Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Sanità Militare"

In this paper, the Author indicates the incidence of urogenital pathologies in conscripts at the moment of the selective visit, which involves two categories of military personnel: a) personnel for compulsory enlistment, b) personnel for volontary enlistment, each with its own juridic state and different criteria of assessment. The task of military legal medicine is not only to select generally suitable individuals, but also those in good health at the beginning of the service and who must remain so in relation to the specific job. During these selective visits a considerable number of cases have been found in particular of pathologies involving the urogenital system. The Author examines the list of illnesses and imperfections and in particular those pertaining to section 29 and 35 regarding pathologies of urogenital system. The study was carried out on a sample of young men doing their National Service in the six-year period from ‘88-'93, who were visited in the hospitals of Verona, Padua and Udine.

En el año 1840 un prestigioso médico militar, Magín Berdós Blasco recibía la orden de realizar una visita de inspección técnica a los hospitales de Melilla, Peñón de Vélez de la Gomera y Peñón de Alhucemas. El resultado de esta inspección fue un informe que nos permite conocer de primera mano la realidad sanitaria de estas fortalezas, con su organización y sus deficiencias, así como las recomendaciones que se hacían para mejorar su situación.In the year 1840 a prestigious military doctor, Magín Berdós Blasco, received the order to make a technical inspection visit to hospitals of Melilla, Peñon de Velez de la Gomera and Peñon de Alhucemas. The result of this inspection was a report which allow us to know first-hand the sanity reality of these fortresses, with their organization and their deficiencies as well as the recommendations that were done in order to improve their situation.

Medieval musical instruments are closely related to the types of palace and city culture that were active at that time. Church rituals, music, song, and dance styles of the urban settlements were based on the vocal and instrumental skills of the musicians. The emergence of new instrument types compared to the heritage of antiquity was due to several factors. The most important change in the social status of the musician: the traveling artists are replaced by an instrumentalist striving for "establishedness". This trend led to the formation of professional-musicians working in the service of the city magicians and performing their duties in terms of "music economy". The oldest medieval musical instrument was the human voice. The spread of Christianity in the Dark Ages and early Middle Ages led to the popularity of hymns and secular songs. Many musical instruments of the Middle Ages were the predecessors of modern musical instruments. Wind instruments are the oldest type of musical instruments from the Ancient Ages to the Middle Ages. However, in the process of development and formation of medieval Western civilization, the scope of application of wind instruments greatly expanded: for example, some instruments such as the olifant belonged to the palaces of the nobility, others - the flutes - were used both in the folk setting and among professional musicians, while others such as trumpets were only become military musical instruments.

The military and political strategies are evolved with the passage of times and the development of science and technology. But the modern and highly advanced strategies of wars or defense and security are still lacking the spirit, techniques, principles, balanced and justified ways of Islamic wars happened over 1400 years back. The human casualties in Islamic wars are such a small in numbers that could be counted in few hundreds as compared to millions of human losses in Western wars. Besides the land and areas conquered by the Islamic group within short period of 10 years was over 3 million square kilometers with the average of 900 kilometers a day. During the entire decade even a couple of enemies of the group were not killed in an average of a month while the total recorded causalities of 200 to 300 Muslims were such negligible numbers that the history could not present its example proving that the military and political strategy of Islam framed and guided by the Prophet (PBUH) were the best in the world at every level. Islam is basically a religion of peace and it does not allow shedding of blood of innocent people at any cost. However sometimes the Muslims were compelled to unleash their swords against some tyrants in self-defense and they won the battle fought so far by them. The reason was the sanity and divine capability of the leadership of the time, the Prophet (PBUH).

Abstract Sângeorgiu de Pădure (in Hungarian: Erdőszentgyörgy) is situated 37 km south-east of Târgu-Mureș, in the Târnava Mică valley, at an altitude of 340 m above see level. It was first mentioned in 1333 as ‘Sancto Georgio's’ in contemporary documents. In the middle of the 16th century, the most important holder was the Göncruszkai Kornis family [1]. Councillor John Rhédey became the owner in 1627, when the settlement’s name was already the actual name ‘Sangherghiu de Padure’. On January 16, 1629, it was donated by Gábor Bethlen to John Rhédey and his wife, Margit Kornis. According to tradition, a reinforced abbey, church, and monastery were placed where the actual castle and its garden were settled. In 1569, the new building named Kornis Castle was built on the ruins of the former monastery. Here was born on September 1, 1812 Klaudia Rhédey, her later name being Countess of Hohenstein, known as the founder of the well-known British Windsor house dynasty.

