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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Sino-japanese war, 1937-1945 – campaigns"

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Publicado: 26 de julio de 2024

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1

MITTER, RANA. "Classifying Citizens in Nationalist China during World War II, 1937–1941". Modern Asian Studies 45, n.º 2 (marzo de 2011): 243–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1100014x.

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AbstractThis paper argues that the first phase of the Sino-Japanese War of 1937–1945 saw a significant change in the relationship between state and society in China, leading to a greater use of techniques of classification of the citizenry for purposes of welfare provision and mobilization through propaganda, methods until recently more associated with the Communists than with their Nationalist rivals. The paper draws on materials from Sichuan, the key province for wartime resistance, showing that the use of identity cards and welfare provision regulations were part of a process of integrating refugees from occupied China into the wider wartime society, and that propaganda campaigns were deployed to persuade the local indigenous population to support wartime state initiatives. Although Nationalist efforts to mobilize the population in wartime were flawed and partial, they marked a significant change in the conception of Chinese citizenship.

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2

LEE, SEUNG-JOON. "The Patriot's Scientific Diet: Nutrition science and dietary reform campaigns in China, 1910s–1950s". Modern Asian Studies 49, n.º 6 (27 de febrero de 2015): 1808–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000286.

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AbstractThis article explores how nutrition science became a significant part of the nation-building project in both Republican China and the early People's Republic of China within the context of burgeoning popular concerns over bodily health and an increasing sense of urgency. Insofar as nutrition science offered a new type of expertise about what to eat and what not to eat in daily life, it entailed harnessing the state's potential persuasive power to garner willing compliance, if not tacit obedience, from the population. Unlike previous scholarship, which takes the viewpoint of government authorities and the medical elite, this article argues that popular concerns about bodily health and culinary curiosity that were prevalent in major Chinese cities helped to popularize state-led dietary reform campaigns that culminated during the Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) and continued even after the revolutionary regime change in the 1950s.

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3

BUCHANAN, TOM. "‘Shanghai-Madrid Axis’? Comparing British Responses to the Conflicts in Spain and China, 1936–39". Contemporary European History 21, n.º 4 (20 de septiembre de 2012): 533–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777312000367.

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AbstractThe impact of the Sino-Japanese War on Britain has generally been overshadowed by the impact of the Spanish Civil War, which broke out a year earlier. Indeed, the only book on the subject, Arthur Clegg's Aid China (1989), is subtitled A Memoir of a Forgotten Campaign. Yet, for a few months in the autumn of 1937, these two campaigns achieved a kind of parity in British public perception. British opinion was united in condemnation of the Japanese bombing of Chinese cities, and, at its peak, the ensuing campaign attracted a broader range of supporters than the movement in solidarity with the Spanish Republic. For instance, the Archbishop of Canterbury publicly criticised Japan's actions in a way that would have been unthinkable in the case of Franco's Spain. Moreover, some acts of solidarity with China (such as the refusal by British dockers to load Japanese ships) went beyond what the supporters of the Spanish Republic could hope to achieve. This article makes a comparison of the two campaigns, and examines the interconnections between them. It not only sheds new light on the ‘forgotten’ campaign for China, but also asks why Spain – unlike China – became the ‘Great Cause’ of the later 1930s.

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4

Chan, Julia. "Shangri-La on the Popular Front: ‘China’, the Global Left, and Auden and Isherwood’s Journey to a War". Modernist Cultures 17, n.º 3-4 (noviembre de 2022): 297–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2022.0376.

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This article examines W. H. Auden and Christopher Isherwood’s co-authored travelogue, Journey to a War (1939), as a product of the interwar global left culture, exemplified by the Popular Front campaign that spanned Europe and Asia (1936–1939). Set out to observe and report on the Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945), a less popular but more exotic alternative to the contemporaneous Spanish Civil War, the two writers found themselves caught in the impossible task of reconciling the ravages of war with images of Shangri-La that mediated Popular Front discourses on wartime China. Nonetheless, Auden and Isherwood’s difficult negotiations with Orientalist discourses also made the text a generative site for translations, exchanges and appropriations. This essay offers an account of the travelogue’s composition and contemporary reception in China, how it became a composite, mobile text.

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5

Tsuchida, Akio. "China's "Public Diplomacy" toward the United States before Pearl Harbor". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 17, n.º 1 (2010): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656110x523708.

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AbstractAfter the outbreak of Sino-Japanese War in 1937, China sought support and sanctions against Japan from the international community, especially the United States. The government strategy encompassed both official diplomatic channels and non-state channels such as propaganda and private organizations. Drawing from materials in the United States and China, this article presents the evolution of China's "public diplomacy" toward the United States during the early years of the Sino-Japanese War. It argues: (1) China's "public diplomacy" was conducted through the International Department of Ministry of Information of the Chinese Nationalist Party under the direct control of Chiang Kai-shek. (2) Resident agents of China played an indispensable role in forming the American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression, a private organization supporting China's cause. (3) The Committee carried out intensive campaigns to bring about pro-China policies and to promote an embargo against Japan. (4) The Chinese government and its agents supported the Committee financially and organizationally until its disbandment in 1941. This article thus demonstrates that wartime China was attempting to compensate for its military weakness by manipulating American public opinion to achieve its own diplomatic goals.

