Tesis: "Social and political ideas"

1

Edney, Victor Douglas. "The political, social and economic ideas of John Macmurray". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1990. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3052/.

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The title and the table of contents of this thesis, in one respect, fully convey its contents, substance, and plan. Here is expounded, surveyed, and critically appraised certain branches of Macmurray's thought. Very little, if any, of either Macmurray or his work has been written about in this way, if at all. So this thesis is, as it should be, a unique and original contribution to knowledge and scholarship. The programme and procedure has been to expound his ideas under suitable headings according to subject matter, and to follow this --- from time to time --- with a relevant appraisement, rather than intersperse criticism with exposition. But Macmurray's thought is so broad, so encompassing, so diverse and intricate that it must never be imagined that adequate justice has been, or could be, done to the subjects contained in the title in such a short compass. Thus whilst not exhaustively covering the subject in exposition, which would require at least ten thesis of this length, it has also not been possible to raise, discuss, and positively answer numerous questions which frequently come to mind as we read both the original texts and this exposition of them. Many, of course, have been raised, researched, met, and answered. But many more must wait for further researches, and for more space to consider and probe them. The above has had to be made clear for I would not want it to be thought that this is, and was meant to be, a definitive work in the selected field of Macmurray's ideas.

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2

Roy, Tarapada. "Social and political ideas of Gopal Krishna Gokhale : a study". Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1242.

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3

Eagles, Stuart. "Political Ruskin : The influence of Ruskins's political ideas and social experiments in Britain circa 1870-1920". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.503986.

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4

Smith, Patricia Jo. "Democratizing East Germany : ideas, emerging political groups, and the dynamics of change /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10784.

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5

King, Mary Elizabeth. "Ideas and social mobilization in the early Palestinian 'intifada' : activist intellectuals and the construction of consensus in nonviolent resistance". Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.274309.

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6

Shin, Dong-Myeon. "Social and economic policies in Korea 1960-present the dynamics of ideas, networks, and linkages /". Thesis, Online version, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.311246.

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7

Maw, Ben. "Bronterre O'Brien, class and the advent of democratic anti-capitalism : the social and political ideas of Chartism's 'schoolmaster'". Thesis, Swansea University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.546609.

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This thesis seeks to analyse the intellectual contribution of James Bronterre O'Brien to working-class anti-capitalist political economy, while placing it in its true historical and intellectual context. In so doing, the thesis aims to fill significant gaps left by O'Brien's biographer, Alfred Plummer, who dealt only cursorily with O'Brien's ideas. In contrast to past accounts of O'Brien, which tended to analyse him purely in terms of his significance vis-a-vis Marx, the thesis considers O'Brien's work on its own terms, analysing both its continuities with early nineteenth-century anti-capitalist political economy, and the significant ways in which it marked a break from previous work. In particular, the thesis argues that O'Brien evinced a uniquely broad vision of the role democracy would play in the post-capitalist society; for in O'Brien's new society democracy's remit was to extend far beyond Parliament. Further, O'Brien took the nascent class analysis of Hall and others, and constructed his entire political economy on the basis of a mature, and fully elaborated, antagonistic class model. The originality of his analysis, it is argued, is intelligible only if sufficient attention is paid both to the historical moment at which O'Brien began writing, and to his intimate connection with the `Political Owenism' of Henry Hetherington and others within organisations such as the NUWC. The concept of class allowed O'Brien to combine Owen's environmentalism with the demonology of older, Cobbettite radicalism. He was thus able to formulate a political economy which spoke to workers in a language with which they were familiar, but which was also more relevant to the social and economic realities of 1830s Britain. The thesis also considers the evolution of O'Brien's vision of the good life during the 1830s and after, and argues that O'Brien's relationship with his imagined audience is the crucial factor in this regard. From 1841, a break occurred, with O'Brien now oscillating between his old analysis and a liberal political economy criticising excessive taxation etc. rather than capitalism per se. The reasons for this shift, and for O'Brien's eventual abandonment of democracy in the late 1840s, are also explored

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8

Yasmin. "Women`s emancipation and empowerment : a critical examination of Dr. B R Ambedkar`s social and political ideas". Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1311.

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9

Jakobsson-Åhl, Teresia. "Empowering Mathematics Students in Inclusive Classroom Practice : Ideas in policymaking practice". Thesis, Luleå tekniska universitet, Institutionen för konst, kommunikation och lärande, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ltu:diva-68869.

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This thesis scrutinises how regular mathematics teachers are expected to deal with empowerment in mathematics classroom practice. Inspired by a socio-political perspective, the aim of the study is to problematise how to empower mathematics students in inclusive classroom practice, as implicitly understood in a nationwide professional development programme, i.e., the Boost for Mathematics, in Sweden. The aim is addressed by the following research question: What types of empowering ideas are conveyed in the Boost for Mathematics? The data of the study were collected from supporting materials for teachers, published within the Boost for Mathematics. Data processing consists of two steps. Step 1 is a thematic analysis of how to promote student empowerment as discerned in the data of the study. In a nutshell, Step 1 clarifies that the data give prominence to ways of empowering students from a cognitive point-of-view while social difference is disregarded. Step 2 undertakes a critical approach and discusses an alternative way of treating empowerment; this alternative way is restricted to the design of participatory activities in inclusive classroom practice.

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10

Staab, Silke. "(En)gendering change and continuity in Chilean social policy : actors, ideas and institutions". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/engendering-change-and-continuity-in-chilean-social-policy-actors-ideas-and-institutions(1e36de13-7d57-4a3a-b07d-705a1c9709ee).html.

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How does change in economic, social and political institutions occur? How aregender and other social inequalities reproduced through and challenged byprocesses of institutional creation, evolution and innovation? And can institutionsbe transformed for greater equity and inclusion? These are big questions forfeminist political scientists to whom a better understanding of real world puzzles isnot only of theoretical but also of practical relevance. By looking at recent socialpolicy reforms and innovations in Chile this thesis contributes to moving thisresearch agenda forward. Drawing on conceptual and methodological tools fromhistorical institutionalism and feminist political science, it provides a theoreticallyinformed and empirically grounded account of how institutional change happensand why thoroughgoing transformations are so difficult to achieve. As an essentialpart of this endeavor, it highlights the multiple ways in which gender shapes and isshaped by broader processes of policy reform and innovation. Bolstered byabundant empirical evidence from four reform episodes-the 2002-2004 healthreform, the 2008 pension reform, the 2006-2010 expansion of childcare services,and the reform of maternity leave in 2011-the thesis interrogates the scope andthe quality of recent changes, analyzes their implications for women's rights andgender equality, and unveils the complex interplay of institutional, agential andideational factors that have shaped specific policy choices. It holds that none of thepolicy areas has experienced sweeping change or path departure. Instead, policyinnovations have taken place in historically and contextually bounded ways: whilethe scope and purpose of existing welfare institutions has been redefined and newrules have been layered on to previously existing institutional arrangements, coreelements of these arrangements-and of the broader context-have remainedfirmly in place. Against this backdrop, positive gender change did indeed occur:greater access to non-contributory pensions, more accessible childcare services andmore generous maternity leave regulations all benefit women. Yet, selective andpiecemeal reform strategies also entailed important trade-offs that hamper theequity-enhancing effect of otherwise important policy innovations. This generalverdict, however, conceals important variations across policy areas both in terms ofthe (re)articulation of state-market relationships and in terms of the integration ofgender concerns. The thesis locates these variations at the intersection of sectorspecificpolicy legacies and more contingent moments of political opportunity.

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11

Larsson, Johan. "Neo-liberal ideas in Social Democratic arguments? : A look at the privatization debate regarding the Swedish railway sector". Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avd för juridik, politik och ekonomi, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-3381.

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Privatization is said to be fundamentally a neo-liberal idea and deregulation is one form of privatization. The Swedish railway sector has been deregulated gradually over the years. Some of the policy changes towards more deregulation have been done with the Swedish Social Democrats in government. This thesis analyzes the arguments for and against privatization on two occasions, 2000 and 2009 with the Social Democrats in government and opposition respectively, to see if the party’s argumentation has been influenced by neo-liberal ideas and if that change depending on whether they are in government or not. The analysis shows that there has been influence of neo-liberal ideas on arguments from the Social Democrats and that their view on privatization and deregulation differed depending on whether they were in government or in opposition.

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12

Shimizu, Shu. "The battle of economic ideas : a critical analysis of financial crisis management discourse in the UK, 2007-8". Thesis, University of Essex, 2016. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/16259/.