En este trabajo se analiza un breve relato “tradicional” (inc. Iulius Caesar ut traditur) del Liber sancti Iacobi (libro 5, cap. 7) que explica el origen de los vascos como una fusión de mujeres autóctonas y militares foráneos al servicio de Roma. Del análisis de los motivos que lo componen, surgen coincidencias esperables con narraciones (Barcelos, García de Salazar) y teorías (Garibay) centradas en la misma cuestión o en otras asimilables (Jiménez de Rada, Alfonso X). Pero también emergen otros paralelos más sorprendentes como los que lo vinculan al Poema de Fernán González y, de forma muy especial, a la Historia regum Britanniae de Jofre de Monmouth. Finalmente, a la luz de planteamientos novedosos surgidos en el ámbito de la historiografía vasca, el artículo sugiere que algunos de los motivos del relato puedan haber formado parte de tradiciones locales e incluso contener un núcleo de historicidad.

The concept of logistics has been togetherly uttered with the art of military. Logistics is a military knowledge which has emerged because of the necessity of supplying subsistence weapons, health services, accommodation and transportation conditions forth earmy and it has been a vital factor for each wars of the man kind history. This term, which has been used with the armies that changed the path of the history, is used not only with the military but also with trade. Throughout the ages, supporting the armies has become more complicated as the size of them has been expanded. Naturally, the origin of word logistics, logistikos that means ‘‘calculating wisely’’ pinpoints the importance of this knowledge for the effective advances of the armies in wars. From the ancient times to the present day, the armies that have been specialized in logistics reached out the victories in an easier war. War strategy thinkers like SunTzu, Antoine-Henri Jominiand Carl von Clause witz have emphasized the importance of supporting the armies and explained logistics in their works. In our work, after explaining the importance and historical evolution of military logistics and its literature by giving examples from warfare history, the Great Offensive (1922) that was an one of the most important chapter sandcase of existence of the Turkish History will be evaluated by the analysis of military logistics of the event. ​Extended English summary is in the end of Full Text PDF (TURKISH) file. Özet Lojistik kavramı antik çağlardan itibaren askerlik sanatı beraber ile anılmıştır. Savaş sırasında ve askeri harekatlarda ordunun ihtiyacı olan yiyecek içeceğin, silah, sağlık hizmetleri, ulaşım koşulları ve barınmanın temin edilmesi gereksiniminden doğan ve bir askerlik bilgisi olan lojistik insanlık tarihinin her savaşında etkin bir faktör olmuştur. Tarihin yönünü değiştiren savaşlar ve bunların parçası olan orduları zafere götüren en önemli olgulardan biri olan bu kavram, günümüzde askerlik kadar ticaret ile de beraber anılmaktadır. Çağlar boyunca hücum eden kuvvetlerin en iyi şekilde desteklenmesi özellikle büyüyen ordular ile daha da karmaşık bir hal almıştır. Doğal olarak lojistik kelimesinin Yunanca kökeni olan logistikos’un da taşıdığı mana olan ‘‘mantıklı hesaplama’’ orduların savaşlarda sağlıklı ilerlemelerinde önem arz etmeye başlamış, Antik çağlardan günümüze kadar lojistik konusunda uzmanlaşan ordular zafere daha kolay ulaşabilmişlerdir. Ünlü askeri stratejistler Sun Tzu, Antoine-Henri Jomini ve Carl von Clausewitz eserlerinde ordunun lojistik anlamda desteklenmesine atıfta bulunarak, bu kavramı eserlerinde açıklamışladır. Çalışmamızda lojistiğin askerlik sanatında ki önemini ve tarihsel evrimini izah edip, tarihi savaşlarda lojistiğin kullanılma biçimlerini hatırlattıktan sonra, Türk Tarihi’nin en önemli fasıllarından birini oluşturan ve bir ulusun varoluşunu simgeleyen Büyük Taarruz’un lojistik açısından değerlendirilmesine yer verilecektir.