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6

GAYLE, CURTIS ANDERSON. "China in the Japanese Radical Gaze, 1945–1955". Modern Asian Studies 43, n.º 5 (septiembre de 2009): 1255–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x08003867.

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AbstractJapanese images of China have much to tell us about the way Japan sees its own modernisation and its place in the international system. Contrary to popular belief, Japan did not turn unabashedly toward the USA after 1945. During the first decade after World War II, a number of important Japanese radical historians and thinkers decided that modernisation could be accomplished without the help of the West. Just when many in Japan were looking to America and Europe as exemplars of modernisation, others looked instead to revolutionary China and its past struggles against Japanese colonialism in the construction of a very different historical position from that ordinarily associated with the early post-war years. Certain Japanese historians, inspired by the push toward decolonisation in Asia, set about writing the history of the present in ways that aligned Japan with modern Chinese history. Even though China had just been liberated from Japanese colonial rule, Japanese Marxists saw their own position—under American imperialism—as historically and politically congruous with China's past war of resistance against Japan (1937–45). Through campaigns to develop a kind of cultural Marxism on the margins of Japanese society, they sought to bring about post-war Japanese ‘national liberation’ from American hegemony in ways that consciously simulated past Chinese resistance to Imperial Japan. Replacing Japan's own cultural Marxist traditions from the pre-war era with the more palpable and acceptable example of China, they also hoped a new form of Asian internationalism could remedy the problem of Japan's wartime past. The historical irony associated with this discursive twist deferred to future generations the problem of how the Left* would come to terms with the past.

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7

Budi Agustono, Nurhabsyah, Lila Pelita Hati, Junaidi y Kiki Maulana Affandie. "Kita Sumatora Sinbun newspaper as Japanese propaganda media in East Sumatera, Indonesia, 1943-1945". Talenta Conference Series: Local Wisdom, Social, and Arts (LWSA) 3, n.º 4 (4 de diciembre de 2020): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/lwsa.v3i4.1122.

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Japan's ambition to be an Asian giant has been shown since 1937 in the Asia-Pacific War or in Japan it is called the Great East Asian War. In an effort to win the sympathy of the Asian people, Japan carried out various propaganda campaigns. In Indonesia, the propaganda was launched by the Japanese military government was very intensive by stating that they were brothers in arms to drive out Western imperialism, and promised independence for Indonesia. To launch its propaganda, Japan facilitated and supervised what was published in Indonesian newspapers every shu. In East Sumatera, the Japanese-founded propaganda newspaper is called Kita Sumatora Sinbun. Although the coverage of Kita Sumatora Sinbun newspaper varies, almost all of the content contains propaganda for domestic and foreign consumption. This study aims to reveal why Japan formed the Kita Sumatora Sinbun newspaper as their propaganda media in East Sumatera, and how the impact of the propaganda narratives in this newspaper on the political, economic and social aspects of the people of East Sumatera.

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8

Jui-Te, Chang. "Nationalist Army Officers during the Sino-Japanese War, 1937–1945". Modern Asian Studies 30, n.º 4 (octubre de 1996): 1033–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016887.

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Effective combat performance depends on the following: First, there must be a sound command structure capable of making rational decisions. Second, there must be efficient means of communication to transmit decisions through the chain of command and to give the commanders continuous control over their units. There must also be sufficient transportation to allow the units to execute their mission in a timely way. Third, there must be adequate quality and quantity of weapons and supplies commensurable with the given military mission. Fourth, there must be high-quality soldiers at all levels able to perform their duties competently. Finally, the entire military effort must be guided by clear and coherent strategic thinking.

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9

Kazantsev, Artem. "The Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945) and the Politics of Memory in PRC". Problemy dalnego vostoka, n.º 2 (2022): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120018445-0.

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The article deals with the impact of the Sino-Japanese war (1937-1945) on the politics of memory in PRC. Some events of this war, for example, the Nanjing massacre as well as the problem of comfort women are still a vital part of collective memory of Chinese. In recent years studies on Sino-Japanese war and its impact on the politics of memory in China have been constantly growing in number. Less attention has been paid to the history of the issue and its impact on foreign relations in Asia, including China-Japan relations. While work has been done on the revealing of political motives for shaping of PRC’s politics of memory, the impact of Chinese cultural characteristics on this issue has been neglected. Therefore, the historical transformation of war memories in PRC’s memory politics and above all the influence of cultural characteristics and specific worldview of Chinese on memory politics in modern China need further research. This article focuses on (1) the historical transformation of collective memory related to the Sino-Japanese war in China’s historical politics, (2) the influence of Chinese cultural peculiarities, such as “ritual thinking”, on politics of memory in China and (3) the impact of PRC’s historical politics on relations between China and Japan nowadays.