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This thesis contributes to our understanding of the financial crisis as it played itself out in the UK. The onset of the crisis provoked multiple diagnoses and interpretations of the crisis. Pre-dominant economic understandings of the crisis minimised its significance, suggesting that the natural operation of market mechanisms would enable the economic system to self-correct spontaneously and rapidly. As the economic situation worsened, however, other interpretations gained ground. From this perspective, the crisis was an event that exposed the limits of the highly financialised status of our economy, presenting policy makers with the opportunity to roll back the financialisation. The eventual non-realisation of this financial ‘roll-back’ is the starting point of many studies, and my thesis can be said to contribute to this literature in a modest way. Its main focus is the battle of economic ideas in elite policy-making circles in the UK. What is often missing from critical narratives of the crisis period is a detailed account of the dynamic interplay of competing interpretations of the crisis at crucial conjunctural moments by key agencies and figures animating the crisis drama in the UK context. These battles are ‘battles of ideas’ in the sense that they refer to competing characterisations of the unfolding events, as well as competing policy and regulatory proposals designed to manage the crisis, rooted in competing economic doctrines, espoused by different actors occupying hegemonic positions of the UK elite finance and media establishment. Although these battles were often fought with great intensity and urgency, there was an internal complexity to the dynamic of these battles that often gets glossed over in accounts of this period. I suggest that ‘reactivating’ this period in detail and with nuance is helpful in showing not only the manner in which ‘neoliberal finance’ has managed to survive the crisis largely intact despite the general expectation of its end but also in pointing to the challenges faced by those who wish its end. Three key conjunctural moments are chosen as the focus of my empirical analysis: the Great Crunch in the Summer of 2007, the Run on the Rock in the Autumn of 2007, and the Lehman Shock in the Autumn of 2008. I articulate a novel theoretical approach and research strategy, drawing on poststructuralist discourse theories. I deploy this approach in a close and systematic analysis of UK elite narratives on economic management, my corpus comprising the discourse produced by official political and economic institutions and agents, including professional economists, as well as narratives found in the broadsheet press more generally. Qualitative interpretative techniques are used to probe the justifications informing a range of bailout and regulatory policy proposals, in order to characterize in a unique and original manner the discursive battles at each one of the conjunctures. My empirical investigation reveals how the battle of economic ideas played itself out politically and ideologically in such a way as to leave neoliberal finance largely unperturbed. While anti-interventionist and interventionist proposals were frequently thematised and debated, these exchanges did not end up challenging the neoliberal finance character of our economy. Moreover, while my findings reveal a clear shift of emphasis in the centre of gravity of elite policy debates when moving from the Great Crunch to the Rock Run (the focus shifting from bailouts to regulation), the legal reforms announced following the Lehman Shock were understood to be largely temporary measures designed to calm and stabilise the markets rather than challenge neoliberal finance. More radical proposals were not taken seriously in the mainstream policy making community, and I argue that this is in part due to the hegemonic sway of neoliberal finance within this context. In order to contribute to the broader question of why neoliberal finance survived the crisis, it is essential to have a clear picture of how the detail and dynamics of the battle of ideas in the early period of the crisis unfolded, including a clear picture of the main actors, the discursive coalitions within which they operated, and the economic doctrines they appealed to when debating the scale of the crisis and the state management of the crisis. It is at this level that my thesis contributes to an overall account of the ‘non-death’ of neoliberal finance.

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13

Barber, Alex. "The voice of the people, no voice of God' : A political, religious and social history of the transmission of ideas in England, 1960-1715". Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.529035.

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14

Sjöstedt, Roxanna. "Talking Threats : The Social Construction of National Security in Russia and the United States". Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-130585.

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Why are some issues seen as threats? This dissertation attempts to explain the dynamics of threat construction by national decision-makers. The theoretical ambition is twofold: first, the dissertation aims at improving the research on threat construction by suggesting a broad approach that analyzes this process in a structured manner. Second, the dissertation also contributes to the more mainstream International Relations security research agenda, which often under-problematizes this issue. The point of departure is that the link between a condition (e.g. structure) and threat framing (e.g. agency) is not to be taken for granted, and that threat construction is subjective and varies among actors. This assertion is supported by the findings of the dissertation’s component parts. Essay I finds that US security doctrines such as the Truman and Bush doctrines are not routine responses to external threats but rather the natural continuation of a political and societal discourse in which certain norms and identities interact. Essay II finds that a condition that could lay the foundation for a threat construction does not necessarily evoke such a reaction, such as the HIV/AIDS epidemic in Russia. Essay III demonstrates the opposite situation; that a securitization can take place although the contextual conditions do not necessarily point toward such a move, such as US President Clinton’s declaration that AIDS is a threat to the national security of the United States. Essay IV proposes a framework that incorporates explanatory factors from the international, the domestic, and the individual levels of analysis. Such a framework allows for a more refined analysis which better captures the contingent relationships between factors. Taken together, the findings of this dissertation indicate that the correlations between conditions and threat constructions are intricate, and that the explanation of a securitization lies in the interaction of certain social and cognitive processes.

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15

Joseph, Celucien. "Faith, hope, and the poor : the theological ideas and moral vision of Jean-Bertrand Aristide". Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/59321.

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The objective of this research is to examine the theological ideas and moral vision of Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and to explore how his theology (and theological hermeneutics and ethics) has influenced his politics of solidarity and social activism on behalf of the oppressed and the poor in Haiti in particular, and the wretched of the earth, in general. Through the use of the postcolonial, decolonial, and Liberation Theology paradigms as hermeneutical and theoretical methods of investigation, the project seeks to answer a threefold question: what is the relationship between theology and social activism and transformation in the thought and writings of Jean-Bertrand Aristide? What is the place and function of the community of faith, the poor, the oppressed, hope, and human liberation in the political theology of Jean-Bertrand Aristide? What is the place of (defensive) violence in Aristide’s theology? Our goal in this scholarly investigation is an attempt to provide an answer to these daunting questions above and to explore more fully and intelligently the theology of Jean-Bertrand Aristide. This present study considers Aristide’s democratic and social justice projects and theological reflections and theological intersections in the disciplines of theological anthropology, theological ethics, and political theology, as he himself engages all four simultaneously. The doctoral thesis locates Aristide’s thought and writings within Black intellectual tradition both in continental Africa and the African Diaspora. It establishes shared intellectual ideas and parallelisms, and strong ideological connections between Aristide and Black theologians and thinkers in both continental Africa and the African Diaspora. On one hand, Aristide’s intellectual ideas and political activism should be understood in the context of the struggle for democracy in Haiti; on the other hand, it is suggested the intellectual articulations and propositions of these Black and African thinkers aim at a common vision: the project to make our world new toward the common good. While we do not undermine the problem of violence in Aristide’s theology and political program in the context of Haitian history, the doctoral thesis argues that Aristide’s theological anthropology is a theology of reciprocity and mutuality, and correspondingly, his theological ethics is grounded in the theory of radical interactionality, interconnectedness, and interdependence, and the South African humanism of Ubuntu. It also contends that Aristide’s promotion of a theology of popular violence and aggression in the Haitian society should be understood as a cathartic mechanism and defensive violence aimed at defending the Haitian masses against the Duvalier regime and their oppressors.
Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2017.
Dogmatics and Christian Ethics
PhD
Unrestricted

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16

Altebo, Petra. "Political Ideas and Behaviour of Armed Groups : A comparative analysis of armed groups’ ideology and repertoires of sexual violence during the conflict in Darfur 2003-2006". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324938.

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The purpose of this thesis is to study under what conditions armed groups practice different repertoires of sexual violence, by studying ideology’s influence on behaviour. This will be explored through a structured focused comparison of three armed groups active in the conflict in Darfur 2003-2006, the Janjaweed, Sudan’s Liberation Army/Movement and the Justice and Equality Movement. The theory suggest that a strong implemented ideology will lead to control over behaviour and values, hence sexual violence will be practice in line with organizational objectives and ideas, either instrumental or not practiced at all. Consequently, a weak ideological framework will lead to variation in socialization processes and an opportunistic repertoire. The findings correlate as expected by the hypothesis, while data constraints call for caution. The results suggests a broadening of the theoretical framework as well as further studies on the suggested causal mechanism, combatant socialization, to examine how, and under what circumstances, behaviours are spread as a social practice among combatants.

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17

Lowry, Daniel William. "The life and times of Ethel Tawse Jollie : a case study of the transference and adaptation of British social and political ideas of the Edwardian era to a colonial society". Thesis, Rhodes University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001854.

