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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Self-determination, national"

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Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021
Última modificación: 29 de julio de 2024

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1

Margalit, Avishai y Joseph Raz. "National Self-determination". Journal of Philosophy 87, n.º 9 (1990): 439–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2026968.

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2

Moore, Margaret. "On National Self-Determination". Political Studies 45, n.º 5 (diciembre de 1997): 900–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00118.

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This paper argues in favour of a conception of self-determination which involves the equal recognition of different national identities. It proceeds by, first, criticizing the dominant territorial (in contrast to national) conception of self-determination. It then addresses three main criticisms of a principle of national self-determination. These are (1) the argument from indeterminacy; (2) the argument from instability; (3) the problem of overlapping nationalities.
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3

Tindigarukayo, Jimmy K. y Benyamin Neuberger. "National Self-Determination in Postcolonial Africa". International Journal of African Historical Studies 20, n.º 3 (1987): 569. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219734.

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4

Neuberger, Benyamin. "National Self-Determination: A Theoretical Discussion". Nationalities Papers 29, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2001): 391–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990120073672.

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The principle of national self-determination has been haunting the world since the French Revolution. In Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union alone 20 new “nation-states” were created in the 1990s—200 years after the French Revolution. They were all established on the basis of the principle of national self-determination. There may be no other term in modern political discourse which is used with more emotion and passion. Recent history has known many wars fueled by conflicting interpretations of self-determination. Woodrow Wilson thought that implementation of the principle of self-determination would lead to a better world, a world without wars and “safe for democracy.” His secretary of state, Robert Lansing, had doubts. He suspected the concept of self-determination to be “loaded with dynamite” and capable of causing even more bloodshed because it “will raise hopes which can never be realized.”
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5

Gleason, Gregory. "National Self-Determination and Soviet Denouement". Nationalities Papers 20, n.º 2 (1992): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999208408231.

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On the theatrical stage, the term “dénouement“ refers to the resolution of a dramatic complication. On the stage of world events, few historical periods can rival the present situation in the Soviet successor states for satisfying this definition more exactly. On December 21, 1991, eleven men—all, ironically, former communist party officials—signed an agreement in Alma-Ata, Kazakhastan, resolving that the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics “henceforth will cease to exist.” With this announcement, the “Soviet experiment” came to an end and a new world, inchoate and uncertain, began to emerge.
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6

De-Shalit, Avner. "National Self-Determination: Political, Not Cultural". Political Studies 44, n.º 5 (diciembre de 1996): 906–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1996.tb00341.x.

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Many liberal theorists misinterpret nationality and the demand for national self-determination. This paper asks what is the claim for national self-determination. Following this, it is asked which way of meeting the demand is the best one. While analysing the circumstances in which the demand is raised, it is argued that this claim is political rather than cultural, and that therefore some of the solutions which have been put forward in theory and in practice (especially autonomy) do not meet this claim. It is also argued that the failure of many Western politicians and political theorists to address the demand for national self-determination as a political demand derives from three reasons: methodological, moral and ideological.
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7

George, David. "The right of national self determination". History of European Ideas 16, n.º 4-6 (enero de 1993): 507–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(93)90182-p.

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8

Slattery, Brian. "The Paradoxes of National Self-Determination". Osgoode Hall Law Journal 32, n.º 4 (1 de octubre de 1994): 703–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.60082/2817-5069.1661.

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9

Welch, Claude E. y Benyamin Neuberger. "National Self-Determination in Post-Colonial Africa". Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 21, n.º 3 (1987): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485681.

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10

Kim, Sang-tae. "March 1 Independence Movement, national self-determination". Journal of Studies on Korean National Movement 100 (30 de septiembre de 2019): 129–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.19162/knm.100.2019.9.04.

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11

Hroch, Miroslav. "National Self-Determination from a Historical Perspective". Canadian Slavonic Papers 37, n.º 3-4 (septiembre de 1995): 283–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00085006.1995.11092095.

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12

Neuberger, Benyamin. "National Self-Determination: Dilemmas of a Concept". Nations and Nationalism 1, n.º 3 (noviembre de 1995): 297–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1354-5078.1995.00297.x.

