'new liberals,' the search was on, after 1889, for a class of men Charles Booth characterized as so low in moral character as to require elimination from society-at-large. Responding as best they could, the poorest third of England's workers attempted desperately, yet usually failed, to avoid the stigma of the 'loafer' as they weathered economic downturn, increased policing, the fallout of deskilling, and the hatred and hysteria of a society, particularly in the wake of the Boer War, that refused them the status even of 'men'. In laws and literature, England's reforming and governing classes found their answers in Idealism, a philosophical movement taking progressive, moderate and labour leaders under its fold, and encouraging an understanding of poverty, and responses to it, on the basis of character alone. Piecemeal programmes and partial remedies for a host of principally urban, predominantly working-class social problems were the result, and they point---in a period of ostensibly 'progressive' housing and unemployment reform---to a disturbing, quasi-authoritarian policy demanding nothing less than social apartheid.
33
Ballah, Henryatta Louise. "Listen, Politics is not for Children: Adult Authority, Social Conflict, and Youth Survival Strategies in Post Civil War Liberia". The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1354564839.
Texto completo
34
Proudfoot, Douglas Scott. "Images of social division in the propaganda of the Parisian Holy League, 1585-1594". Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23354.
Texto completoResumen
The Parisian Holy League, an insurgent movement in conflict with both royal government and the social elites, expounded, in spite of itself, a conservative, nobiliary social ideology. According to the pamphlets published by the League, the essence of nobility was virtue, and human society was organised in conformity with a divinely-ordained, hierarchical tripartite model. Nevertheless, in rejecting the racial ideas of certain noblemen, and in striving to apply the traditional nobiliary ideology, the Leaguers charged that ideology with a radical and anti-noble purport.
35
Tosaka, Rumi Morishima. "Is "identity-based conflict" a valid or banal concept? Event history analysis of civil war onset, 1960-2000". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1212613719.
Texto completo
36
Lantschner, Patrick. "The logic of political conflict in the late Middle Ages : a comparative study of urban political conflicts in Italy and the southern Low Countries, c. 1370-1440". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:88345337-bad5-4eb6-b626-ec6ae003cfef.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis examines urban political conflict in the late Middle Ages (c. 1370-1440) in Europe’s most heavily urbanised regions, Italy and the Southern Low Countries. Conflicts have frequently been viewed in the context of an emerging state-controlled political order, and have been interpreted either as forms of disruptive disorder, or as affirmations of political processes shaped by states. This thesis suggests that urban conflict should be studied not in the context of a state-controlled political order, but within the political framework provided by the numerous semi-autonomous jurisdictional institutions inside and outside cities (such as guilds, parishes or contending outside powers). This pluralistic order of politics gave rise to a form of political order sui generis which expressed itself in two ways. According to a general logic of conflict (Part One), particular rationales for justifying conflict (Chapter One) and specific political practices ranging from concealed protest to urban warfare (Chapter Two) were embedded in this multi-faceted and shifting political framework. Action groups could be negotiated and renegotiated around the resources provided by the city’s multiple legitimating institutions (Chapter Three). At the same time, such political institutions were configured differently in different cities, and this also generated a particular logic which lay at the basis of different systems of conflict (Part Two). Levels of conflict could, in fact, vary greatly between Bologna and Liège (Chapter Four), Florence and Tournai (Chapter Five), and Lille and Verona (Chapter Six), where, on the basis of different underlying political institutions, diverse practices of conflict and forms of association prevailed. The pluralistic order of politics itself was, therefore, a form of political organisation which crystallised around conflict. It gave rise to a logic which put conflict at the centre of the political order of late medieval cities.
37
Miller, Troy Anthony. "Emergence of the concept of heresy in early Christianity : the context of internal social conflict in first-century Christianity and late second Temple sectarianism". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/10603.