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10

Han, Eric. "A True Sino-Japanese Amity? Collaborationism and the Yokohama Chinese (1937–1945)". Journal of Asian Studies 72, n.º 3 (agosto de 2013): 587–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911813000533.

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Taking the Yokohama Chinese community as an exemplary case, this article delves into linkages between Chinese diasporic identities and collaborationism during the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–45). Using published memoirs, Japanese government and police records, and local newspapers, it examines the wartime experiences of a community struggling to maintain both its Chinese identity and its position in local society. Japanese authorities did not categorically assimilate, intern, or deport this population. Instead, they enforced displays of support for collaborationist regimes in occupied China in order to manufacture what they termed “Sino-Japanese amity.” Public expressions by the Yokohama Chinese contributed to this narrative, but these Chinese were not merely puppets. They actively negotiated the meanings and practices of collaborationism to fulfill local needs. By examining their engagement with Chinese and Japanese national imperatives, this article reflects on the nature of Sino-Japanese friendship, hidden resistance, and local integration.

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11

Day, Jenny Huangfu. "The War of Textbooks: Educating Children during the Second Sino-Japanese War, 1937–1945". Twentieth-Century China 46, n.º 2 (2021): 105–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcc.2021.0011.

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12

Lai, Sherman Xiaogang. "A War Within a War: The Road to the New Fourth Army Incident in January 1941". Journal of Chinese Military History 2, n.º 1 (2013): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-12341249.

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Abstract The New Fourth Army (N4A) Incident is the name given to the destruction by the Chinese Nationalist government of the headquarters of the N4A, one of the two legal armies under the command of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) during the Sino-Japanese War, in southern Anhui province in January 1941, together with the killing of about nine thousand CCP soldiers. It was the largest and the last armed conflict between the Nationalists and the CCP during the Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945). This article argues that this tragedy came from Joseph Stalin’s paranoia toward the West and Mao’s resulting limited pre-emptive offensives against the Nationalist government, as well as their misreading of Chiang Kai-shek during 1939-1940.

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13

Coble, Parks M. "China's “New Remembering” of the Anti-Japanese War of Resistance, 1937–1945". China Quarterly 190 (junio de 2007): 394–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741007001257.

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AbstractIn today's China, memory of the Sino-Japanese War of 1937–45 is often a front page issue, a source of diplomatic friction between Beijing and Tokyo. Yet in Mao's era, public memory of this conflict virtually disappeared. Only the role of communist forces under Chairman Mao was commemorated; other memories were consigned to historical oblivion. This article examines the process by which memory of the war re-appeared in the reform era. Because the government has emphasized nationalism, the new memory of the war has stressed a patriotic nationalist narrative of heroic resistance. At the same time, a second major theme has been the emphasis on Japanese atrocities, virtually a “numbers game” in historical writing. Thus despite the voluminous publications which have appeared since the 1980s, the new writing on the war has stressed certain themes while neglecting others.

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14

Polit, Jakub. "Miotani wichrem wojny. Chińscy uchodźcy w czasie wojny z Japonią 1937–1945". Intercultural Relations 7, n.º 1(13) (17 de agosto de 2023): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/rm.01.2023.13.01.

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TOSSED ABOUT BY THE WINDS OF WAR. CHINESE REFUGEES DURING THE WAR WITH JAPAN 1937–1945 The Sino-Japanese War drove tens of millions of Chinese people from their homes. Only occasionally did they receive any help. Some had never returned home. A majority of the refugees were men. Many of them (sometimes even a half half of them) were related to the sphere of culture and education. This was surprising since the average Chinese was illiterate. The Republic of China’s government attempted to evacuate universities and secondary schools. It also did not have the means to arm all the men of military age.

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15

He, Ping, Yanan Luo, Chao Guo, Gong Chen, Xinming Song y Xiaoying Zheng. "Prenatal war exposure and schizophrenia in adulthood: evidence from the Sino-Japanese War of 1937–1945". Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology 54, n.º 3 (29 de septiembre de 2018): 313–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00127-018-1584-0.

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16

Smirnova, Nataliya Vladimirovna, Irina Alekseevna Dorokhova y Marina Vladimirovna Khotemskaya. "The Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) in the poetry of Chinese authors (on organizing extracurricular activities in History)". Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), n.º 4 (16 de marzo de 2023): 221–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2304-04.