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This is an appraisal of the career of Ethel Tawse Jollie (1876-1950), the first woman parliamentarian in Southern Rhodesia, and the British Empire overseas, prolific writer and leading intellectual of her political generation who played a key role in the achievement of responsible government in Southern Rhodesia in 1923. As the founder and principal organiser of the Responsible Government Association she imported from Britain a singular political philosophy which made a lasting impression on Rhodesia's political character and social identity. She was an influential figure in British imperialist circles and in the women's suffrage controversy. No other Rhodesian politician had achieved such prominence in the metropole, or possessed such a thoroughly formed, comprehensive ideology, and the propaganda skills necessary to give it effect. The study traces the formation of her ideas within the intellectual milieu of pre-1914 Britain and - through her - its subsequent adaptation in Rhodesia; how, through her marriage to Archibald Colquhoun - explorer, writer and Cecil Rhodes's first Administrator of Mashonaland - she became steeped in the ideology of the Edwardian Radical Right - that reaction to imperial decline denoted by the slogan 'National Efficiency'. By 1915. when she arrived in Rhodesia, she had come to believe that by 1915, when she arrived in Rhodesia, she had come to believe that the salvation of the Empire lay in its 'patriotic' periphery where it was possible to create new societies on Radical Right principles. Both in and out of parliament she gave to Rhodesian public policy and identity a distinct Radical Right hue, which she further enhanced by her involvement in various extra parliamentary pressure groups. It is a life and times study and considerable use is made of contemporary ballads and novels in the belief that immersion in the atmosphere of the period is particularly useful in an intellectual biography of this kind. Comparisons are also made with other British peripheries notably Ulster, Canada and New Zealand. The study challenges the traditional view of Rhodesia as a neo-Victorian intellectual backwater; seeing it rather as a society which continued to import selectively ideas from elsewhere in the Empire. It should interest Commonwealth and - because of its central character - women's historians.

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18

Framba, Alice. "What Makes the EU Tick? : Understanding the Role of Ideas in the Design of the European Institutions in a Novel Way". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-177371.

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This Research is aimed at becoming a theoretical contribution to the field of European Integration Theory and IR for two reasons. Firstly, this Research proposes the theoretical perspective of Talcott Parsons from sociology and organizational research to scholars within IR Theory. By employing the historical institutionalist and social constructivist IR perspectives and Parsons's 'four-function paradigm' theory, scholars can identify the two effects of a successful institutional design of international political organizations such as the EU: effectiveness and a good public reputation. The Literature Review in Chapter 2 is a theoretical discussion about compatibility of the Parsonians concepts of 'adaptation', a 'holistic approach to policymaking', 'success', and the 'European institutional design' with the European Integration Theory and IR fields. The same Chapter stresses the need to consider the 'ideas' of political leaders in analysing change of institutional design. The second reason for which this Research is a contribution to IR theory is the presentation of eight specific strategies that are likely to generate an organization's success. The eight strategies are institutional conditions making up the 'eight-condition model' of Charles Edquist. This Research adopts an objective and deductive approach that applies the Parsonians theory and the Edquist's 'eight-condition model' to empirical data about European institutions in a cross-sectional and longitudinal research design in the Analysis Chapters 4, 5, and 6. A 'holistic innovation policy approach' to supranational policymaking is employed by the Researcher for the salient circumstances of success to be identified, in order to guide data collection and analysis. The results show that success occurred three times: fully, in the years between 1945 and 1958 and from 1959 to 2002, and partially from 2003 until our days. The concepts of 'adaptation', 'success', 'ideas', the 'four-function paradigm' theory of Parsons and the 'eight-condition model' of Edquist are discussed and ultimately claimed to be both epistemologically compatible and methodologically valid for studies about the success of European integration in the Discussions and Conclusions Chapter.

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19

Martínez-Cava, Aguilar Julio. "Gorros frigios en la Guerra Fría. El socialismo republicano de E. P. Thompson". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/670368.

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La tradición socialista fue heredera y continuadora del republicanismo democrático moderno. E. P. Thompson, como historiador e intelectual comunista, reivindicó de forma precursora los valores jacobinos e ilustrados frente a las ortodoxias intelectuales de la Guerra Fría que dividieron Europa. Al hacerlo, construyó un socialismo democrático, inspirado en la historia británica y en el internacionalismo de los Frentes Populares, que nutriría el activismo de la New Left y del movimiento pacifista. Crear una cultura política democrática, frenar la influencia de la riqueza y aumentar y dar un nuevo sentido a los derechos democráticos fueron los objetivos de este socialismo jacobino.
The socialist tradition inherited and continued the values of modern democratic republicanism. E. P. Thompson, as a historian and communist intellectual, broke new ground in vindicating Jacobin and Enlightenment values against the intellectual orthodoxies of the Cold War that divided Europe. In doing so, he built a democratic socialism, inspired by British history and the internationalism of the Popular Fronts, which would nourish the activism of the New Left and the peace movement. Creating a democratic political culture, curbing the influence of wealth, and broadening and giving new meaning to democratic rights were the goals of this Jacobin socialism.

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20

Wilesmith, J. P. "Political equality, firm size and the choice of social system : a Rawlsian recovery of a neglected ideal-type?" Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2017. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1544405/.

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Recent years have seen a resurgence of interest in the evaluation of models of political economy in normative political theory. These debates raise questions of both a substantive and a methodological nature. On the substantive side, an important question is 'What restrictions, if any, need to be placed on corporations and other types of firms in order for a social system to conform to the demands of justice?' From a methodological standpoint, a central question is 'How should we conceive of the choice between different types of political economy or social system?' These are the two main questions that I shall address in this thesis, offering my answers in three parts from a broadly Rawlsian perspective. In Part I, I address the methodological question and defend a flexible approach to evaluating social systems that allows for 'recombinant possibilities'. In Parts II and III, which make up the bulk of the thesis, I turn my attention to the substantive question. In Part II, I set out the theoretical underpinnings of my argument. I argue that Rawlsians should include a principle of political equality within a lexically prior principle of justice, and then specify some constraints that this places on constitutional design. In Part III, I build on these arguments to make the case that the very existence of large firms poses a threat to the realisation of political equality, and therefore justice, regardless of whether they are owned by many small shareholders (as in a property-owning democracy) or controlled by their workers (as in a liberal socialist society). This concern about large firms has been largely overlooked by Rawlsians. Accordingly, I end with some suggestions as to how these theorists might usefully supplement their existing institutional recommendations by combining them with a neglected model of political economy.

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21

Ishaq, Muhammad. "Socio-political impacts of the contemporary religious movements in AJK Pakistan : an empirical study on competing visions of an ideal Islamic society". Thesis, University of Gloucestershire, 2016. http://eprints.glos.ac.uk/5717/.

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The aim of this study was to explore the emergence of the three main religious movements in AJK Pakistan and empirically investigate how they utilise social and public spaces to achieve their vision for this society. These groups are recognized as Islamic revivalist movements; therefore, the study aims to explore and understand how religiously motivated values function as social visions to shape or transform a society. As AJK society is largely based on the biraderi or caste system, it is important to explore how the above mentioned religious groups, reconcile their religious ideals to address a socially-segregated society. The role of religion, or more specifically, Islam and Islamic activism, is examined by applying sociological methods; the socio-religious and socio-political activities of the Islamic movements are analysed within the paradigms of the Social Movement theory. The study focusses on three main research questions, (i) the emergence of the Islamic movements, (ii) how they utilise or mobilise resources and (iii) how the movements disseminate their values and message into society. Aside from contemporary India and Pakistan, Kashmir has its own very long history of religion, politics, and independence as a kingdom. It consists of a Buddhist kingdom, a Brahman caste structured society, and a Sufi-oriented Muslim state, while the image of post-colonial Kashmir is totally different, which is divided, governed by foreign rules, and holds differing religious and secular ideologies. There are many active Islamic movements who are working in the name of revivalism, or reform, and who aim to bring changes to the society to make an ideal Islamic society according to their own perceived visions. The focus of this study was upon the three social-religious movements that are seeking to bring changes to the AJK society. Jamat-e-Islami (JI) is a well-known Islamic revivalist movement in the subcontinent; which has more than six chapters in six South-Asian countries. The movement uses many strategies to achieve its social, political and religious goals. In AJK, it is actively using different networks, such as education, health, welfare and politics. Minhaj-ul-Qur’an (MQ) is a comparatively new movement, however, the strategies and methods it deploys are quite like those of the JI Movement, but differ in its application of ideology, vision and rhetoric. Khanqah-e-Fatihiya, or Hadhrat Sahib of Gulhar Sharif (GS), is an apolitical movement that has evolved from within AJK. This movement represents the popular Sufi forms of Islam prevalent within AJK society. However, over the last 30 years, its substantial changes demonstrate elements of an internal revival within the AJK tasawwuf sects, which also emphasise ‘economic and religious emancipation’. The study highlights how these movements adopt different tactics to promote their ideologies through a variety of means, hence, how socio-religious and socio-political strategies are operating in a society which is mainly based on the caste system. As an exploratory, qualitative and ethnographic study, the research is based on three case studies centred on the above mentioned Islamic movements. The study concluded that all three movements had different goals and focus in AJK, for example, JI uses a state-centric approach, MQ mainly concentrates on society, whereas, the Sufi tariqa is an individual-centric movement. All three movements utilise an individual movement structure and apply differing methods to convey their message, in AJK.