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13

Simpson, Brad. "The Many Meanings of National Self-Determination". Current History 113, n.º 766 (1 de noviembre de 2014): 312–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2014.113.766.312.

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14

Sillah, Mohammed-Bassiru. "Review: National Self-Determination in Postcolonial Africa". A Current Bibliography on African Affairs 20, n.º 1 (septiembre de 1987): 17–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001132558702000103.

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15

Freeman, Michael. "National self‐determination, peace and human rights". Peace Review 10, n.º 2 (junio de 1998): 157–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659808426138.

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16

Pentassuglia, Gaetano. "Conceptualizing National Identity in Self-Determination Practice". Hungarian Yearbook of International Law and European Law 11, n.º 1 (agosto de 2023): 238–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/hyiel/266627012023011001018.

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17

Bulankina, N. E. y K. B. Umbrashko. "HUMANITARIAN SELF-DETERMINATION OF A PERSONALITY: REGIONAL AND AXIOLOGICAL ASPECTS". Educational Psychology in Polycultural Space 55, n.º 3 (2021): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2073-8439-2021-55-3-27-34.

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Problem statement of this study links with the relevance of the authors’ longitudinal research in-tended to meet the pedagogues’ interests, possibilities, and their motives for recurrent education based on personalized training strategy and tactics in the frameworks of current university edu-cation and additional professional programmes of the In-Service Institute. The purpose of this paper is to stand back from the surface details of formal and informal education of teachers and to provide some of the prospects on creating axiological priorities of professional education spaces in line with innovative approaches to teaching and learning the ways of interpretation of database on the «difficult» issues of National History and Culture. Methodology and materials of the research reflect on the main concepts of acculturation of the educational environment, harmonious interaction of both educators and learners, historical memo, national and language consciousness which constitute the basis for the comprehensive value dominant model, and are focused on transforming the socio-cultural atmosphere of a particular region and the country where the dominant values of national and cultural identity have sharply worsened during the past twenty years. Results and their discussion based on scientific exposition that concern the axiology of the problem statements distinguished via three main groups of scholarship, method-ology and pedagogy of civil education and national public school education in the frameworks of the problem issues of what to teach (Knowledge Content) and the issue of how to establish for training and learning of students innovation educational practices (Technological Aspects) for efficacy (Personality ConceptSphere of Dominant Values). In conclusion, there come some of the authors’ findings on personalized training and learning that compose the axiological model of «management techniques» on the solution of «difficult» questions of Russian history integrat-ed into the concept sphere of the learner via the Thesaurus and Knowledge Content efficacy of additional professional programmes.
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18

Sirutavičius, Vladas. "A Few Observations Regarding Woodrow Wilson’s Principle of National Self-Determination and its Application". Lithuanian Historical Studies 13, n.º 1 (28 de diciembre de 2008): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01301003.

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This article briefly discusses traditional interpretations of the principle of national self-determination declared by President Woodrow Wilson. It is believed that the principle of national self-determination cannot be interpreted in isolation from specific historical conditions under which it was declared and implemented. Until the First World War the self-determination of nations was perceived more like the right to choose their (democratic) form of government (‘internal self-determination’). During the war years the ‘external’ aspect of self-determination gained dominance, i.e. the right of a nation to be free from any ‘alien’ rule. Thus, technically the principle of self-determination of nations was supposed to mean both consolidation of national consciousness and democratization of society. However, implementation of the principle demonstrated that national self-determination might become a threat to democracy.
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19

Thorsen, Niels y Derek Heater. "National Self-Determination: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy." Journal of American History 82, n.º 3 (diciembre de 1995): 1259. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945231.

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20

Preda, Adina. "The Principle of Self-Determination and National Minorities". Dialectical Anthropology 27, n.º 3/4 (2002): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/b:dial.0000006104.35016.80.

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21

LEE, HSIN-WEN. "The Instrumental Value Arguments for National Self-Determination". Dialogue 58, n.º 1 (17 de diciembre de 2017): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217317000993.