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The article describes the attitude of the Chinese intelligentsia to the events of 1937-1945 in China, which is reflected in specific activities and creative works. A number of works by Chinese authors are cited in the translations of Russian orientalists. The authors show that in the process of mastering the discipline "Recent History of Asian and African Countries", it seems useful that fourth-year History students of the Petrozavodsk State University in the undergraduate program "Pedagogical Education" (profiles "Education in Subject Areas" and "History and Social Studies") should develop a plan for extracurricular activities on the topic "Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945) in the poetry of Chinese authors" in order to develop the ability to critically select educational material and creatively implement educational tasks. The material of the article can be used to organize extracurricular activities in educational institutions on this topic.

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17

Milbach, V. S. y I. S. Nazarenko. "Losses of Soviet Military Specialists (Advisers) in China in 1937–1941". Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series History 39 (2022): 59–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2222-9124.2022.39.59.

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This article shows the heroic work of Soviet military specialists (advisers) providing international assistance to the Chinese people in the Sino-Japanese War of 1937-1945. Many Soviet volunteers gave their lives and remained forever on the land of China, honourably fulfilling their military duty. The authors assess the losses, reveal the issues of the social policy of the Soviet Union in the 1930s in relation to the combatants and the families of those killed in China.

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18

Fedman, David. "Wartime Forestry and the “Low Temperature Lifestyle” in Late Colonial Korea, 1937–1945". Journal of Asian Studies 77, n.º 2 (16 de marzo de 2018): 333–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911817001371.

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This article examines the emergence in colonial Korea of a command economy for forestry products following the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–45). It does so, first, by tracing the policy mechanisms through which the colonial state commandeered forest products, especially timber, firewood, and charcoal. Second, through an analysis of the wartime promotion of a “low temperature lifestyle,” it offers a thumbnail sketch of the lived experiences and corporeal consequences of state-led efforts to rationalize fuel consumption. Considered together, these lines of analysis offer insight into not only the ecological implications of war on the Korean landscape, but also the bodily privations that defined everyday life under total war—what might be called the “slow violence” of caloric control.

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19

BOECKING, FELIX. "Unmaking the Chinese Nationalist State: Administrative Reform among Fiscal Collapse, 1937–1945". Modern Asian Studies 45, n.º 2 (22 de febrero de 2011): 277–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000011.

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AbstractThe defeat of the Chinese Nationalist Party (Guomindang) in the Chinese Civil War in 1949 is often explained as a consequence of Nationalist fiscal incompetence during the Second Sino-Japanese War, which led to the collapse of the Nationalist state. In this paper, I argue that from 1937 until 1940, GMD fiscal policy managed to preserve a degree of relative stability even though, by early 1939, the Nationalists had already lost control over ports yielding 80 per cent of Customs revenue which, during the Nanjing decade (1928–1937), had accounted for more than 40 per cent of annual central government revenue. The loss of this revenue forced the Nationalists to introduce wartime fiscal instruments, taxation in kind, and transit taxes, both previously condemned as outdated and inequitable by the Nationalists. Further territorial losses led to the introduction of deficit financing, which in turn became a cause of hyperinflation. The introduction of war-time fiscal instruments led to administrative changes in the revenue-collecting agencies of the Nationalist state, and to the demise of the Maritime Customs Service as the pre-eminent revenue-collecting and anti-smuggling organization. The administrative upheavals of the war facilitated the rise of other central government organizations nominally charged with smuggling suppression, which in fact frequently engaged in trade with the Japanese-occupied areas of China. Hence, administrative reforms at a time of fiscal collapse, far from strengthening the war-time state, created one of the preconditions for the disintegration of the Nationalist state, which facilitated the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) victory in 1949.

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20

Xia, Yun. "Engendering Contempt for Collaborators: Anti-Hanjian Discourse Following the Sino-Japanese War of 1937–1945". Journal of Women's History 25, n.º 1 (2013): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2013.0006.

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21

Zhao, Dong. "Buddhism, Nationalism and War: A Comparative Evaluation of Chinese and Japanese Buddhists‘ Reactions to the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937~1945)". International Journal of Social Science and Humanity 4, n.º 5 (2014): 372–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7763/ijssh.2014.v4.381.

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22

Lee, Tao-Chi. "China and Southeast Asia - Focused on China-Thailand Relations during the Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1945". Korean Studies of Modern Chinese History 80 (31 de diciembre de 2018): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.29323/mchina.2018.12.80.111.

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23

Lim, Chaisung. "The Personnel Management of the North China Railway Company during the Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1945". Keiei Shigaku (Japan Business History Review) 42, n.º 1 (2007): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5029/bhsj.42.3.

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24

Eunja Youn. "Koreans in Nanjing(南京) during the Second Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1945 ― A Statistical Analysis". DONG BANG HAK CHI ll, n.º 181 (diciembre de 2017): 155–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17788/dbhc.2017..181.006.