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22

Baloch, Bilal Ali. "Crisis, credibility, and corruption : how ideas and institutions shape government behaviour in India". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a017adea-7dc4-45a2-9246-4df6adcabb9b.

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Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the worldâs largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance governmentâs tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests â such as votes and rents â as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.

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23

Lagerlöf, Julius. "Ideal or non-ieal theory : The challenge of Charles W. Mills". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-431572.

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Paar-Jakli, Gabriella. "Knowledge Sharing and Networking in Transatlantic Relations: A Network Analytical Approach to Scientific and Technological Cooperation". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1291074262.

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Sadler, Mélanie. "Juan Bautista Alberdi : un discours entre culture juridictionnelle et culture étatique". Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BOR30030/document.

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Étatique.Cette thèse se propose d’étudier la pensée d’Alberdi et de démontrer qu’elle est, fondamentalement, une pensée de la complexité des catégories fondée sur la conscience du caractère hybride de l’ordre sociopolitique qui lui est contemporain. Alberdi est héritier de deux cultures, une culture traditionnelle d’Ancien Régime et une culture révolutionnaire dont le langage s’est également imposé avec l’Indépendance. La grande question qui se pose à lui est celle de l’ordre à redonner au corps social qui a perdu la légitimité de l’ordre transcendant d’Ancien Régime. L’historiographie traditionnelle a souvent récupéré la figure et les discours du publiciste pour en faire l’éminent précurseur ou représentant de diverses tendances, parfois contradictoires, et notamment, pour l’ériger en figure de proue de la « modernité », du libéralisme contemporain ou encore de l’« État argentin » contemporain. Alberdi est au contraire, encore pleinement imprégné de la culture juridique traditionnelle et il cherche à adapter les langages dont il dispose à la réalité qui est la sienne, dans un aller-retour constant entre réalité et discours, puisque l’une modèle les autres et vice versa. Des catégories comme celles d’« individu », « Liberté », « administration » se sont imposées avec la Révolution, mais le publiciste les resémantise en fonction de son contexte, encore traversé de dynamiques très traditionnelles. L’individu, ainsi, recoupera globalement la catégorie excluante du « vecino ». L’« administration » apparaîtra souvent sous sa plume dans son sens ancien d’« administration de justice » et non pas dans son sens moderne. Par ailleurs, la « modernité » du Tucuman est toute relative puisqu’il laisse un rôle fondamental aux sources de droit traditionnelles et ne s’inscrit dans un volontarisme juridique qu’occasionnellement, et avec précaution. Jouant sur plusieurs échelles, il parle le langage de la modernité politique au niveau national et celui du droit traditionnel au niveau local lequel demeure le socle de stabilité du corps social. Ma thèse est que ce socle traditionnel d’une part, et les catégorie de « commerce » (prise dans sa polysémie) et d’économie politique d’autre part, seront les deux instruments fondamentaux permettant à l’auteur de repenser le lien, de créer une société à partir du corps social traditionnel. Loin de considérer l’ordre au seul niveau national, sa démarche s’inscrit en outre dans une perspective internationale : ce n’est que par l’échange pacifié entre nations que l’on pourra clore le cycle des révolutions atlantiques et retrouver un ordre ; celui-ci sera immanent certes, mais il devra nécessairement transcender le cadre de la nation
This thesis points to study Alberdi’s thought and to demonstrate that it’s fundamentally a thought of the complexity of the categories founded on the hybrid character of the order which is contemporary to him. Alberdi inherited the legacy of two cultures, the traditional culture of Ancien Régime and a revolutionary culture whose language also imposed itself with the independance. The major question for Alberdi is which order to give back to the social body since it lost the legitimacy of the Ancien Régime’s transcendent order. The traditional historiography often pick up Alberdi’s figure and speeches to convert him in the eminent precursor or representative of distinct tendencies, sometimes contradictories, and especially to promote him as the « modernity »’s, the contemporary liberalism’s and the contemporary Argentinian State’s figurehead. Quite the contrary, Alberdi is still rather immerged in the traditional legal culture, and he tries to adapt the availables languages to his reality, in permanent backs and forths between reality and speeches since the first models the seconds and viceversa. Some categories like « individual », « Liberty », « administration » imposed themselves with the Revolution but the publicist gives them another significations (je ne sais pas comment traduire “resémantiser”?) according to his context considerably penetrated with traditional dynamics. The « individual », so, intersects the excluding category of the « vecino » overall. In the same way, Alberdi preferentially uses the term of « administration » in its old meaning of « justice’s administration », not in its modern acceptation. Besides, the publicist’s « modernity » is to be reconsiderated seeing as he leaves a fundamental role to the traditional legal sources and doesn’t fall into legal voluntarism but occasionally and cautiously. He actually plays on different scales : he speaks the political modernity’s language on the national scale and the traditional legal’s one on the local level (local level which remains the stability base of the social body). My thesis is that this traditional base on one hand and the categories of « trade » (understood in his polysemic acceptations) and « political economics » on the other hand will be the two fundamental instruments which enable the autor to rethink the link, to create a society based on the traditional social body. Far from considerating the order on the very national level, his approach also fits into an international perspective : the pacified exchanges between the nations would be the only way to end the atlantic revolutions’s cycle and to recover an order : this order will admittedly be immanent, but it necessarily will transcend the national frame

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26

Béthaz, Marzia. "To Eat an Idea : On the transformative potential of engaging with local cereal in a mountain territory". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Socialantropologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-189499.

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This study investigates the values expressed and implemented through local cereal and cereal-related products such as bread and flour in the alpine region of Valle d’Aosta (north-west Italy), contributing to the existing body of literature on food values. It is based on anthropological fieldwork among people engaging with cereal both professionally and non-professionally (such as bakers, farmers, agronomists and other categories of people involved in the cereal sector) and on theories drawn from food and economic anthropology, anthropological theories of value and literature on social movements. This research aims at understanding the values that inform cereal-related practices in Valle d’Aosta and that precede the relationships its inhabitants generate around cereal. Such values are intended as moral standpoints from which people engaging with cereal organise their action and conceptualise their own understanding of their practices. Values of tradition, community and individual place identity, health, environmental and socio-economic values serve as spectacles through which to grasp the vision that people engaging with cereal in Valle d’Aosta have of society, of the role of the economy, of the relationship between the community and the individual. Ultimately, cereal-related practices, based on a particular conception of the economy which puts into question the neoliberal system, are represented as tools bridging past, present and future, as the past serves as a source of inspiration to bring about a better future and to materialise it into the present, through a deeply moral endeavour.

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27

Kaveh, Shamal. "Det villkorade tillståndet : Centralförbundet för Socialt Arbete och liberal politisk rationalitet 1901–1921". Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Department of History of Science and Ideas, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-6845.

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This is a dissertation about Swedish liberalism as a political rationality and, more specifically, the conditions that made the transition from an exclusionary society to an inclusive one possible at the beginning of the 20th century. I have made a case study of National Association of Social Work (Centralförbundet för Socialt Arbete, CSA), an association that played a significant role in the institutionalization of social politics in Sweden. The objectives are threefold. Firstly, to analyze CSA as a liberal political rationality. Secondly, to analyze its political ontology. Thirdly, to examine its motives for defending an including society.