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David Miller argues that national identity is indispensable for the successful functioning of a liberal democracy. National identity makes important contributions to liberal democratic institutions, including creating incentives for the fulfilment of civic duties, facilitating deliberative democracy, and consolidating representative democracy. Thus, a shared identity is indispensable for liberal democracy and grounds a good claim for self-determination. Because Miller’s arguments appeal to the instrumental values of a national culture, I call his argument ‘instrumental value’ arguments. In this paper, I examine the instrumental value arguments and show that they fail to justify a group’s right to self-determination.
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22

Rathi, Biraj Mehta. "National Self Determination and Justice: Rawls and Tagore". Culture and Dialogue 7, n.º 2 (26 de noviembre de 2019): 117–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683949-12340063.

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Abstract This essay is a study on national self-determination and justice from the differing perspectives of John Rawls and Rabindranath Tagore. Both thinkers have addressed the problem of conflict caused by national loyalties. Influenced by Immanuel Kant’s philosophy of cosmopolitanism, John Rawls articulates the “Law of People(s)” that suggests that mutual consent consists in economic interdependence among nations and tolerance for cultural diversity under monitored conditions of the international relations. Such an arrangement is not inclusive as it excludes the subaltern perspectives and reinforces the hierarchies between East and West. Tagore offers post-colonial versions of nationalism and cosmopolitanism that call for a creative and spiritual unity of nations through cultural exchange where each is equal in dialogue. The essay makes a case for Tagore’s cosmopolitanism being more inclusive than Rawls, yet, limited in its accommodation of the “other” as Tagore’s creative unity domesticates this “other” on the basis of spiritual familiarity. The essay also critiques Martha Nussbaum’s cosmopolitanism that suggests reconciliation of both. It makes a case for a paradoxical understanding of hospitality, friendship and otherness theorized by Jacques Derrida (influenced by Kant) as the basis of self-determination and global justice.
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23

Frost, Catherine. "National self-determination and justice in multinational states". Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 33, n.º 5 (agosto de 2012): 513–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434632.2012.656986.

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24

Renzo, Massimo. "Political Self-Determination and Wars of National Defense". Journal of Moral Philosophy 15, n.º 6 (18 de diciembre de 2018): 706–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455243-01506002.

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25

Sanakoev, Inal B., Lena T. Kulumbegova y Marina L. Ivleva. "National Self-determination: Features of the Evolution and Functioning of the Phenomenon". RUDN Journal of Philosophy 27, n.º 1 (30 de marzo de 2023): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2302-2023-27-1-153-162.

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The article analyzes the phenomenon of national self-determination in terms of evolution and functioning. The authors aim to determine the general characteristics and evolution of this phenomenon in both conceptual and applied versions. In the evolution’s context of national self-determination as a theoretical concept and a political and legal principle, several stages were identified and considered. According to the authors, each stage of the phenomenon’s evolution was inevitably accompanied by its qualitative transformations, both in political and legal terms. The first stage (from the end of the XVIII c. till the First World War), according to the authors, is characterized by the emergence of the idea and the formation of the socio-political concept of national self-determination, and the applied aspect of the phenomenon of national self-determination is filled with concrete content based on the ever-expanding political practice of its application. The second stage (from the First World War and the post-war reconstruction) is characterized by the transformation of self-determination from a concept into a political principle. The authors associate the third stage of the evolution of the phenomenon of national self-determination (the period after the Second World War) with the development of international relations and the formation of a global bipolar system. National self-determination turned into a principle of positive international law and laid the foundations for the future political instability of the newly independent states. Finally, the last period (the early 90s to this day) is characterized by the search and crystallization of new approaches to the principle of national self-determination and the emergence of new theories, the authors of which are trying from a political and legal point of view to substantiate the legitimacy of an expansive interpretation of this principle. The analysis allowed us to conclude that the qualitative transformations of the principle of national self-determination presented in the article did not lead to the formation of the phenomenon of national self-determination as an integral, complete, and universally recognized international political and legal norm.
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26

Sun, Zeliang. "On the International Law Issues of Crimean Public Investment in Russia". Advances in Social Behavior Research 7, n.º 1 (28 de marzo de 2024): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7102/7/2024050.