RESUMO O presente artigo analisa a inserção da capitania/província de Santa Catarina no contexto platino durante o processo de independência do Brasil, marcadamente entre a chegada da família real e a primeira metade da década de 1820. O argumento desenvolvido é o de que existiu um bloco regional de províncias, sustentado por similaridades sociais, econômicas e políticas que interligavam o destino das diferentes unidades políticas provinciais no sul da América portuguesa. Frisa-se que Santa Catarina sentiu os reflexos das contendas luso-americanas ao sul do continente americano, que acabaram por criar uma dinâmica específica de circulação de pessoas e de informações nas áreas quase intermitentemente em disputa. Para isso, foram consultados documentos oficiais, bem como memórias e outros documentos oficiosos que permitem uma abordagem do processo de independência brasileira a partir do viés da História Militar.

The fall of Jerusalem to Saladin in 1187 and the loss of the Frankish Levant in 1291 triggered new calls or crusade and the literature dedicated to "the recovery of the Holy Land" (pro recuperatione Terre Sancte). The exhortation to war and the urgency of Jerusalem's deliverance were also expressed through liturgy. This article examines two liturgical texts, a "Votive mass for the recovery of the Holy Land" (Missa devota ad recurandam Terram Sanctam) and an "Introit to the Holy Sepulchre of the Lord" (Ad Sanctum Sepulcrum Donin introitus), transmitted in manuscripts from the Franciscan library in Jerusalem, the Biblioteca Generale della Custodia di Terra Santa. This article explores the two liturgical texts in the historical context of fifteenth-century Jerusalem, when the Franciscan friars where the only Latin clergy allowed to serve at the Holy Places. Historical accounts produced in this milieu evince the friars' efforts to memorialize the deeds of the crusader kings, celebrated as liberators of the Holy Land. The liturgical texts analysed here complement this militant memorialization. Keywords: Jerusalem, Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Franciscan liturgy, recovery of the Holy Land. On cover:Monks singing the Office and decorated initial A[sperges me.]. Gradual Olivetan Master (Use of the Olivetan Benedictines), illuminated manuscript on parchment ca. 1430-1439. Italy, Monastero di Santa Maria di Baggio near Milan, Ca 1400-1775.Beinecke Ms1184: The olivetan Gradual. Gradual. General Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.