One of the main arguments in this dissertation is that the political rationality of CSA is characterized by a form of government that works in and through society, as well as through freedom. By using the concept of ”the state of suspension” I try to capture and analyze the ontological ambiguity of the individual in liberal thought; an ambiguity expressed in biopolitical categorizations of the population according to perceived capacities for rational thought. The inclusion of the excluded part, which I describe through the notion of “the social”, was possible due to a new political ontology, which considered the individual as being a product of social circumstances, and as someone possible to shape and govern in and through society.

I argue that the political struggle of the excluded not only served to revise the political ontology of CSA, but also provided the rationale for the efforts to create an including society with universal suffrage. CSA did not regard citizenship as a right, but as a political technology and as a solution. Furthermore, I argue that citizenship shouldn’t be seen as a prerequisite for the politization of the excluded. On the contrary, this part of the population was already, at least partially, politicized and they became political subjects through their participation in the struggle for political rights.

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28

Lång, Henrik. "Drömmen om det ouppnåeliga : anarkistiska tankelinjer hos Hinke Bergegren, Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg och Einar Håkansson". Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Historical Studies, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1365.

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The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the political thought of Hinke Bergegren (1861-1936), Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg (1864-1929) and Einar Håkansson (1883-1907), by focusing particularly on their articulation of anarchist ideas. The disseration follows these three Swedish left-wing thinkers closely, while specifically tracing ideological patterns in their published material, public discussions, speeches and other political activities. The study attempts to combine the perspective of intellectual biography with a contextualising approach on ideological analysis. Bergegren, Henriksson-Holmberg and Håkansson stand as illuminating examples of how anarchist ideas could take form at the advent of the twentieth century in Sweden. They were all connected to the working class movement, and participated actively in the public debate about anarchism and its various aspects. This larger political and cultural context is also presented, and put in relation to Bergegren's, Henriksson-Holmberg's and Håkanssons' actions and ideas. Thereby, the study examines certain lines of thought connected to the anarchist ideology, and at the same time find traits in the history of libertarian socialism in Sweden, as reflected in the ideas embraced by the three aforementioned historical actors. From the start Henrik "Hinke" Bergegren - the agitator, writer and journalist who is the principal character in the dissertations first major part - was highly controversial within the social democratic movement. From the early 1890's and up to his final exclusion from the Social Democratic Party in 1908, he was constantly being accused of leading and informal anarchist subdivision, which recommended acts of terror and strived for a social revolution. However, this study confronts and modifies that notion. It concludes that Hinke Bergegren's ideological position during the 1890's cannot be equaled to a clear anarchist conviction; rather, he criticized the party's strong focus on parliamentary tactics from a revolutionary socialist viewpoint. Einar Håkansson, on the other hand, based his critique of authorities, military power, parliamentary governance and private property upon anarchist principles. In several poems and short stories, Håkansson stated his anti-authoritarianism. He was also an early advocate for anarcho-syndicalism. Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg, the anarchist theoretician, was always anxious to emphasize the importance of avoiding all forms of large-scale political and economical solutions. This position, along with a deep-rooted individualism and a willingness to integrate social theory and political propaganda, characterized Holmberg's political thought from the 1890's and onward. His antipathy against brutal revolutionary tendencies was as solid as his critique of ideological dogmatism. In conclusion, the anarchist lines of thought articulated by the three principal characters in the thesis intersects at several points. They all agreed that private property and capitalism must be abolished and replaced by voluntary forms of cooperation. Furthermore, they expressed a similar disbelief in parliamentary tactics, the military and party bureaucracy.

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29

Souza, Carolina Rodrigues Alves de. "Política pública de assistência social em análise : história, valores e práticas". Universidade Federal de Sergipe, 2012. https://ri.ufs.br/handle/riufs/5996.

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This paper intends to put under analysis, through the psychoanalytical method, the work of a psychologist who becomes here a researcher on social service s politics, whose job is to execute social-educational measures without liberty restraints. We initiate from this experience and from a set of questions asked about it and, especially, about being a psychologist and/or a social worker on that space. On this purpose, we look over shared and historically conditioned ideals that, due to their attributes, operate their practices and impose their values on that field. For that, we use the theoretical and methodological contribution of psychoanalysis, and therefore we confirm it as a tool of listening institutional spaces, politics and history. According with the field that set us place and with the elements it gives us, we make a few analysis about the positions occupied by the family and by the childhood and about the modern value associated to them, the one of education, where permeate also the senses of poverty, work and responsibility. Ahead on the same purpose, we discuss about imputability and guilt and then we finally get to the question: is there any possibility of transgression, in other words, of breaking a given normative system? What we want, therefore, is to dispose to our reader the elements found on our experience in order to constitute them into instruments of transformation and reconfiguration of both our practice and others which find in them resemblance and identification.
O presente trabalho pretende colocar em análise, sob o viés do método psicanalítico, o trabalho executado por uma psicóloga esta que aqui se torna a pesquisadora na política pública de assistência social e cujo serviço está direcionado para a execução de medidas socioeducativas em meio aberto. Partimos dessa experiência de trabalho e de questionamentos que foram sendo formulados a respeito dele e, principalmente, acerca da experiência de ser um psicólogo e/ou trabalhador social neste espaço. Lançamos, neste intuito, nosso olhar sobre ideais compartilhados e historicamente condicionados que, por seu caráter, operam ali suas práticas e impõem seus valores. Para isso, contamos com o aporte teórico e metodológico da psicanálise e assim o confirmamos enquanto ferramenta de escuta de espaços institucionais, da política, e da história. Conforme o campo que nos dá lugar e os elementos que ele nos dispôs, fazemos algumas análises sobre os lugares ocupados pela família e pela infância e sobre o valor moderno a eles atrelado, o da educação, onde atravessam também os sentidos de pobreza, trabalho e responsabilidade. Adiante, no mesmo propósito, discutimos sobre imputabilidade e culpa e desaguamos finalmente na pergunta: há, ali, alguma possibilidade de transgressão, ou seja, do rompimento de um sistema normativo dado? O que queremos, portanto, é colocar para o leitor os elementos que encontramos em nossa experiência a fim de se constituam em instrumentos de transformação e reconfiguração tanto de nossa prática quanto de outras que nela encontrem semelhança e identificação.

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30

Canihac, Hugo. "La fabrique savante de l'Europe : une archéologie du discours de l'Europe communautaire (1870-1973)". Thesis, Bordeaux, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BORD0617.

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Cette thèse prend pour objet la construction d’un discours politique et social nouveau - celuide l’Europe communautaire. Ce processus est appréhendé comme le résultat du travail demultiples collectifs d’acteurs politiques et savants. Ces collectifs ont contribué à l’invention duvocabulaire communautaire, d’une part, et à la normalisation de certains savoirs etinterprétations des Communautés, d’autre part. Il s’agit alors de mettre en lumière lesconditions historiques de ce travail collectif dans deux Etats fondateurs de la constructioneuropéenne – la France et l’Allemagne. L’enjeu est d’explorer tout à la fois les conditions depossibilité de l’innovation politique et les conditions de légitimation d’un objet politiquenouveau.En mobilisant des sources historiques variées, ce travail retrace les carrières dans les débatscommunautaires de deux des définitions largement utilisées pour définir l’Europecommunautaire jusqu’à aujourd’hui - la « supranationalité » et « l’économie sociale demarché ». L’étude croisée de leurs usages permet d’examiner les controverses politicoacadémiquesdans lesquelles l’Europe communautaire a été définie comme type institutionneldistinct (de l’Etat-nation) et comme mode de gouvernement spécifique (du marché). A reboursde l’hypothèse d’une « révolution communautaire », la thèse invite à réinscrire l’inventioncommunautaire dans le temps plus long de la construction des Etats nationaux et de leurssavoirs. A l’opposé d’une lecture génétique de la construction communautaire commedéploiement d’un sens défini depuis les années 1950, elle donne à voir la diversité desinterprétations et des savoirs qui ont été produits et se sont affrontés dans les premières, etidentifie les conditions de leurs succès différenciés
This dissertation aims to understand the construction of a new type of political and socialdiscourse: that of the European Economic Community (EEC). This process is taken, on theone hand, to be the invention on the part of political actors and scholars of a vocabulary andconceptual apparatus which made the EEC thinkable. On the other hand, the process isunderstood as the constitution of specialized disciplines which, by more or less successfullyasserting their legitimacy to produce discourse on the EEC as an object, have contributed torendering certain interpretations obligatory. The dissertation highlights the historical conditionsin which actors have contributed to the emergence, circulation and stabilization of suchknowledge in two founding member states of the EEC - France and Germany – up to the firstenlargement of the EEC in 1973. Beyond the specific case of European integration, thechallenge is to explore the conditions both for political innovation and for the legitimization ofa new political object.Making use of several types of historical source, the thesis retraces the careers of two of thedefinitions widely used to define the EEC up to the present - "supranationality" and the "socialmarket economy". Examination of the uses of these terms makes it possible to identify andinvestigate politico-academic controversies in which the EEC has been defined as a distinctinstitutional type (of the nation-state) and as specific mode of government (of the market).In contrast to the hypothesis of a "revolution" in the EEC, the thesis calls for the reinsertion ofthe invention of the EEC into the longer history of construction of national states andgovernment sciences. Contrary to a genetic interpretation of European integration as a definiteproject from the 1950s, it reveals the diversity of interpretations and knowledges which wereproduced and which competed with one another in the early years of the EEC, and identifiesthe conditions for their unequal success. Finally, the dissertation leads us to qualify thehypothesis of the formation of "common sense" about the EEC, emphasizing the national anddisciplinary differences which persist in their interpretations

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31

Garnett, Mark Alan. "The political ideas of William Hazlitt, 1778-1830". Thesis, Durham University, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316206.