Texto completoResumen
The present thesis endeavors to identify the context out of which the conceptual category of heresy initially emerged within early Christianity. As such, it will not focus on any single heresy or heresiological issue, but rather on the emergence of the notion of heresy itself. The context proposed from which the Christian idea of heresy first emerged is not the institutionalization of orthodoxy within the second-century church, but rather, the dynamics of internal social conflict, which is visible in situations of internal deviance within first century Christianity and in at least one strand of the sectarianism of Second Temple Judaism. In Part I, which is a single chapter (two), I appeal to the social sciences to help articulate a social understanding of the concept of heresy, not in an effort to replace the ecclesiastical understanding, which holds heresy to be a belief or teaching that stands in opposition to or deviates from an orthodox norm/doctrine and which dominates scholarly perception on the topic, but as a complement to it. The aim of the chapter is to identify a set of characteristics that mark heresy as a unique social phenomenon. In Part II, I turn to Galatians (chapter three) and parts of Revelation 2-3 (chapter four), as test cases for the viability of locating the phenomenological characteristics noted in chapter two within these two first-century contexts of internal social conflict. After surveying the settings of conflict and the given author's responses to them, I conclude that though heresy (in the ecclesiastical sense) is not demarcated in these contexts, they are a likely context out of which the early Christian conceptual category of heresy initially emerged. Part Ill reflects an effort to see whether there may be earlier settings of internal social conflict that are analogous to these first-century contexts. Based on the argument that the exclusiveness inherent to these first-century situations of internal conflict, as well as the notion of heresy, requires a monotheistic religious framework, I turn solely to Second Temple Judaism. Relying upon a phenomenological characterization of religious sects, I (in chapter five) highlight the emerging sectarian markings evident in groups around the beginning of the second Jewish commonwealth. Chapter six, then, reflects an attempt to gauge the extremes of sectarian commitments and expression in late Second Temple Judaism by noting the sectarian features of groups behind the Habakkuk Pesher and the Psalms of Solomon. Ultimately, I conclude that these two settings of sectarian conflict bear a phenomenological resemblance to the first-century Christian situations of internal social conflict previously surveyed. Part IV, which is a single chapter (seven), reflects an effort to track when and how the early Christian notion of heresy emerged from these settings of internal social conflict, primarily through a study of the New Testament evidence of [Greek characters];. As the term moves from possessing a neutral to a pejorative to a defamatory meaning, I appeal to linguistic theory, namely semantics and sociolinguistics, in an effort to (1) characterize the type of shift in meaning that occurred in [Greek characters]; and (2) begin to locate any forces or factors that may have been influential in this linguistic transformation. Ultimately, I combine this analysis of [Greek characters]; with the previous work on the dynamic of internal social conflict in the first century and the late Second Temple period to construct a diachronic presentation of how the concept of heresy initially came into early Christian thought and writing. Chapter eight brings the thesis to a close by briefly revisiting the main conclusions of the study and identifying the primary contributions that it makes to various areas of Christian Origins research.
38
Jenzen, Douglas P. "Growing Conflict: Agriculture, Innovation, and Immigration in San Luis Obispo County, 1837-1937". DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2011. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/460.
Texto completoResumen
The history of San Luis Obispo and its surrounding areas is complex. Agriculture, innovation, and immigration have all contributed to the formation of the region. The Spanish, Mexican, and early American periods established the framework successive waves of immigrants had to live within. Native Americans and immigrants from China, Portugal, Switzerland, Japan, the Philippines, and other regions of the United States have all toiled in the fields and contributed to America’s tables at various points throughout county history. Many contingencies determined the treatment of successive waves of immigrants. Growth and development are taking place at exponential rates on the very land that witnessed the first local agriculture and the conflicts surrounding the burgeoning industry.
39
Almeida, Jane Barros 1979. "Educação e luta de classes : a experiência da educação na Comuna de Paris (1871)". [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281162.