- Tim Behrend, Nancy K. Florida, Javanese literature in Surakarta manuscripts; Volume 2; Manuscripts of the Mangkunagaran palace. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Southeast Asia Program, 2000, 575 pp. - Harold Brookfield, Judith M. Heimann, The most offending soul alive; Tom Harrisson and his remarkable life. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1998, 468 pp. - Harold Brookfield, Victor T. King, Rural development and social science research; Case studies from Borneo. Phillips, Maine: Borneo Research Council, 1999, xiii + 359 pp. [Borneo Research Council Proceedings Series 6.] - J.G. de Casparis, Roy E. Jordaan, The Sailendras in Central Javanese history; A survey of research from 1950 to 1999. Yogyakarta: Penerbitan Universitas Sanata Dharma, 1999, iv + 108 pp. - H.J.M. Claessen, Francoise Douaire-Marsaudon, Les premiers fruits; Parenté, identité sexuelle et pouvoirs en Polynésie occidentale (Tonga, Wallis et Futuna). Paris: Éditions de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, 1998, x + 338 pp. - Matthew Isaac Cohen, Andrew Beatty, Varieties of Javanese religion; An anthropological account. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, xv + 272 pp. [Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology 111.] - Matthew Isaac Cohen, Sylvia Tiwon, Breaking the spell; Colonialism and literary renaissance in Indonesia. Leiden: Department of Languages and Cultures of Southeast Asia and Oceania, University of Leiden, 1999, vi + 235 pp. [Semaian 18.] - Freek Colombijn, Victor T. King, Anthropology and development in South-East Asia; Theory and practice. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1999, xx + 308 pp. - Bernhard Dahm, Cive J. Christie, A modern history of South-East Asia; Decolonization, nationalism and seperatism. London: Tauris, 1996, x + 286 pp. - J. van Goor, Leonard Blussé, Pilgrims to the past; Private conversations with historians of European expansion. Leiden: Research School CNWS, 1996, 339 pp., Frans-Paul van der Putten, Hans Vogel (eds.) - David Henley, Robert W. Hefner, Market cultures; Society and morality in the new Asian capitalisms. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1998, viii + 328 pp. - David Henley, James F. Warren, The Sulu zone; The world capitalist economy and the historical imagination. Amsterdam: VU University Press for the Centre for Asian Studies, Amsterdam (CASA), 1998, 71 pp. [Comparative Asian Studies 20.] - Huub de Jonge, Laurence Husson, La migration maduraise vers l’Est de Java; ‘Manger le vent ou gratter la terre’? Paris: L’Harmattan/Association Archipel, 1995, 414 pp. [Cahier d’Archipel 26.] - Nico Kaptein, Mark R. Woodward, Toward a new paradigm; Recent developments in Indonesian Islamic thought. Tempe: Arizona State University, Program for Southeast Asian Studies, 1996, x + 380 pp. - Catharina van Klinken, Gunter Senft, Referring to space; Studies in Austronesian and Papuan languages. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997, xi + 324 pp. - W. Mahdi, J.G. de Casparis, Sanskrit loan-words in Indonesian; An annotated check-list of words from Sanskrit in Indonesian and Traditional Malay. Jakarta: Badan Penyelenggara Seri NUSA, Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya, 1997, viii + 59 pp. [NUSA Linguistic Studies of Indonesian and Other Languages in Indonesia 41.] - Henk Maier, David Smyth, The canon in Southeast Asian literatures; Literatures of Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam. Richmond: Curzon, 2000, x + 273 pp. - Toon van Meijl, Robert J. Foster, Social reproduction and history in Melanesia; Mortuary ritual, gift exchange, and custom in the Tanga islands. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995, xxii + 288 pp. - J.A. de Moor, Douglas Kammen, A tour of duty; Changing patterns of military politics in Indonesia in the 1990’s. Ithaca, New York: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, 1999, 98 pp., Siddharth Chandra (eds.) - Joke van Reenen, Audrey Kahin, Rebellion to integration; West Sumatra and the Indonesian polity, 1926-1998. Amsterdam University Press, 1999, 368 pp. - Heather Sutherland, Craig J. Reynolds, Southeast Asian Studies: Reorientations. Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, 1998, 70 pp. [The Frank H. Golay Memorial Lectures 2 and 3.], Ruth McVey (eds.) - Nicholas Tarling, Patrick Tuck, The French wolf and the Siamese lamb; The French threat to Siamese independence, 1858-1907. Bangkok: White Lotus, 1995, xviii + 434 pp. [Studies in Southeast Asian History 1.] - B.J. Terwiel, Andreas Sturm, Die Handels- und Agrarpolitik Thailands von 1767 bis 1932. Passau: Universität Passau, Lehrstuhl für Südostasienkunde, 1997, vii + 181 pp. [Passauer Beiträge zur Südostasienkunde 2.] - René S. Wassing, Koos van Brakel, A passion for Indonesian art; The Georg Tillmann collection at the Tropenmuseum Amsterdam. Amsterdam. Royal Tropical Institute/Tropenmuseum, 1996, 128 pp., David van Duuren, Itie van Hout (eds.) - Edwin Wieringa, J. de Bruin, Een Leidse vriendschap; De briefwisseling tussen Herman Bavinck en Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje, 1875-1921. Baarn: Ten Have, 1999, 192 pp. [Passage 11.], G. Harinck (eds.)