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32

Ha, Chi-kwan y 夏志焜. "Zheng Guanying's (1842-1922) ideas of political reform". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951995.

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33

Morina, Liridon. "Utbud, efterfrågan & jämviktskunskap : En kritisk prövning av ekonomiundervisningen i gymnasieskolan". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-44761.

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It has been roughly 86 years since Gunnar Myrdal’s book “The Political Element in the Development of Economic Theory” was published, in which he declared economic thought and theory as being established by hidden ideological premises. As well as accusing modern economic theory of being the subject of a pseudo-scientific construct. As such, this study seeks to test Myrdal’s critical view on Swedish economic education in upper secondary school. The study also seeks to determine how teachers deal with objectivism in economic teaching, how they themselves view economy as a scientific method and what they feel is the most important to teach the new generation of Swedish citizens. To complement the theoretical standpoint, the study will also emphazise on discussing the problems of objectivism in social sciences. The data presented is the result of conducted observations on four classes in the Swedish upper secondary school, two of the observed classes are based around an economic focus while the two other are based on a social scientific focus. As a compliment to the observations made, the study will also present conducted interviews with the teachers present at said observed occasions. The core questions to be examined are: “How do teachers approach objectivism in economic teaching in classes determined by a social scientific- and economic focus?”; “Which aspects of economy and economic history are highlighted- and valued in (economic) education?” and “How is the relationship between economics and science viewed upon?”

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34

Cheung, Wing-tak y 張永德. "The political ideas and activities of Hsüeh Fu-cheng". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1987. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31948959.

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Hanvey, Hilda. "Liberalism in Ireland : the political ideas of Daniel O'Connell". Thesis, University of Ulster, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243737.

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Walsh, James Joseph 1959. "Bombs unbuilt : power, ideas and institutions in international politics". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8237.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2001.
Includes bibliographical references.
Nuclear weapons are the most powerful weapons in human history, but contrary to virtually every prediction by scholars, relatively few states have acquired them. Why are there so few nuclear weapons states? What factors lead governments to reject and even renounce the ultimate weapon? What do the disconfirmed predictions of widespread proliferation tell us about contemporary theories of international relations? To answer these questions, this study tests 15 hypotheses based on core categories in international politics: power, resources, ideas, and institutions. The hypotheses on power suggest that a state's nuclear decisions are a function of its external threats and its place in the international system. They claim that the slow pace of proliferation can be explained by several factors: a lack of threat, bipolarity, security guarantees, and superpower pressure. The resource hypotheses emphasize material capability, i.e., whether a state has the money, scientific talent, or access to foreign technology required to develop nuclear weapons. Hypotheses on the role of ideas often focus on the beliefs held by decision makers. This study tests the influence of anti-nuclear norms on proliferation decision making. Institutional explanations highlight either domestic institutional arrangements (whether a state is democratic, whether it is liberalizing economically, its organizational politics) or international institutions like the nonproliferation regime. Many of the tests employ a data set consisting of 132 nuclear decisions and outcomes.
(cont.) The data set is based on archival and interview material that documents nuclear decision making in two countries: Australia and Egypt. The test results suggest that the dominant explanations for nuclear decision making -- explanations based on power, resources, and norms -- fail to account for outcomes. By contrast, institutional explanations, especially those involving organizational politics and regimes, generate robust results. The findings have direct implications for broader theories of international relations, and in particular, for variants of Realism, where a number of scholars have used proliferation decisions as an explicit test of their theory. Overall, the findings point to the enduring and decisive importance of politics and institutions, even in circumstances where fundamental questions of security and national survival are at stake.
by James Joseph Walsh.
Ph.D.

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37

Araki, Hiroshi. "Ideas, ideology and policy : the Conservative transformation of pensions". Thesis, University of Essex, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243360.

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Moreira, Jos? Leonides. "O dom?nio da leitura e da escrita : por que n?o eu?" Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2008. http://repositorio.ufrn.br:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/13550.

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:19:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JoseLM.pdf: 404421 bytes, checksum: 1f5c51fb36053ff54c71601726979af6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-12-10
The study and research field of Education is wide and rich, mainly when it goes towards the empirical area of social reality. This research focuses on young and adult subjects who cannot read or write, although they had had access to and attended schools in Natal/RN. The locus of the research are the Municipal Schools that develop the Youth and Adults Education program EJA, having representatives from the North, South, East and West zones of the city, in a total of 6 municipal schools. It analyzes these subjects' replies to the questions: "Why are there young and adults who attended school but still cannot read or write?", What are the exclusion situations they face by not being able to read or write?". From a dialectic view on the subject, the research's strategy for data collection is the semi-structured interview to collect the replies given by the interviewees; replies that are separated by analysis categories presented charts of ideas. The research's results are analyzed and lead us to the conclusion that the affective, organic, cognitive, social, political and pedagogical factors are mentioned by the subjects as reasons why they can not dominate the reading or writing skills. The youth and adults interviewed are not happy with their school failure; the reading and writing learning is something that eases their social inclusion into a society that privileges such abilities, and that with it they could avoid the social exclusion they faced at school, in the work place, at home, in church, at health centers, on the street, at their children's school and in public assistance institutions
O campo de pesquisa e estudos da educa??o ? vasto e rico, principalmente quando adentra-se no campo emp?rico da realidade social. Nessa investiga??o o corpus de aten??o s?o os sujeitos jovens e adultos que n?o dominam a leitura e a escrita, embora tenham tido acesso e freq?entado o espa?o escolar no munic?pio de Natal/RN. O l?cus da pesquisa s?o as Escolas da Rede Municipal de Ensino que desenvolvem a Educa??o de Jovens e Adultos EJA, representantes das zonas Norte, Sul, Leste e Oeste da cidade, perfazendo um total de seis escolas da Rede Municipal de ensino, pertencentes a diferentes regi?es da capital potiguar. Analisam-se as vozes dos sujeitos ao responderem as quest?es Por que existem jovens e adultos escolarizados sem o dom?nio da leitura e da escrita ? Quais as situa??es de exclus?o enfrentadas pelo n?o dom?nio da leitura e da escrita entre os jovens e adultos pesquisados ? A partir de uma vis?o dial?tica do assunto, a estrat?gia de pesquisa para a coleta de dados ? a entrevista semi-estruturada para apreender a voz dos sujeitos da pesquisa, as quais s?o divididas em categorias de an?lise apresentadas em um mapa das id?ias. Analisam-se os resultados da investiga??o, concluindo-se que fatores afetivos, org?nicos, cognitivos, sociais, pol?ticos e pedag?gicos s?o citados pelos sujeitos como motivos para o n?o dom?nio da leitura e da escrita. Os jovens e adultos entrevistados n?o se sentem satisfeitos com o fracasso escolar; a aprendizagem da leitura e da escrita ? um dom?nio que facilita a inclus?o social em uma sociedade que privilegia tais habilidades, podendo minimizar as situa??es de exclus?o social que os mesmos enfrentaram no espa?o escolar, no ambiente de trabalho e de emprego, em casa, na igreja, nos postos de atendimento ? sa?de, na rua, na escola dos filhos e em institui??o de atendimento p?blico, por causa da n?o aprendizagem

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39

Melgar, Palacios María de Lourdes. "Economic development in Monterrey : competing ideas and strategies in Mexico". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/13195.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1992.
Vita.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 289-312).
by María de Lourdes Melgar Palacios.
Ph.D.