Texto completoResumen
Orientador: Jesus José RanieriTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T13:09:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Almeida_JaneBarros_D.pdf: 5705010 bytes, checksum: af659b08f920224fab05b5d198719227 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014
Resumo: Esta tese realizou uma análise, a partir da relação entre educação e luta de classes, tendo como objeto de estudos a experiência da Educação na Comuna de Paris de 1871. Esta curta experiência foi capaz de revelar a contribuição da educação no processo de construção de uma consciência de classe dos trabalhadores, mediante os debates e disputas políticas em prol de melhores condições de vida e direitos, travados no período anterior à Comuna, a antessala, quando a educação assumiu papel central ao canalizar os elementos de descontentamento e denúncia do projeto aplicado pelo Império de Napoleão III, ao mesmo tempo em que revelou elementos de um novo projeto de sociedade. A experiência da educação na Comuna de Paris foi capaz de apontar rupturas com o projeto de educação republicano, no sentido de indicar elementos para uma educação verdadeiramente democrática, emancipadora, omnilateral, laica, integral, crítica e reflexiva, para ambos os sexos. Assim como resignificou a ideia de público através da educação, desvinculando-o da lógica atribuída pelo particularismo burguês. A educação pública e popular criticou o papel do Estado, delegando aos trabalhadores organizados a tarefa de direção e formulação do novo projeto educacional. Avanços capazes de revelar a importância da educação no interior da luta dos trabalhadores, na construção de um novo projeto societal
Abstract: This thesis conducted an analysis, starting from the relationship between education and class struggle, using as the object of study the experience of education at Paris Commune in 1871. This short experience was able to reveal the contribution of education in building a class consciousness of workers through the debates and political disputes in favor of better living conditions and rights, conducted in the period that preceded the Commune, the precursor, when education assumed a central role, channeling the elements of discontent and denunciation of the project implemented by the Empire of Napoleon III, at the same time that it revealed elements of a new project of society. The experience of education at Paris Commune was able to indicate breaks with the republican educational project, in order to suggest elements for a truly democratic, emancipator, comprehensive, secular, critical and reflective education, for both sexes. It also redefined the idea of public, through education, separating it from the logic given by bourgeois particularism. The public and popular education criticized the role of the state, delegating to the organized workers the task of leadership and formulation of the new educational project. Advances able to reveal the importance of education within the struggle of workers in the construction of a new societal project
Doutorado
Sociologia
Doutor em Sociologia
40
Pragasam, Nirad. "Tigers on the mind : an interrogation of conflict diasporas and long distance nationalism : a study of the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora in London". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/460/.
Texto completoResumen
In contrast to orthodox presentations of 'long distance nationalism' as an abstract politics without accountability or responsibility by theorists like Benedict Anderson, I argue that it is essential in the case of conflict diasporas to conceptualize the nature of diaspora support for homeland insurgencies as a contingent product of lived experience, perception, culture and history. Based on qualitative, ethnographic fieldwork, including an analysis of in-depth personal narratives from within the London Tamil diaspora, I attempt to describe the (trans) formative effects of violence, loss and displacement. I contend that the resulting viewpoints and aspirations carry the imprint of the de-territorialised ‘imagining’ of relationships, belonging and moral community which define the content of long distance nationalism. Using inter-disciplinary ideas from a range of theorists including Arjun Appadurai, I focus on a ‘process of becoming’ by which a specific transnational consciousness is engendered. The idea that conflict diaspora identity is defined by a complex interplay between a contextual and subjective understanding of political discourse; as well as the intellectual, moral, psychological and existential experience of being in diaspora is developed and held up against the current literature. Rather than seeing such displaced communities through the prism of a society in conflict in a distant homeland, I argue that we should consider how conflict has produced a particular epistemology of diasporic space and identity. I conclude by arguing that diaspora identity has its roots not only in a distant homeland but also in the hearts, minds and imagination of diaspora Tamils, where the complex obligations of being human in a time of conflict, override that of being a citizen, physically emplaced within a particular territory. I contend that such a perspective is both essential and yet often overlooked when seeking to interrogate the content of long distance nationalism in the dominant literature.
41
Kramer, William. "FILID, FAIRIES AND FAITH: The Effects of Gaelic Culture, Religious Conflict and the Dynamics of Dual Confessionalisation on the Suppression of Witchcraft Accusations and Witch-Hunts in Early Modern Ireland, 1533 - 1670". DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2010. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/327.
Texto completoResumen
The European Witch-Hunts reached their peak in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Betweeen 1590 and 1661, approximately 1500 women and men were accused of, and executed for, the crime of witchcraft in Scotland. England suffered the largest witch-hunt in its history during the Civil Wars of the 1640s, which produced the majority of the 500 women and men executed in England for witchcraft. Evidence indicates, however, that only three women were executed in Ireland between 1533 and 1670. Given the presence of both English and Scottish settlers in Ireland during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the dramatic discrepancy of these statistics indicate that conditions existed in early modern Ireland that tended to suppress the mechanisms that produced witchcraft accusations and larger scale witch-hunts.