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25

Chen, Minjie. "From Victory to Victimization: The Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) as Depicted in Chinese Youth Literature". Bookbird: A Journal of International Children's Literature 47, n.º 2 (2009): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bkb.0.0158.

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26

Yan, Joey Yiqiao. "Karma as a Means of Wartime Political Mobilization: A Reading of Chinese Buddhists’ Response to the Second Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1945". Journal of Global Buddhism 24, n.º 2 (20 de diciembre de 2023): 95–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/lu.jgb.2023.3981.

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The concept of karma is of great significance for scholars of modern China seeking to comprehend the impact of Buddhism on the Second Sino-Japanese War. This paper explores the sociopolitical function of karma within China’s wartime society and its profound implications for Nationalist politics. It examines how karma was articulated by wartime Chinese Buddhists as a means of Nationalist mobilization for China's war effort. Moreover, this paper situates the discourse on karma within the framework of modern nationalism by comparing the sociopolitical utilization of karma by Chinese and Japanese Buddhists during the war. As such, it reveals that the divergent interpretations of karma by Buddhists in the two nation-states had enduring and far-reaching consequences on their respective societies.

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Tze-Ken, Danny Wong. "Anti-Japanese activities in North Borneo before World War Two, 1937–1941". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 32, n.º 1 (febrero de 2001): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463401000042.

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Anti-Japanese activities in North Borneo before the Pacific War were part of a larger anti-Japanese campaign waged by the Chinese in Southeast Asia. In North Borneo one of the most important outcomes was politicisation of the Chinese community. During this period the North Borneo Company, which had previously welcomed Japanese capital and labour, also began to take steps to curb Japanese activities in the state.

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Reynolds, E. Bruce. "The Battle for China: Essays on the Military History of the Sino-Japanese War of 1937-1945". Global War Studies 10, n.º 2 (1 de agosto de 2013): 78–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5893/19498489.10.02.07.

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Bian, Morris L. "How Crisis Shapes Change: New Perspectives on China's Political Economy during the Sino-Japanese War, 1937?1945". History Compass 5, n.º 4 (junio de 2007): 1091–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2007.00443.x.

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Howard, Joshua H. "Chongqing's Most Wanted: Worker Mobility and Resistance in China's Nationalist Arsenals, 1937–1945". Modern Asian Studies 37, n.º 4 (octubre de 2003): 955–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x03004098.

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Historians of the Sino-Japanese War (1937–45) have concentrated on rural China to explain how the Communists mobilized the peasantry as a revolutionary force. Although clarifying the CCP's ascension to power in 1949, this focus has impeded our understanding of social change and conflict in the Nationalist controlled territories, especially the wartime capital of Chongqing. Thus, it is difficult to understand how the Nationalists exacerbated the alienation of urban social groups during the 1940s or how the CCP began to find consensus in the cities after 1946. Even standard explanations for the Nationalist collapse—government factionalism, hyperinflation, military blunders, and malfeasance—with their focus on government elites and institutions have rendered invisible the role of social classes as agents of historical change. The few studies of wartime labor have instead emphasized the patriotic contributions of workers and their relative passivity under the four-class bloc envisioned by the united front.

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31

Kulneva, Р. V. "The “War of Resistance against Japan”: Shaping the Image of the Aggressor by the Chinese Communist Party". Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 22, n.º 10 (23 de diciembre de 2023): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2023-22-10-101-112.

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The Sino-Japanese War of 1937–1945, known in China as the “War of Resistance against Japan”, remains an integral part of the official rhetoric of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Considering the key role of the War of Resistance in understanding the perception of Japan by China today, this article studies the formation of Japan’s image by the CCP during and after the war. The research is based on official publications of the CCP, statements of party leaders, and works by Russian and foreign researchers. The first part deals with the perception of Japan by the communists during the war. Particular attention here is paid to the importance of the context of the Chinese Civil War and the global revolutionary and class struggle in shaping of the image of the aggressor. The second part traces the evolution of Japan’s image following the changes in political priorities of the CCP after the war and the increasing prominence of the “victimization narrative” in China in recent decades. The third part illustrates the connection of historical memory to the current problems of Sino-Japanese relations and reveals the role of Japan’s image in contemporary political rhetoric of the CCP. The analysis clearly demonstrates the influence of political and ideological factors on the formation of the image of the aggressor. At the same time, it is obvious that the complexity of Japan's perception intrinsic to the war period in China remains up to the present day.

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32

Denisov, Vadim. "When Did the Great Patriotic War End?" OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, n.º 12-3 (1 de diciembre de 2021): 04–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202112statyi109.

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The question of the place and role of the Soviet-Japanese War of 1945 was put in histography. It was usually stated that this was a continuation of the Great Patriotic War. However, in the mass consciousness, the Soviet-Japanese war is often not included in the chronography of the Great Patriotic War. The author, relying on the published documents, tried to prove that the campaign in the Far East was an integral part of the Great Patriotic War. In the periodization of the Great Patriotic War, the author proposes to introduce the concept of “The Fourth period of the Great Patriotic War (09.08.1945 - 02.09.1945)”.