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40

Marks, Harry Milton. "Ideas as reforms : therapeutic experiments and medical practice, 1900-1980". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/14851.

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41

Barrios, Valentina. "The Construction of Truth and the Silence of Responsibility : A discourse analysis on the idea of justice and a Sami Truth Commission". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-331548.

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Throughout history the Sami community have been excluded from Swedish society. They were submitted to discrimination, abuse and the denial of rights. Although the political movement of Sami people is long, we have in recent years seen how a demand for truth and justice is taking more space within the official Sami political movement. The aim of this thesis is to gain a wider understanding of Sami political demands and the idea of justice in Sweden through a Truth Commission. Applying a post-colonial theory and Bacchi’s “What’s the problem?”-methodology I have set out to analyse how the discourse of the idea of justice and a Sami Truth Commission (STC) is being constructed by the Sami political movement, non-affiliated Sami and the Swedish government. The secondary material I have used is earlier research and pre-existing interviews with Sami people. My primary material is documents made by Sami political movement and the Swedish government regarding a STC. The conclusion is that the Sami political movement are constructing the discourse on a STC with a homogenous view of accountability. The non-affiliated Sami is constructing the discourse with a diversity of notion such as accountability, moving on and internal responsibility. The government’s discourse on STC is constructed with non- accountability and silence. However, there is a discourse on the idea of justice and it is constructed with notions of increased participation and to combat racism.
Det samiska samhället har genom historien exkluderats från majoritetssamhället i Sverige. De har blivit utsatta för diskriminering, övergrepp och blivit nekade sina rättigheter. Den samiska politiska rörelsen har en lång historia men det är på senare tid som vi sett ett ökat krav för sanning och rättvisa inom den parlamentariska samiska politiska rörelsen. Syftet med denna uppsats är att nå en bredare förståelse av de politiska kraven inom rörelsen och idén om rättvisa utifrån idén om en sanningskommission. Genom att använda mig av en postkolonial teori och av Bacchis ”What’s the problem”-metod vill jag analysera hur diskursen om idén om rättvisa och en samisk sanningskommission (SSK) konstrueras av den samiska politiska rörelsen, icke-politiska samer och den svenska regeringen. Mitt sekundära material består av tidigare forskning och genomförda intervjuer och mitt preliminära material består av dokument från den samiska politiska rörelsen och regeringen gällande en SSK. Mina slutsatser är att den samiska politiska rörelsen konstruerar diskursen om en SSK med en homogen bild av statens ansvar. De icke-politiska samerna konstruerar diskursen med en mångfald av begrepp så som ansvarighet, idén om att gå vidare och internt ansvar. Regeringens diskurs av en SSK är konstruerad med ett icke-ansvar och tystnad. Däremot går det att utröna en diskurs om rättvisa som är konstruerad med begrepp som ökat deltagande och kampen mot rasism.

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42

Edyvane, Valda. "Liberty, peace, and friendliness: the political ideas of Auberon Herbert". Thesis, University of Auckland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/1908.

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The political ideas of Auberon Herbert are usually associated with the late Victorian Individualist thinkers primarily influenced by the philosopher Herbert Spencer. Although Herbert derived his political philosophy of Voluntaryism from Spencer’s thinking it also owed much to J. S. Mill. Voluntaryism was based on a Lockean-Spencerian conception of individual natural rights that asserted self-ownership and the moral obligation for individuals to respect the rights of other people. Rights protection against force and fraud constituted the primary purpose of government. Herbert, aptly describing Voluntaryism as the system of liberty, peace and friendliness, applied these principles to a range of situations from street maintenance, to collective property purchase, and, finally, to the voluntary support of the state. Voluntary taxation was the most controversial component of Herbert’s theory, emphasising its distinctiveness. Although Herbert resisted socialist and new liberal attempts to expand the role of the state, his reasons for doing so shared little in common with conservative critics of this direction. Herbert, a republican and democrat, repeatedly attacked privilege, seeking widespread change including land reform and universal suffrage. His position represented that of a radical reformer seeking to promote Voluntaryism as the basis for friendly co-operation among free individuals at home and abroad. An internationalist, Herbert opposed aggressive imperialism, but also supported national self-determination, including Irish Home Rule. The notion of the voluntary state has led to claims of Herbert’s anarchism, but research indicates a greater complexity to his political ideas. Overall, Herbert was an extreme libertarian who never completely lost sight of the state, although he greatly limited its role. While Herbert’s political theory was idealistic, it avoided the social prescription usually associated with utopianism. Herbert’s commitment to an ethos of radical progressivism was one he shared with other contemporary socialist and anarchist thinkers who, like Herbert, attempted to live the politics they espoused. For his political philosophy and activism, Herbert warrants acknowledgement as one of the most prominent English libertarians of the nineteenth century.

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43

Fini, Michael. "Financial ideas, political constraints : the IPE of sovereign wealth funds". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2010. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/55833/.

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Rather than ponder sovereign wealth funds' (SWFs ') significance for global capital markets, this thesis takes a step back and asks the following: why do SWFs exist in such numbers across the global political economy? The SWF literature, dominated by fmancial economists and neoliberal commentators, has yet to adequately address this puzzle. This is significant given the funds embed systematically significant amounts of national wealth throughout speculative capital markets, thereby increasing their state's vulnerability to recurrent asset bubbles and crises. The thesis consequently examines the interest-based politics behind SWFs' domestic origins. It begins its analysis with the argument that SWFs are first and foremost domestic strategies of governance created to achieve specific short and medium term goals of the administrative state. This is despite their international and long-term investment orientations. In short, the funds serve to immediately stabilize state actors' governance function by reconceptualising problems of uncertainty in the quantitative and manageable terms of fmancial risk. This account of SWFs' origins thus contests that currently dominating mainstream commentary, which portrays the funds as evolutionary features of modem fmance capitalism. The domestic political interests SWFs were initially created to serve consequently remain critically unexamined. Drawing from the constructivist institutionalism literature, the thesis also seeks to demonstrate that SWFs are the institutional embodiment of a specific array of prescriptive fmancial ideas. It will be shown this framework offmancial 'knowledge' problematically constrains political actors to defer their interests to the demands of the speculative fmancial realm. In the face of recurrent crises, such constraint highlights how SWFs' immediate impact on domestic socioeconomic spheres outweighs their imagined fmancial benefits. The funds' rapid expansion since 2000 therefore poses significant implications for the nature and exercise of sovereign authority in SWF-states. These theoretical arguments are developed in Part I of the thesis, and then tested against three case studies in Part II: Norway's Government Pension Fund-Global; Alberta's Heritage Savings Trust Fund; and Ireland's National Pension Reserve Fund.

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44

Arena, Valentina. "Democratic ideas and political practice in the late Roman Republic". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.401229.

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45

Wicks, Roger. "Political ideas and policy in the Labour Party, 1983-1992". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2000. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/222/.

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This thesis examines the political ideas of the Labour Party between 1983 and 1992. It adopts two detailed case studies: Labour’s economic policy and Labour’s social policy. Part I provides an historical context of Labour’s political ideas and Part II analyses the political ideas content of Labour’s social and economic policy between 1983 and 1992. This includes the work of ‘Labour intellectuals’, ‘thinker-politicians’ and official party documents, notably the Policy Review. The thesis shows the need for an historical context based on three factors. First, the history of Labour’s political ideas, discussed in Part I, illustrates the extent to which former debates re-emerge; to a large extent, Labour continued in the 1980s to be pre-occupied with traditional arguments. Second, Labour’s economic and social policy thinking was, at least in part, a reflection on its own ‘record’ in government. An historical context inevitably includes an analysis of Labour’s own post-war economic and social policy thinking. Third, the immediate political context between 1983 and 1992 is also central to an understanding of Labour’s ideas over this period. This includes the impact of Thatcherism, its policy and ideas, as well as the effect of fundamental economic and social change. However, it is the first which is most important. The history of Labour’s ideas is noticeably neglected in the literature on the period. This thesis constitutes an attempt to redress the balance.

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46

Pouffary, Marion. "Robespierre, le poids des mots, le choc de l’échafaud. L’image de Robespierre dans le discours politique de la Restauration à la fin du XIXe siècle". Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL138.