In broad terms those conditions in Ireland were the persistence of Gaelic culture and the ongoing conditions of open, inter-religious conflict. In particular, two artifacts of Gaelic Irish culture had distinct impact upon Irish witchcraft beliefs. The office of the Poet, or fili (singular for filid), seems to have had a similar impact upon Gaelic culture and society as the shaman has on Siberian witchcraft beliefs. The Gaelic/Celtic Poet was believed to have magical powers, which were actually regulated by the Brehon Law codes of Ireland. The codification of the Poet’s harmful magic seems to have eliminated some of the mystique and menace of magic within Gaelic culture. Additionally, the persistent belief in fairies as the source of harmful magic remained untainted by Christianity throughout most of Ireland. Faeries were never successfully demonized in Ireland as they were in Scotland. The Gaelic Irish attributed to fairies most of the misfortunes that were otherwise blamed on witchcraft, including the sudden wasting away and death of children. Faerie faith in Ireland has, in fact, endured into the twentieth century. The ongoing ethno-religious conflict between the Gaelic, Catholic Irish and the Protestant “New English” settlers also undermined the need for witches in Ireland. The enemy, or “other” was always readily identifiable as a member of the opposing religious or ethnic group. The process of dual confessionalisation, as described by Ute Lotz-Huemann, facilitated the entrenchment of Catholic resistence to encroaching Protestantism that both perpetuated the ethno-religious conflict and prevented the penetration of Protestant ideology into Gaelic culture. This second effect is one of the reasons why fairies were never successfully associated with demons in Ireland. Witch-hunts were complex events that were produced and influenced by multiple causative factors. The same is true of those factors that suppressed witchcraft accusations. Enduring Gaelic cultural artifacts and open ethno-religious conflict were not the only factors that suppressed witchcraft accusations and witch-hunts in Ireland; they were, however, the primary factors.
42
Strong, Paul Nicholas. "The economic consequences of ethno-national conflict in Cyprus : the development of two siege economies after 1963 and 1974". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/97/.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis examines the economic aftermath of ethno-national conflict in a small European economy. Events in 1963 and 1974, led to the de facto division of a small nation-state, ethnically and geographically. Since the conflict, the different communities have remained on a war footing, having had no normal communications. For each, one of these watersheds is perceived as an economic catastrophe. The effect of arbitrarily dividing an already small economy was significant. It has been argued, however, that the large-scale uprooting of one community was seized on as a development opportunity, so the thesis examines the recovery mechanisms employed by both communities and assesses their relative economic impact. In a comparative context, economic growth and development are compared before and after de facto division, both across the ethnic division and with similar small and regional economies that have, in the period, largely retained conflict within the politicai process. Despite Problems, economic growth both sides of a UN Buffer Zone compare favourably with ali of the selected peer economies. However, with both communities having a clear perception of the cost of division, a dynamic model has been created to determine a benchmark for all-island, integrated economic growth. How would the economy have performed, if growth had not been disrupted by ethno-national conflict? How sustainable are two competing, non-communicating economies, sharing one small Mediterranean island?
43
Tufaro, Rossana <1989>. "Labor and conflict in pre-war Lebanon (1970-1975) : a retrival of the political experience of factory commitees in the industrial district of Beirut". Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/15564.
Texto completoResumen
While having played a crucial role in the development of the macro-events the whole country was involved in, workers as consciously active collective subjects have found no space in the historical writing of and on Lebanon. At the base of this remotion, the hegemony of an eminently elitist and, above all, sectarian-oriented eye in reading the Lebanese events, that has reduced the history of the country to the history of their religious communities and their (often conflicting) interactions. The following research, by reconstructing the history of Lebanese grassroots labor movements and mobilizations in the decade preceding the outbreak of the Civil War, and by trying to recuperate the silenced voice of workers' agency and discourse, aims at actively contribute to bith fill a crucial gap in Lebanese history (putting into discussion the sectarian-based paradigms through which the latter is still narrated) and also, on a theoretical point of view, to try to move a step forward in the question of the historiographical treatment of the “subaltern subject.”
44
Ibrahim, Ahmed-Rufai. "Transforming the Dagbon Chieftaincy Conflict in Ghana: Perception on the use of Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR)". Diss., NSUWorks, 2018. https://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/105.