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LIU YU. "A Study of Theaters in Nanjing as an Occupied Territory of Japan during Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945)". Contemporary Film Studies 15, n.º 1 (febrero de 2019): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.15751/cofis.2019.15.1.97.

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Michielsen, Edwin. "Fighting Fascism with ‘Verbal Bullets’: Kaji Wataru and the Antifascist Struggle in Wartime East Asia". Fascism 9, n.º 1-2 (21 de diciembre de 2020): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-09010006.

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Abstract This article examines the cultural production of Kaji Wataru, founder of the Zaika Nihonjinmin hansen dōmei [Japanese People’s Antiwar League in China] to illuminate what strategies Kaji used to train prisoners-of-war and to convert Japanese soldiers as a way to counter fascism during the second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945). Scholars have tended to focus on unravelling the history surrounding Kaji Wataru and the Antiwar League. In doing so, they have often overlooked the constructive role his cultural works played in that history and in his antiwar thought. The author aims to show how Kaji’s reportage works, and plays, were the very media he used to develop and execute his antifascist visions and activities. The focus is on three reportage works and one play that best reflect Kaji’s antifascist strategies. Analyzing the texts, the author highlights descriptions dealing with the organization and activities of the Antiwar League as well as the cooperation with the Chinese resistance as part of the popular front in East Asia.

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Qiu, Manqing. "The Presence of Women in the Illustrated Magazine Liang You during the Second Sino-Japanese War through Photographs". Communication Papers 10, n.º 21 (22 de diciembre de 2021): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.33115/udg_bib/cp.v10i21.22714.

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The photographic presence of women on war in journalism and the gender inequality suffered by women are often ignored in previous investigations. This study focuses on analyzing the photographic images of women published in the monthly illustrated magazine 'Liang You' during the Second Sino-Japanese War, with the aim of knowing the presence of Chinese women and verifying the existence of inequality of gender suffered during the war. To this end, the photographs published from 1937 to 1945 have been qualitatively studied following the theories of Vilches (1983) and Facio (2009). The quantity and regularity of the publication are analyzed in this study. The areas in which women enter, women’s identities and activities shown in photographs are investigated. We find that the presence of women on war is active in journalism. Chinese women appear in family, social, educational and work environments. They have diverse identities as social activists, nationalists and protestors. However, they are despised, subordinate and marginalized because they suffer the limitations built by a sexist society with a low level of development. We argue that it is necessary to maintain a vision of gender equality in the study of war to reveal the silent history of women and understand their submission in a purely masculine world.

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Hu, Fang Yu. "Gender, Colonialism, and Education in Taiwan: Schoolgirls on the Home Front during the Second Sino-Japanese War, 1937–1945". Twentieth-Century China 43, n.º 3 (2018): 232–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcc.2018.0030.

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McCord, Edward A. "The Battle for China: Essays on the Military History of the Sino-Japanese War of 1937–1945 (review)". China Review International 17, n.º 3 (2010): 361–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2010.0067.

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Wang, Ke-wen. "The Battle for China: Essays on the Military History of the Sino-Japanese War of 1937-1945 (review)". Journal of World History 23, n.º 2 (2012): 469–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2012.0053.

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Rahmayna, Kania Bening. "Media Campaign Advocacy Supporting Indonesian Ianfu Survivors: A Postfeminist Perspective". SALASIKA: Indonesian Journal of Gender, Women, Child, and Social Inclusion's Studies 5, n.º 1 (20 de noviembre de 2022): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.36625/sj.v5i1.96.

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Ianfu is a system of sexual slavery during the Japanese occupation in Indonesia on 1942-1945. Ianfu is interested in researching from the point of view of one of the theories in Feminism, namely the theory of Postfeminism. The purpose of writing this article is for two reasons, first, ianfu is one of the historical facts of Indonesia which is still unresolved. Second, with this article, I hope that more people will know about Ianfu. In addition, this paper was also prepared to fulfill the final semester assignment for the Gender Feminism Course. The method I use in this paper is the Literature Study Method where data collection is directed at searching for data and information through reading documents, both written documents and electronic documents. The results of this study indicate that even though the Japanese have been found guilty in the International Court of Justice in The Hague of the Netherlands for war crimes. The Japanese side still hasn't officially apologized to the Ianfu survivors in Indonesia.

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Senyavskaya, E. S. "«IT IS REPARABLE HISTORICAL JUSTICE …»: FAR EAST CAMPAIGN OF 1945 IN CONSCIOUSNESS OF THE SOVIET MILITARY PERSONNEL". MGIMO Review of International Relations, n.º 4(31) (28 de agosto de 2013): 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-165-176.