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L’étude de l’image de Robespierre dans le discours politique de la Restauration à la fin du XIXe siècle met en lumière le processus de construction de la légende dorée de Robespierre, légende qui n’a jamais été étudiée de manière précise, bien qu’elle ait influencé fortement l’historiographie. Forgée à partir de 1830 par des militants appartenant à la composante radicale du parti républicain, elle présente Robespierre comme le défenseur de l’égalité politique et sociale, le théoricien du droit à l’insurrection et l’apôtre d’une religion fraternelle qui doit servir de base à un nouveau contrat social. Cette étude montre aussi que la légende noire de Robespierre est traversée par des fractures idéologiques mal discernées jusqu’ici. La légende noire conservatrice/contre-révolutionnaire née sous la Révolution fait de Robespierre à la fois un tyran et un anarchiste niveleur et impie. La légende noire libérale qui se développe sous la Restauration en fait seulement un tyran clérical. Les légendes noires communiste et anarchiste, apparues respectivement au tournant de 1840 et sous la Deuxième République, dénoncent non seulement le cléricalisme de Robespierre mais aussi son manque d’ambition sociale. A la différence de la légende noire communiste, la légende noire anarchiste reprend l’image du tyran et critique le rôle de Robespierre dans la Terreur. Enfin, la légende noire libérale-républicaine apparue à partir du milieu du XIXe siècle s’inscrit dans le prolongement de la légende noire libérale tout en étant influencée par les légendes noires communiste et anarchiste et fait de Robespierre un tyran politique et clérical dont elle souligne le peu d’intérêt pour les questions économiques
Studying the image of Robespierre in the political discourse from the Restauration to the end of the 19th century highlights the construction process of the golden legend of Robespierre, which has never been precisely analysed, although it influenced profoundly historiography. Built from 1830 onwards by militants belonging to the radical fringe of the republican movement, it presents Robespierre as the defender of political and social equality, the theoretician of the right to insurrection and the apostle of a brotherly religion, basis of a new social contract. This study also shows that Robespierre’s dark legend is split by ideological divides which remained until now unclear. A dark legend which can be called “conservative/counter-revolutionary” appeared during the Revolution. It describes Robespierre at the same time as a tyrant and as a godless leveller anarchist. The liberal dark legend appeared under the Restoration presents Robespierre only as a clerical tyrant. The communist and anarchist dark legends, which emerged respectively at the beginning of the 1840’s and under the Second Republic, point out not only Robespierre’s clericalism but also his lack of social concerns. Unlike the communist dark legend, the anarchist dark legend reuses the image of the tyrant and denounces Robespierre’s implication in the Terror. Finally, a republican-liberal dark legend emerges in the middle of the 19th century. It is a continuation of the liberal dark legend which is also influenced by the communist and anarchist dark legends. It presents Robespierre as a political and clerical tyrant and stresses on his lack of interest in economic issues

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47

Keating, Paula School of Philosophy UNSW. "The function of ideas of reason in Kant???s political philosophy". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Philosophy, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/31928.

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This thesis is concerned with the power of ideas in political philosophy and practice. It argues firstly that Kant???s ideas of reason, as he originally defines them as regulative in the First Critique, play an important role in his political philosophy and his dynamic approach to politics. Secondly, because it is fundamentally concerned with political transition and improvement, Kant???s approach to politics is therefore one that has continuing relevance. Evidence for this is provided via an examination of Rawls??? political liberalism and the manner in which the idea of the reasonable fulfils the role of an idea of reason. The thesis begins with an examination of the regulative use of ideas of reason in the Dialectic of the First Critique: the ideas of soul, world and God become guides for practice, insofar as they are not bearers of truth but instead create essential conditions necessary for human life and meaning. Chapter Two then demonstrates how ideas of reason figure in Kant???s political texts. They condition politics by inspiring the practice of their objects, for example, the establishment of a rightful condition, the security of private property, the perpetuation of peace. That they look to the status quo in order to effect politics, demonstrates their concern with social progress. Chapter Three argues that publicity forms the primary political idea of reason as it enables the polity to use ideas of reason. Because publicity provides the test of efficient and rightful politics, we can say that it is through publicity that Kant???s politics is grounded. Chapter Four investigates Rawls??? political liberalism and observes that the primacy of the idea of the reasonable in his theory works according to a system of ideas of reason as proposed by Kant. Chapter Five then makes a final comparison between Kant and Rawls to demonstrate that ideas of reason, in particular the pre-eminent political idea of public reason, is central to both their conceptions of the political condition.

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48

Peacock, Kurt. "Red Tory, the political ideas and legislative legacy of R.B. Bennett". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0018/MQ48406.pdf.

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49

Ofir, Zvulun Haivry. "The 'politick personality' : Edmund Burke's political ideas and the Lockean inheritance". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2005. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1445750/.

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This thesis seeks to describe aspects of Edmund Burke's political ideas, and to show that these ideas were presented as an alternative to the political ideas of John Locke. The dissertation is composed of two parts: the first outlines the historical context in which Burke's political ideas were set the second studies Burke's own political concepts in opposition to those of Locke. The first part of the dissertation is a detailed review and study of a large number of political writings from Burke's time, particularly (but not solely) from the decade after the outbreak of the revolution in France. This study presents the intellectual context of Burke's ideas, and shows these to have been widely perceived by contemporaries (both those opposing and supporting his views) as set against John Locke's political ideas. The second part of the dissertation looks at Burke's own work. It charts all of Burke's known references to Locke or his works, and shows that all of those which relate to the latter's political ideas, were critical. It demonstrates that on top of various scattered cases, at least twice, in an important draft composed in 1782 and in a weighty memorandum of 1793, Burke decidedly and comprehensively challenged Locke's fundamental political principles, and pronounced them to be deficient and dangerous. It points out that Burke identified the source for the danger posed to political systems by Lockean ideas in their introduction of narrow judicial reasoning into political considerations. It proceeds to present the central themes of Burke's political theory, showing these to contrast (sometimes explicitly so) with Lockean ideas. It concludes with a study of Burke's idea of political sovereignty.

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50

Couillerot, Jérôme. "Un régime de la liberté : la démocratie dans l’œuvre de Claude Lefort". Thesis, Paris 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA020059.

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Claude Lefort est un penseur majeur du totalitarisme soviétique et un théoricien original de la démocratie ; mais cette pensée souffre d’être encore trop peu étudiée, et surtout peu comprise dans son articulation générale. Ce travail se propose de remédier à cette carence, et s’efforce, au travers d’une reconstruction des dimensions fondamentales de l’œuvre, de restituer à la pensée de l’auteur sa cohérence interne. Nous postulons ici que cette cohérence se dévoile à bien vouloir identifier le projet central de Claude Lefort, qui fut de penser les conditions de possibilité de la liberté politique, et partant, la démocratie comme un régime de la liberté. Un tel projet, d’abord envisagé dans le cadre de la théorie marxiste, va progressivement être réévalué à l’aide de la philosophie de Maurice Merleau-Ponty, pour aboutir à une récusation des acceptions traditionnelles – telles que comprises en droit public – des notions de pouvoir et de liberté. Il s’agit alors pour Lefort de permettre la liberté politique, c’est ce que s’efforce de montrer la première partie. Il faut ensuite tirer les conséquences logiques d’une telle récusation. Elle amène à reconsidérer en profondeur la nature des deux termes : le pouvoir gagne une dimension « symbolique », et les libertés se pensent comme indissociablement individuelles et collectives. Cette construction se veut une manière spécifique d’organiser la liberté politique, c’est ce que s’emploie à révéler la seconde partie
Claude Lefort is a major thinker of Soviet totalitarianism and an original theorist of democracy. However, his contributions remain much overlooked, and the overall coherence of his body of work is often misunderstood. This work aims to remedy this deficiency, and endeavours to identify and organize the fundamental dimensions of his thought, in order to re-establish its internal coherence. The hypothesis of this doctoral thesis is that this coherence is revealed through the identification of the central project of Claude Lefort, which was to apprehend the necessary conditions for the advent of political liberty, and therefore democracy as a “regime of liberty” (régime de la liberté). This intellectual project, developed first of all in the context of Marxist theory, was progressively reassessed in the light of the philosophy of Maurice Merleau-Ponty, eventually resulting in a rejection of the traditional understanding – that of public law – of the two concepts of power and liberty. The problem, for Lefort, is how to bring about the existence of political liberty ; which the first part of this work aims to demonstrate. It then becomes necessary to draw the logical consequences of such a rejection. It leads to a profound reconsideration of the nature of the two concepts : power gains a “symbolic” dimension, and liberties are inseparably thought as both collective and individual. Lefort’s construction must thus be understood as a specific way to organise political liberty ; as the second part of doctoral work attempts to reveal

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