Nesvyžius /Nieswiez/, der alte Stammsitz der Fürsten Radziwil, war im 17. Jahrhundert das eine der wichtigsten Zentren des kulturellen und politischen Lebens in Litauen. Der politische Einfluss und die Überheblichkeit des Magnatenhauses Radziwil hatte in der Mitte des 17. Jhdts. in Litauen ihren Höhepunkt erreicht. In der kultturellen Welt war Nesvyžius damals nicht nur wegen des prächtigen und herrlichen Schlosses der Fürsten Radziwil gut bekannt, sondern auch wegen der wertvollen Kunstsammlungen, der Gemäldegalerie, der besonders reichen Schatzkammer, des numismatischen Kabinets und der grossen Bibliothek berühmt. Die Anfänge dieser historischen Bibliothek reichen bis in die Mitte des 16. Jhdts., in die Zeit des Fürsten Nikolai Radziwil des Schwarzen /1515–1565/, des berühmten Gönners der Reformation und des Bildungswesens in Litauen. Er hielt auf seinem Schlosse in Nesvyžius mehrere gelehrten Kalvinisten und gründete zwei Druckereien /in Nesvyžius und in Lietuvos Brasta/ zum Drucken der protestantischen Schriften.Die Bibliothek des Fürsten Nikolai Radziwils wurde weiter von seinem Sohne Nikolai Christophor Radziwil dem Waisen /1549–1616/ gepflegt. In seinem Besitze wurde die Bibliothek anfangs beschädigt, da er selbst zusammen mit Jesuiten mehrere von seinem Vater herausgegebene protestantische Bücher öffentlich verbrannte. Bald aber wuchs die bibliothek wieder an, vervollständigt durch die einheimische und ausländische katholische Bücher.Nach dem Tode Nikolai Christophor Radziwils des Waisen sorgten seine vier Söhne weiter nacheinander für die Bibliothek.Um die Mitte des 17. Jhdts. kam Nesvyžius mit allen seinen Kunstsammlungen, auch mit der Bibliothek, in die Hände des jungsten Sohnes Nikolai Christophor Radziwils, – Alexander Ludwig Radziwil. In seniem Auftrage im Jahre 1651 wurde ein Katalog der Bibliothek der Fürsten Radziwil in Nesvyžius gebildet: „Bibliotheca alias Consignatio Generalis Librorum Arcis Nesuisiensis per Clases dispositorum Jussu et Imperio Illrissmi Dvcis ac Principis Dni D.Alexandri Ludovici Radziwil, Marschalci Supremi Mag.Duc.Lit: opera vero et industria Joannis Hanowicz Infamulatoris olim et Notarii Cubicularis eius Illme Celsdinis nunc Consulis Iurati et Aedilium Publicarum Praefecti Priuilegiatae Ciuitatis Nesuisiensis confecta A:D:1651 Aprilis, Maii et Iunii Diebus“. Das original der Handschrift des Kataloges liegt in der Bibliothek des ehem. Archivs der Grafen Działyński in Kurnik, bei Posen, unter Signatur Ms.1320. Der Katalog der Bibliothek der Fürsten Radziwil in Nesvyžius vom Jahre 1651 besteht aus vier Hauptteilen: 1. systematischer Katalog /Realkatalog/, 2. alfabetischer Katalog, 3. Katalog der Bücher in fremden Sprachen und 4. Katalog der Handschriften. In jedem Teile des Katalogs wurden nur diejenigen Bücher eingetragen, welche in anderen Teilen des Katalogs nicht erwähnt wurden.Der systematische Katalog zerfällt in 31 Teile: 1. Biblia sacra, 5 Bände. 2. Sancti Patres, 20 Bände. 3. Interpretes SS.Scripturae, 17 Bände. 4. Rituales, 11 Bände. 5. Dogmatici, 12 Bände. 6. Controversistae, – die Literatur der Religionspolemik, 39 Bände. 7. Jura et decreta, 35 Bände. 8. Historiae eccolesiasticae, 43 Bände. 9. Politici, 27 Bände. 10. Historiae Regni Poloniae et Magni Ducatus Lithuaniae, 10 Bände. 11. Historiae profanae, 110 Bände. 12.Militares, 7 Bände. 13. Imagines variae, – geographische Werke, – 26 Bände. 14. Mathematici, 18 Bände. 15. Medici, 8 Bände. 16. Philophici, 9 Bände. 17. Epistolici, 6 Bände. 18. Scholastici, 18 Bände. 19. Oratores, 23 Bände. 20. Poetae, 40 Bände. 21. De variis materiis, 8 Bände. 22. Variarum linguarum, 100 Bände. 23. Polonici, 59 Bände. 24. Germanici, 7 Bände. 25. Sclavonici, 8 Bände. 26. Prohibiti, 15 Bände. 27. Polnische Handschriften, 10 Bände. 28. Lateinische Handschriften, 7 Bände. 29. Italienische Handschriften, 6 Bände. 30. Deutsche Handschriften, 3 Bände und 31. Kartographische und Stichsammlungen, 80 Stück.Von den 787 Bänden, meistens Folianten, welche in den systematischen Katalog eingetragen waren, den grössten Teil der Bibliothek bilden die Bücher verschiedenen Inhalts /189 Bände/. Dazu müssen noch 26 Handschriften zugerechnet werden. An zweiter Stelle stehen die Werke aus der Geschichte /163 Bände/, an dritter – Geographie /124 Bände/, an vierter – Theologie /104 Bände/; dann folgen Philologie /81 Bände/, Rechtswissenschaft /62 Bände/, Philosophie /23 Bände/, Medizin /8 Bände/ und Kriegswissenschaft /7 Bände/. Daraus sieht man, dass die Inhaber der Bibliothek, – die Fürsten Radziwil, – welche viel im Auslande zu reisen pflegten, das grösste Gewicht auf die Bücher des geschichtlichen und geographischen Inhalts legten. Sie interessierten sich auch für Theologie, Philosophie und Rechtswissenschaften, denn Kenntnisse aus allen diesen Gebieten brauchten sie für das alltägliche Leben.Im alfabetischen Teile des Katalogs der Bibliothek der Fürsten Radziwil in Nesvyžius vom Jahre 1651 finden wir noch 456 Bände in folio, in quarto und in octavo. Das Übergewicht an der Zahl nehmen auch hier die Bücher des klassischen Altertums, der Geschichte und der Geographie.Im Kataloge der Bücher in fremden Sprachen finden wir 86 Bände. Hier sind jedoch die fremdsprachigen Bücher aus dem systematischen Teile des Katalogs nicht eingetragen.Der Handschriftenkatalog besitzt nur 9 Handschriften. Eigenlich befanden sich in der Bibliothek mehr, denn noch 26 von ihnen waren ins systematische Katalog eingetragen.Der Sprache nach bildeten die lateinischen Bücher die überwiegende Mehrheit. An der zweiten Stelle standen die Bücher in italienischer Sprache /141 Bände/, an der dritten – die Bücher in polnischer Sprache, an der vierten –die Bücher in französischer Sprache /33 Bände/, dann kamen die Bücher in deutscher /17 Bände/, russischer /8 Bände/, spanischer /1 Band/ und englischer /1 Band/ Sprachen. Der Grund der einen so grossen Menge der italienischen Bücher liegt darin, dass die Fürsten Radziwil von Nesvyžius, die Vertreter des katholischen Zweiges des Magnetenhauses Radziwil, welche meistens eifrige Katholiken waren, die Vorliebe nach Italien zu reisen hatten und von dort die eingekauften italienischen Bücher nach Nesvyžius mitbrachten. Auf ihren Auslandsreisen vermieden sie gewöhnlich das protestantische Deutschland zu besuchen. Deshalb finden wir nur so wenig von deutschen Büchern in ihrer Bibliothek /dieselben sind nur des katholischen Inhalts/.Im Jahre 1651 in der Bibliothek der Fürsten Radziwil in Nesvyžius befanden sich insgesammt 1.338 Bände. Die Bücher waren meist im schönen farbigen Leder gebunden.Im Vergleich mit anderen damaligen Privatbibliotheken war die Bibliothek der Fürsten Radziwil in Nesvyžius die zweitgrösste Bibliothek in Litauen. Die grösste Privatbibliothek, bestehend aus mehr als 3.000 Bände, besass der litauische Vizekanzler Kasimir Leo Sapiega in Rožėnai in der Mitte des 17. Jhdts. /im Jahre 1655 wurde sie von ihm der Wilnaer Akademie geschenkt/. Die Bibliothek der Fürsten Radziwil in Nesvyžius wuchs auch später immer an. Im 18. Jhdt. sorgte besonders um sie Franziska Urschul Radziwil, geb. Wisniowiecka, die Frau des litauischen Feldherrn Michael Kasimir Radziwils. Damals erreichte die Bibliothek ihren Höhepunkt und bestand aus 20.000 Bänden. Nach der ersten Teilung Litauens, im Jahre 1772 wurde diese grosse Bibliothek der Fürsten Radziwil, welche sich 200-jähriger Geschichte rühmen konnte, vom russischen General Bibikow aus Nesvyžius nach Petersburg verschleppt. Hier wurde sie unbarmherzig auseinandergerissen und an verschiedene russische wissenschaftliche Anstalten zerteilt. Das Ausbeuten dieser historischen Bibliothek verrichtete einen uneinschätzbaren und unersätzlichen Schaden fürdas kulturelle leben Litauens.