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In this article on the basis of documentary evidence and memories of the participants of the events shows, what was the sentiments in the summer of 1945, after the victory over Germany, when the Soviet troops departed from Europe to the far East, to participate in the war with Japan, and how the Soviet command solved a difficult problem - to mobilize for perform the new military tasks people who were weary up to the limit from years of war, dreamed of a speedy return to their families and relatives on. Also review the features of the preparation for a new war veterans of European fights and “dalnevostochny stays”, with the consideration of rich combat experience of the first category of servicemen and better knowledge of the natural-climatic conditions of the forthcoming theatre of war the second category. In article analyzes massive army representation of the Japanese as a military rival and their correspondence to reality. Underestimation of the enemy in the first days of the war led to a “criminal carelessness” and losses, so the commanders had to strengthen explanatory work with staff about insidiousness of the enemy and vigilance increase. The bitterness of the fighting shows in widespread phenomenon of “kamikaze bombers. Special attention is paid to violations of the Japanese party norms of international law, the laws and customs of war. In conclusion it is shown that the military campaign of the Soviet army in the far East not only hasten the end of the Second world war and provided a new balance of strategic forces in the postwar world, but also contributed to the eventual eradication of complex of a defeated country, inherited from tsarist Russia.

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Tyas, Agnes Siwi Purwaning. "Kokutai Spirit and The Concept of National Identity in Japanese National Policy Film". Retorik: Jurnal Ilmu Humaniora 10, n.º 1 (16 de septiembre de 2022): 34–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/ret.v10i1.4808.

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The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere was Japan’s imperialist attempt to control the economies of East Asia and Southeast Asia in the first half of the twentieth century. The constituents of the Sphere included Japan, Korea, China, Manchuria, and some territories in Southeast Asia. To increase agricultural production and strengthen its military force, Japan recruited people from its colonies. As the leader of the Sphere, Japan wished to establish its own identity as distinct from—and superior to—that of the West. Propaganda campaigns and media were carefully prepared to manipulate the thoughts and behavior of the people to contribute to the supposed goal of mutual prosperity in the Sphere, by providing labor power for industry and agriculture as well as the military. Films were central to the Japanese propaganda. From 1936 to 1945, films that contain political and ideological messages of the Japanese leadership were produced and circulated both inside and outside Japan. This research aims to illuminate the identity of the Japanese imperial power that was promoted through the propaganda films and show how the films highlighted nationalism and culture harnessed during the war period as constitutive of Japan’s national identity, or kokutai.

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HOWARD, JOSHUA H. "The Politicization of Women Workers at War: Labour in Chongqing's cotton mills during the Anti-Japanese War". Modern Asian Studies 47, n.º 6 (3 de abril de 2013): 1888–940. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000849.

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AbstractBuilding on recent scholarship that highlights social change caused by the Anti-Japanese War, this paper traces the politicization of women working in the cotton mills of Chongqing, the Nationalist wartime capital. Upon joining the workforce in the late 1930s, most cotton mill hands were young, uneducated women expected to endure hard work and remain physically confined to the factories. By 1945, women workers were at the forefront of a militant labour movement, writing manifestoes and petitioning government officials. This process of politicization stemmed from their decision to work in factories, which breached societal norms, and their experience of disciplined labour regimes and brutal working conditions, which fostered an incipient class-consciousness. Moreover, Nationalist-sponsored factory education campaigns had the unintended effect of leading women to challenge class exploitation and sexual discrimination. Their participation in the labour movement, which was fuelled by their struggle for economic justice and desire for higher social status, used both legal forms— especially petitions and letters to the press couched in the wartime nationalist rhetoric of shared sacrifice—and extralegal means, namely class violence. The paper concludes that the social changes and conflict that accompanied women's wartime work helped prepare the terrain for Communist rule.

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N. Mamayeva. "Yu. Chudodeyev. On the Land and in the Sky of China: Soviet Military Advisers and Volunteer Pilots in China during the Sino-Japanese War of 1937-1945". Far Eastern Affairs 45, n.º 004 (31 de diciembre de 2017): 151–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/fea.50213824.

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Tanner, Harold M. "The Battle for China: Essays on the Military History of the Sino-Japanese war of 1937-1945. Mark Peattie, Edward J. Drea, and Hans van de Ven". Journal of Chinese Military History 1, n.º 1 (2012): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221274512x631167.

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Seybolt, Peter J. "The Second Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1945: The Current Status of Research and Publication in the People’s Republic of China, and Prospects and Problems for Foreign Researchers". Republican China 14, n.º 2 (enero de 1989): 110–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08932344.1989.11720141.

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HONG, Jun-seok. "Chung Woonsoo’s Life and Independence Movement before the Liberation of Korea from Japan". Association for Korean Modern and Contemporary History 106 (30 de septiembre de 2023): 147–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.29004/jkmch.2023.09.106.147.