Texto completoResumen
The study is a survey research with a focus on the perceptions of the two conflicting parties in the Dagbon chieftaincy conflict in Ghana; the Abudu, and the Andani royal families on the use of Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) to resolve and transform the Dagbon chieftaincy conflict in Ghana. The conflict is over the rightful heir to the Yendi throne (skin) and it has persisted for more than five decades in Ghana’s post-independence history. All attempts to amicably resolve and transform the conflict through government established committees and commissions of inquiry, rulings by the law courts, and interventions by state and non-state institutions and actors have failed to yield any positive results. An alternative conflict settlement approach is therefore required to resolve and transform the conflict. ADR which is an approach employed by two or more parties in the settlement of conflicts and disputes other than the judicial court system is perceived to be an option. Historically, the traditional practice of ADR dates back to the pre-colonial era in Africa including Ghana. However, Ghana formally introduced ADR by promulgating the ADR Act (Act 798) in 2010. Three significant theories, namely; ripeness theory, Hobbes’ inherency theory and the group identity theory have been used to explain the study. Existing literature has been systematically reviewed. Primary data was gathered with a questionnaire. The data was then scientifically examined, analyzed, and interpreted. The findings are that respondents are very much aware of the existence of the conflict and its effects. The general perception is that, the ADR method when employed could result in an amicable resolution and transformation of the Dagbon conflict in Ghana. The research contributes to emerging literature on the relevance of Alternative Dispute Resolution and its success in the resolution of conflicts and disputes.
45
Feitosa, Orange Matos. "À sombra dos seringais: militares e civis na construção da ordem republicana no Amazonas (1910-1924)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-27082015-104735/.
Texto completoResumen
As primeiras três décadas republicanas não foram alvo de estudos da historiografia tradicional do Amazonas, apesar de terem sido marcadas por intensos confrontos políticos e sociais permeados pela crise da economia da borracha. Os relatos existentes veicularam a ideia de que o Estado do Amazonas era mergulhado nas águas da opulência e da passividade. Contudo, a pesquisa documental que subsidia esta tese demostrou que em Manaus a passividade inexistia; o período se caracterizou por lutas pelo poder, diversos conflitos urbanos, greves de empregados e funcionários, agitações e protestos de seringueiros e indígenas. Assim, para compreender tal complexidade, a tese analisa o processo político-social e econômico do Amazonas no período de 1910 a 1924, recorrendo a Jornais, Relatórios de secretários de Estado e de chefes de polícia, Mensagens de governadores, Relatos médicos, Documentos parlamentares, Coleção de leis do Brasil, publicações de testemunhos contemporâneos e Anais da Assembleia.The three first republican decades were not an Amazonas traditional historiography study object, in spite of having been marked by intense political and social confrontation, which were permeated by the crisis in the rubber economy. The existent reports conveyed the idea that the Amazonas state was sailing the waters of opulence and passivity. Nevertheless, the documental research which subsidizes such thesis has demonstrated that in Manaus the passivity did not exist; the term was characterized by power struggles, many urban conflicts, employers strikes, upheavals and protests made by rubber tappers and natives. Thus, in order to understand such complexity, the thesis analyzes the Amazonas economic and politico-social process in the 1910 to 1924 period, reaching for journals, reports made by State secretaries and chiefs of police, governors messages, medical reports, parliamentary documents, Brazilian Law collection, contemporary testimonies publications and Assembly Annals.
46
Boersch-Supan, Johanna. "Peace as societal transformation : intergenerational power-struggles and the role of youth in post-conflict Sierra Leone". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:19e1c5d6-e910-4a0e-b7be-f66b19d988be.
Texto completoResumen
Intergenerational solidarity and reciprocity are fundamental building blocks of any society. At the same time, socio-generational groups constantly struggle for influence and authority. In Sub-Saharan Africa, disproportionately male, gerontocratic and patrimonial systems governing economic, social and political life lend a special explosiveness to the social cleavage of generation. This dissertation draws on the concept of the generational contract to explore whether Sierra Leone’s decade-long civil war (1991-2001) – labelled a ‘revolt of youth’ – catalysed changes in the power-asymmetries between age groups. Based on fieldwork conducted between 2007 and 2010, I argue that youth in post-war Sierra Leone question fundamental norms of intergenerational relations and challenge local governance structures demanding changes to the generational contract. Amidst a strong continuity of gerontocratic dominance and counter-strategies from elders, youth draw on organisational forms and a local rights discourse to create spaces for contestation and negotiation. These openings hold potential for long-term rearrangements of societal relations in the medium to long-term future.