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On March 16, 2014, Crimea held a referendum to leave Ukraine as part of the Russian Federation. The referendum is a legal procedure used by the people of a region when applying the principle of national self-determination, while the public investment in Crimea involves national sovereignty and territorial integrity. So, when the principle of national self-determination and territorial integrity conflict, does the referendum comply with international law and be recognized? Crimea and public investment in Russia are the case of "foreign self-determination". This paper analyzes the applicable conditions of "foreign self-determination" and the situation of the Crimean people's exercise of the right of national self-determination, and makes specific judgments on the legitimacy of Crimea and public investment in Russia.
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27

Sun, Zeliang. "On the International Law Issues of Crimean Public Investment in Russia". Advances in Social Behavior Research 6, n.º 1 (28 de marzo de 2024): 58–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7102/6/2024050.

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On March 16, 2014, Crimea held a referendum to leave Ukraine as part of the Russian Federation. The referendum is a legal procedure used by the people of a region when applying the principle of national self-determination, while the public investment in Crimea involves national sovereignty and territorial integrity. So, when the principle of national self-determination and territorial integrity conflict, does the referendum comply with international law and be recognized? Crimea and public investment in Russia are the case of "foreign self-determination". This paper analyzes the applicable conditions of "foreign self-determination" and the situation of the Crimean people's exercise of the right of national self-determination, and makes specific judgments on the legitimacy of Crimea and public investment in Russia.
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28

Velasco, Zoilo A. "Self-determination and Secession: Human Rights-based Conflict Resolution". International Community Law Review 16, n.º 1 (3 de febrero de 2014): 75–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341271.

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Abstract Throughout its development as an international law principle, there prevailed an assumption that self-determination gives rise to secession. This assumption, which has fuelled the most violent ethno-national conflicts in modern history, is however misleading. Self-determination does not lead to secession. Self-determination is conceptually and legally separate and independent from secession. Its association with secession actually makes self-determination a legal anomaly. Whether a “nation” can secede is not a function of self-determination but is dictated by an entirely different variable – effective power or authority in international politics. There is a need to break the link between self-determination and secession, and instead recognise self-determination as a human right per se rather than a principle that justifies, confuses, and exacerbates ethno-national conflicts. The result is a change in our way of understanding, and hopefully resolving, existing secessionist struggles and ethno-national conflicts worldwide.
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29

Wesley-Smith, Terence. "Self-determination in Oceania". Race & Class 48, n.º 3 (enero de 2007): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396807073854.

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The interplay between national self-determination, the colonial legacy, the concept of sovereignty and the nature of state formation is what is at issue in any understanding of political development in the Pacific Islands. These complex territorial entities, scattered over thousands of square miles of ocean, embrace a vast range of cultural, geographical and linguistic diversity. Indigenous social and political organisation has been overlaid by arbitrary colonial divisions, and a model of western-style nation state formation promulgated by UN agencies. In the event, many of the fundamental economic and political problems of these societies have never been properly addressed-a situation exacerbated by the growing recourse to interventionism against ‘failed’ states by the most powerful. Any starting point for true self-determination in Oceania has to be found in indigenous practices of self-government.
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30

Olowu, ’Dejo. "Southern Sudan beyond Self-Determination". India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 67, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2011): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492841106700401.

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After decades of sanguineous struggle for political and economic self-determination, the peoples of South Sudan eventually voted en masse for the emergence of the newest African state: the Republic of Southern Sudan. Beyond the euphoria of national liberation, however, this article traces similar experi-ences in the assertion of self-determination and how their dynamics could relate to post-liberation Southern Sudan. It is argued that beneath the broadly unifying theme of ‘national’ resistance to northern oppression lies more complex and ongoing struggles over the ownership and control of core historical narratives, identities, symbols and resources. Despite the pervasive ambience of fear, scepticism and caution in which Southern Sudan will ultimately emerge as a full-fledged sovereign state in July 2011, this article highlights certain variables that could turn out to be the lessons for and from this embryonic state. While not failing to point to the inherent frailties of this new state, this article strongly canvasses the collaboration of internal and external forces in turning Southern Sudan’s challenges and opportunities into veritable vehicles for making this entity a successful African story in post-independence nation-building and development as well as a unique contribution to self-determination discourses in an atmos-phere of sustainable peace and prosperity.
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31

Schreuder, Jean-Paul. "Minority Protection Within the Concept of Self-Determination". Leiden Journal of International Law 8, n.º 1 (1995): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500003101.