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The primary focus of this paper is to illuminate the life and contributions of Chung Woonsoo(鄭雲樹) to the Korean independence movement and explore its significance. The period that this study focuses on is from 1903, when he was born, to right after the liberation of Korea in 1945. Chung was educated predominantly at Protestant schools during the Japanese colonial era and further pursued theological studies in the United States. His activism gained prominence during the Asia-Pacific War. Chung discerned the intricate link between the culmination of World War II and the restoration of Korean sovereignty. As a response, he fervently engaged in independence efforts in both America and China. In Washington, D.C., Chung played various roles in the Korean Commission, aiding Syngman Rhee. He embarked on campaigns to secure support and empathy from Americans for the Korean independence cause and spearheaded initiatives to highlight Korea’s quest for autonomy within the American public sphere. In 1944, Chung was commissioned as an officer in the U.S. Army. Subsequently, he was dispatched to China via Burma and assigned to the U.S. 14th Air Force in 1945. During this tenure, he took part in ‘The Eagle Project’, a collaborative endeavor between the Korean Independence Army(KIA) and the U.S. Office of Strategic Services(OSS). His responsibilities fostering KIA-OSS military collaborations, training communications for KIA’s Second Detachment members, and orchestrating advance operations into Korea. Chung’s dedication to the independence movement was unwavering. Heemployed a gamut of strategies(from diplomacy and propaganda to direct armed resistance) in his relentless pursuit to end Japanese oppression and reinstate Korea’s sovereignty. Even though the anticipated advance operation into Korea did not materialize, Chung’s instrumental role in bolstering the collaboration between the KIA and OSS undeniably elevated the stature of both the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea and the KIA.

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47

Barnhart, Michael A. "The Battle for China: Essays on the Military History of the Sino-Japanese War of 1937–1945 ed. by Mark Peattie, Edward Drea, Hans van de Ven (review)". Journal of Japanese Studies 39, n.º 2 (2013): 469–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jjs.2013.0045.

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Huang 黃宣衛, Shiun-wey. "CULTURAL CONSTRUCTION AND A NEW ETHNIC GROUP MOVEMENT: THE CASE OF THE SAKIZAYA IN EASTERN TAIWAN". International Journal of Asian Studies 10, n.º 1 (enero de 2013): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147959141200023x.

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After the Kuomintang of China (KMT) succeeded the Japanese government in Taiwan in 1945, officials continued to apply the then current method of categorizing Taiwanese aborigines into nine groups. However, since the 1980s, many aboriginal groups have launched Name Rectification Campaigns calling for “independence” from their originally designated groups.Dutch records in the seventeenth century identify the Sakizaya as a distinct people, different from the Amis. The decline of the Sakizaya was initiated in 1878 by the Jia-Li-Wan event. After defeat by Qing soldiers, the Sakizayas obscured their identities by mixing themselves among the Amis. By the time that the Japanese began their ethnographic research in the early twentieth century, the Sakizayas had become relatively “Amis-ized,” and were regarded as a sub-branch of the Amis for both academic and official purposes. The Sakizaya's new ethnic group movement was initiated in 1990. Seventeen years later, on January 17, 2007, the Sakizaya gained official recognition as an independent aboriginal group.This article intends to investigate the strategies of movement activists. It not only examines the concept of cultural construction, but also explains why this concept is so important in understanding the case of the Sakizaya.

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Knight, G. Roger. "From Merdeka! to massacre: The politics of sugar in the early years of the Indonesian republic". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 43, n.º 3 (22 de agosto de 2012): 402–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463412000318.

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Between 1945 and 1965, what may be broadly defined as the politics of sugar in Indonesia passed through several critical stages. The industrial manufacture of sugar had begun in the Netherlands Indies in the mid-nineteenth century, but after a slump during the 1930s Depression, the industry virtually went into abeyance during the Japanese Occupation (1942–45). After the war, the years of struggle for Merdeka! (freedom) also saw a partial revival of the industry, which continued through national revolution and independence (1949) through to an incremental nationalisation in the late 1950s. Developments in the sugar industry culminated in massacre, rather than merdeka, however. The campaign against the PKI (Indonesian Communist Party) which began in 1965 resulted in the murder of labour unionists and peasant activists associated with the sugar industry. This paper traces the course of events from Merdeka to massacre, focusing on the sugar industry of East Java's Brantas valley. Its themes, however, relate to the industry in Java as a whole, and the question of why the commodity production of sugar came to be so deeply embroiled in the politics of the new republic.

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Benton, Gregor. "The Battle for China: Essays on the Military History of the Sino–Japanese War of 1937–1945, edited by Mark Peattie, Edward Drea and Hans van de Ven. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2011. xxvi + 614 pp. US$65.00 (hardcover)." China Journal 67 (enero de 2012): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/665752.

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