47
Elizarni, FNU. "Gender, Conflict, Peace: The Roles of Feminist Popular Education During and After the Conflict in Aceh, Indonesia". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1605018870170842.
Texto completo
48
Holmlund, Eric Richard. "Caretakers of the Garden of Delight and Discontent: Adirondack Narrative, Conflict, and Environmental Virtue". Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1282137895.
Texto completo
49
Ounaina, Hamdi. "La double histoire des artistes de l'Ecole de Tunis. Ressources et stratégies de réussite des élites tunisiennes entre colonisation et Etat-nation". Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030107.
Texto completoResumen
L’objectif de cette recherche est de comprendre comment, tout au long d’un siècle de pratique artistique moderne en Tunisie, seule l’histoire des artistes du groupe de l’École de Tunis est visible ? Pourtant, en faisant appel à de multiples documents, pour certains inédits, et en mettant en lien plusieurs faits demeurant jusque là négligés, une histoire parallèle émerge. Dès lors, le monde de l’art n’est plus réductible à ce que l’on en connaît. Comment expliquer la réussite de ce groupe de peintres et la sape d’une dynamique artistique post-coloniale ne demandant qu’à émerger ? Comment a-t-on pu atteindre un consensus général et une efficacité sociale irréprochable basée sur la persuasion ? L’emploi de l’approche organisationnelle, de la sociologie des groupes restreints et de la socio-histoire permet de rendre intelligible, l’action sociale de ce groupe. Cette action est le produit d’un ensemble de stratégies de coalition et d’exclusion, avec pour conséquence la monopolisation du monde de l’art depuis sa création jusqu’à la fin des années quatre-vingt. Si l’histoire conventionnelle est erronée quant à la réalité des faits, elle jouit d’une efficacité sociale irréprochable puisque l’ensemble des acteurs, mêmes les opposants, y ont adhéré en y croyant. Ils ont, par conséquent, contribué au renforcement de la croyance à des idées reçuesThe objective of this research is to understand how during a century long of practice of modern art in Tunisia only the history of artists from the “Ecole de Tunis” are known. However when looking through several first hand documents, even those that were neglected, and by linking several events a parallel history arises. Thus the world of art is surely not one knows. How can one explain the success of this group of painters and the repression of post-colonial dynamic artistic that was on the rise? How could such a comprise be obtained and the prefect social efficiency be baised on persuasion. The theory of management, the sociology of small groups and the sociohistory allowed me to understand the social action of this group. This action is the results of coalition and exclusion strategies that allowed this group form “Ecole de Tunis” to monopolise the world of art until the eighty’s. If the conventional history contradicts what re! ally happened, nevertheless it had a perfect social efficiency because together all the actors, even those in opposition, adhere to it by believing in it. Consequently even they have contributed to the belief of the ideas received
50
Bound, Mark George. "Nation-State Personality Theory: A Qualitative Comparative Historical Analysis of Russian Behavior, during Social/Political Transition". NSUWorks, 2015. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/33.
Texto completoResumen
The study theorizes that a nation-state can manifest a condition similar to that of personality commonly associated with humans. Through the identification of consistent behaviors, a personality like condition is recognizable, and the underlining motivations dictate national policy independent of any current social/political influence. The research examines Russia during two historical periods examining the conflict events and social/political transitions of the period, to identify common behavioral characteristics, which indicate the existence of any independent personality like trait.
The study focuses on two historical periods: the Monarch Period of Peter I (The Great), and the Post-Soviet Union period of Vladimir Putin, periods selected as historical eras in which Russia experienced major political or social transition. Using a comparative qualitative historical analysis with a behaviorist focus, the research examines these periods by profiling each era’s elements of society and the events of domestic and international conflict that Russia experienced, while evaluating the actions taken in response to each.
The research discovers that Russia exhibits personality like traits, similar to those associated with humans and are likewise developed from experience, and once imbedded into Russian psychology, regardless of the current social/political elements or situational conditions, remain prime motivators to Russian behavior. The personality like characteristic identified was similar to inferiority, which leads to behavior characteristics comparable to narcissism, as the definition of narcissism relates to the need for admiration and or acceptance. The study identified the origins of the inferiority like complex and the narcissistic like behavior pattern exhibited by Russia in both periods.