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Astract:Does contemporary international law offer sufficient and effective means to prevent any future secession by national minorities? In order to answer this question, general international instruments concerning minority-protection, as well as more recent international instruments designed specifically for the protection of minorities, will be investigated. The role that a guaranteeing of collective and, in particular, political rights to national minorities have or can have in order to prevent future secession by national minorities, will be given special consideration. It will be concluded that, in the author's view, the above-mentioned question must be answered negatively, and that an extension of political and collective rights for national minorities is needed, in order to enable a prevention of future secessionist claims by national minorities.
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32

Gans, Chaim. "National Self-Determination: A Sub- and Inter-Statist Conception". Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 13, n.º 2 (julio de 2000): 185–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900000394.

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The right of national groups to self-government should be universally conceived of in sub-statist forms. Instead of interpreting the right to national self-determination in terms of independent statehood, it should in all cases be conceived of as a package of privileges to which each national group is entitled in its main geographic location, normally within the state that coincides with its homeland. According to this sub-statist conception, self-determination is not a right of majority nations within states vis-a-vis national minorities, but rather a right of homeland groups vis-a-vis non-homeland groups. It is a right to which each national group in the world is entitled, and which must be realized in at least one place.
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33

Lunkin, R. N. "Crimean Tatars: from National Ambitions to Religious Self-Determination". Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 23 (2018): 80–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2018.23.80.

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34

Dronova, Svetlana. "The National Self-Determination of Catalonia: Pros and Contras". Гуманитарные науки. Вестник Финансового университета 5, n.º 3 (10 de septiembre de 2015): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/13643.

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35

KARCH, BRENDAN. "Regionalism, Democracy and National Self-Determination in Central Europe". Contemporary European History 21, n.º 4 (20 de septiembre de 2012): 635–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777312000410.

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The end of the Cold War and the accompanying easing of archival restrictions in former communist countries have created a veritable renaissance in historical literature on the region in the last two decades. The fall of the Iron Curtain has subsequently thrown into doubt the historiographical salience of a strict East–West divide and prompted the resurgence of analytic concepts such as Central Europe or East Central Europe. The former term, defined famously but imprecisely in the 1980s by Milan Kundera as those lands ‘culturally in the West and politically in the East’, has grown no easier to delimit with the march of European integration and democratic stability across most of the ‘central’ part of the continent. The latter term is, in some senses, less problematic, since the ‘East’ in East Central Europe is generally understood to exclude those areas in current-day Germany or Austria. Yet the region's eastern and southern borders are still much disputed.
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36

Beran, Harry. "Border disputes and the right of national self-determination". History of European Ideas 16, n.º 4-6 (enero de 1993): 479–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(93)90178-s.

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37

Lee, Hsin-wen. "Institutional morality and the principle of national self-determination". Philosophical Studies 172, n.º 1 (9 de febrero de 2014): 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11098-014-0284-1.

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38

Shogren, Karrie A., Brian Abery, Anthony Antosh, Ricky Broussard, Barbara Coppens, Chester Finn, Amy Goodman et al. "Recommendations of the Self-Determination and Self-Advocacy Strand From the National Goals 2015 Conference". Inclusion 3, n.º 4 (1 de diciembre de 2015): 205–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1352/2326-6988-3.4.205.

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Abstract This article reports the recommendations of the Self-Determination and Self-Advocacy Strand from the National Goals 2015 conference. The recommendations provide direction on research goals to advance policy and practice related to self-advocacy and self-determination over the next 10 years. Seven recommendations and multiple subrecommendations were developed over a 2-day meeting by leaders in the field of intellectual and developmental disabilities. The recommended goals provide direction for research initiatives related to collective self-advocacy and personal self-determination. Implications for the field are discussed.
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39

Dahbour, Omar. "The Nation-State as a Political Community: A Critique of the Communitarian Argument for National Self-Determination". Canadian Journal of Philosophy Supplementary Volume 22 (1996): 311–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1997.10716820.