As widely perceived by many that corruption and other unethical conducts have become a destructive cankerworm that has eaten deep in every nation’s economy. Although, the scenario is not common only to Nigeria but the manner at which the ill-gotten wealth individuals were being celebrated in country is highly alarming. Nigeria is known for its series of anti-corruption mechanisms put in place by the government in order to curtail the menace in the society. Upon the establishment of the Military Legislations to curb the menace in 1975 under Generals Murtala Ramatu Muhammed and Olusegun Obasanjo down to 1999under the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo where two separate anti-corruption bodies were formed (ICPC and EFCC), and to the present Administration under President Muhammadu Buhari where whistleblowing mechanism is introduced, the level of corruption is more pronounced and rampant both in public and private sectors of the Nigeria’s economy. One will be wondering why Nigeria is yet to put total remedies to the scourge of corruption in the country. The study proffers some hints, if it can be adopted by the government to strengthen the anti-corruption tools put in place. Some of the measures include, the inclusion of individuals, all and sundry in the fight against corruption. As opined by the collective action theory employed by the study, corruption cannot be fought and won in isolation but requires collective efforts and change of masses’ orientation on the need to return sanity back to Nigeria. Similarly, our religious and traditional leaders have numerous roles to play in reducing unethical conducts in the society. Conferment of religious or traditional titles to those that do not deserve it in the society should be corrected and discouraged in its totality. When these and many more are done, there is every possibility that Nigeria will be a lesser corrupt country and great again.