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The principle of national self-determination has usually been justified by extending to national groups an entitlement that individuals are regarded as having, namely, to the conditions necessary for their self development. In order to extend the concept of self-determination to nations in this way, an argument that it is important for nations to exist within their own political communities must be given. In this essay, I describe and criticize one type of argument for such a principle of national self-determination – what I will call the communitarian argument.Contemporary communitarians (such as Michael Walzer and David Miller) usually contend that determining who rightfully has membership in a political community must precede the allocation of rights and responsibilities between members. Community is understood to mean a national community; membership in communities therefore results from the ascription of national identities to individuals and to the consequent sorting out of loyalties that follows from this ascription. A right of self-determination for nations is required, on this view, in order to ensure that political communities are legitimately formed in accordance with national identities.
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40

Thomson, Sinclair. "Self-Knowledge and Self-Determination at the Limits of Capitalism". Historical Materialism 27, n.º 3 (24 de octubre de 2019): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001794.

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Abstract This text is an introduction to the new English translation of critical theorist René Zavaleta Mercado’s Towards a History of the National-Popular in Bolivia: 1879–1980. It surveys principal themes in the book and discusses why Zavaleta (1935–84) is a pertinent thinker for the global South and capitalist periphery today.
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41

Bježančević, Sanja. "POVIJESNI RAZVOJ PRAVA NA SAMOODREĐENJE IZMEĐU DVA RATA - LENJIN VS. WILSON". Pravni vjesnik 37, n.º 3-4 (diciembre de 2021): 225–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/pv/12791.

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The end of the two great world wars and the disappearance of the current political regimes have resulted in the creation of new states in the international order. With the collapse of multinational states and awakening of national consciousness, the aspirations of peoples for their own national states started to appear. Requirements for self-determination resulted primarily from the decolonization process, but also as a reflection of political relations in the post-war Europe. At the end of the First World War, there were events and people contributing to the development of rights of the people to self-determination and helping the oppressed nations in achieving their aspirations to decide their own destiny within their own national states. On the one hand, there were the workers’ self-determination and revolution in Russia as essential elements in the development of the right to self-determination in the political principle and Lenin's attitudes on self-determination. On the other hand, there were fourteen points and US President Woodrow Wilson with his views on the right to self-determination.
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Kolodnyi, Anatolii M., Arsen Gudyma y Oleksandr N. Sagan. "The final document of the international symposium "Christianity and national idea"". Ukrainian Religious Studies, n.º 11 (21 de septiembre de 1999): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/1999.11.1026.

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Participants of the symposium, having discussed the problem of the existence of Christianity in the context of national self-determination, the ethnoconclusion possibilities of the religious factor, taking into account the peculiarities of the development of Christianity in the political culture of society, the functioning and role of religion in the process of national self-determination of the state, the formation of ethnoconfessional self-consciousness.
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43

Cunningham, Kathleen Gallagher y Katherine Sawyer. "Is Self-determination Contagious? A Spatial Analysis of the Spread of Self-Determination Claims". International Organization 71, n.º 3 (2017): 585–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818317000200.

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AbstractSelf-determination claims have abounded in the international system since the end of World War II. But these claims have not emerged everywhere. About half of the states in the international system face some challenge related to self-determination today. Why do some states face these demands while others do not? We argue that ethno-national self-determination is one of many identities with which individuals can find affinity. While an international norm related to self-determination has developed globally, its use as a basis for political claims has diffused regionally. Diffusion of self-determination occurs through observation of others using self-determination as a basis of organization, generating a sense of legitimacy, sensitivity to related grievance, and perceptions of tangible benefits related to self-determination identification. We test this empirically on global data on self-determination claims from 1960 to 2005 and find evidence of spatial diffusion, suggesting that self-determination is, to some extent, contagious.
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44

Pentassuglia, Gaetano. "Self-Determination, Human Rights, and the Nation-State". International Community Law Review 19, n.º 4-5 (26 de septiembre de 2017): 443–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12340007.

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Abstract In this article I examine selective dimensions of the nexus among the right to self-determination, human rights, and the ‘nation-state’ as they relate to claims made by certain ethno-cultural minority groups. I first discuss some conceptual extensions of ‘national’ claims and their underlying relation to international law and state sovereignty. Then, I critique elements of ‘national’ self-determination that are supposedly constitutive of the law of self-determination, including arguments about sub-national groups as ‘peoples’, and discuss some alternative approaches to the role of international law vis-à-vis this sort of claims. Finally, I argue that international human rights law can offer a synthesis of the above nexus insofar as it works, not so much as a platform for accepting or rejecting seemingly ‘absolute’ rights or solely enabling legal-institutional ad hocism, but rather as a general process-based framework for assessing group- related pathologies that are (directly or indirectly) of international law’s own making.
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45

Chan, Shuk Ying. "On the international investment regime: A critique from equality". Politics, Philosophy & Economics 20, n.º 2 (6 de abril de 2021): 202–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470594x211005652.

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The international investment regime has come under increasing scrutiny, with several developing countries withdrawing from bilateral investment treaties in recent years. A central worry raised by critics is that investment treaties undermine national self-determination. Proposed reforms to the regime have focused on rebalancing the distribution of power between states and investors to restore ‘enlarged regulatory space’ for the former. Contra this critique from national self-determination, in this paper I argue that infringements on national self- determination cannot alone explain why the investment regime is morally problematic. Instead, on this egalitarian view, the regime is objectionable because it empowers a class of agents, whose interests are reliably opposed to egalitarian economic policy, to constrain national self-determination. In effect, the investment regime undermines states’ capacity to address inequality within and between states and is unjust for that reason. The moral and practical upshot is that reforms to the regime ought to empower disadvantaged groups to exert disproportionate leverage over the terms and practice of international investment, and to appeal to global institutions to do so. In other words, our moral assessment of a given global institution or practice should not depend on whether it constrains national self-determination, but on who it empowers to do so.
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46

Mark, Rudolf A. "National Self-Determination, as Understood by Lenin and the Bolsheviks". Lithuanian Historical Studies 13, n.º 1 (28 de diciembre de 2008): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01301004.

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The article gives an abridged introduction to the genesis of the term ‘right to self-determination’ from the mid-nineteenth century. It also illustrates the term’s usage before and after the Bolshevik Revolution. The right to self-determination played a crucial role in the political discourse of socialist parties in Central and Eastern Europe on the eve of World War One. The Bolsheviks made use of the term as a slogan to fight imperialism and to make non-Russian nationalities side with the Soviet project of establishing the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
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47

Miller, David. "Secession and the Principle of Nationality". Canadian Journal of Philosophy Supplementary Volume 22 (1996): 261–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1997.10716818.

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The secession issue appears to many contemporary thinkers to reveal a fatal flaw in the idea of national self-determination. The question is whether national minorities who come to want to be politically self determining should be allowed to separate from the parent state and form one of their own. Here the idea of national self-determination may lead us in one of two opposing directions. If the minority group in question regards itself as a separate nation, then the principle seems to support its claims: if the Québécois or the Catalans come to think of themselves as having national identities distinct from those of the Canadians or the Spanish, and to seek political independence on that basis, then if we are committed to national self-determination we should support their claims. But we then face the challenge that once national identities begin to proliferate there is no feasible way of satisfying all such claims, given elementary facts of geography and population spread.
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48

Kolodnyi, Anatolii M. "Church in the process of national self-determination of Ukrainians". Ukrainian Religious Studies, n.º 50 (10 de marzo de 2009): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2009.50.2049.

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In human history, religion manifests its social presence and functionality primarily through its national context. In doing so, it aims to form a meaningful idea of their national identity among representatives of certain ethnic groups, to protect it, because ignoring the latter leads to disorientation of a person in his or her social life, and even to social instability.
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Laponce, J. A. "National self‐determination and referendums: The case for territorial revisionism". Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 7, n.º 2 (junio de 2001): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110108428627.

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GÖNENER, Ahmet. "Determination of Physical Self-Perceptions of Turkish National Freestyle Wrestlers". International journal of Science Culture and Sport 5, n.º 23 (1 de enero de 2017): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.14486/intjscs655.

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