Purpose During the 17th century, the Dutch Republic sought to project a positive global image centred around the principles of economic endeavour, moral stewardship and military resilience. By illustrating one way in which the country sought to communicate its international position, the paper aims to provide an early example of political diplomacy and reputation management. Design/methodology/approach Pictorial narratives provide an important but often underutilised insight into our cultural, social and economic history. As works of art were considered legitimate and authoritative forms of communication, their importance can lie beyond any aesthetic accomplishment. Using established iconographic techniques, this paper deconstructs and interprets the meaning contained within a specific genre painting, The Young Mother (1658) by Gerrit Dou. Findings Rather than being devoid of meaning, The Young Mother represents a narrative purposely constructed to symbolise the cultural, religious and economic character of the United Provinces. It celebrates success through global trade, innovation and enterprise while simultaneously reminding audiences of the country’s moral and spiritual foundations. Like the patriotic allegory of De Hollandse Maag protecting the sacred space of the hortus conclusus, the painting is a secular representation of the new Loca Sancta. Originality/value While acknowledging that The Young Mother has been praised for its visual qualities, this paper maintains that any broader political significance has been largely overlooked. The analysis and findings therefore offer original interpretations from which new conclusions are drawn.

Dentre os causadores de impacto negativo na qualidade de vida, o traumatismo dentário alcança um caráter especial por estar, juntamente com a doença cárie e o câncer bucal, entre os principais problemas de saúde pública em todo o mundo. Este trabalho objetiva relatar a importância do tratamento de urgência do cirurgião-dentista frente às fraturas dento-alveolares. Paciente do gênero feminino, 7 anos de idade, vítima de acidente doméstico, apresentava inicialmente ao exame clínico intra-oral, ferimento corto-contuso em lábio superior e luxação lateral do elemento 11 e luxação extrusiva do elemento 21. Foi realizada sutura em região de ferimento corto-contuso e reposicionamento dos elementos traumatizados, devido a paciente ter sido encaminhada para um serviço público, improvisou-se com a utilização de uma agulha de injeção 27G e colagem com resina composta. Após 07 dias a paciente retornou para reavaliação clínica e realização do exame radiográfico, onde se constatou que as raízes dos elementos traumatizados 11 e 21 ainda estavam em processo de rizogênese, desse modo, sugeriu-se uma abordagem multidisciplinar em parceria com a equipe de endodontia para tratamento e condução do caso de modo a propiciar a completa formação radicular. Ao exame radiográfico final observou-se a completa formação radicular, a paciente encontra-se em proservação há 3 anos, sem indícios clínicos e radiográficos de reabsorção radicular. Traumatismos faciais são frequentes e requerem uma atuação rápida, principalmente em crianças e adolescentes. O papel do cirurgião-dentista frente a esses acidentes visa a melhoria no prognóstico das lesões físicas e o estado psicológico dos pacientes.Descritores: Traumatismos Dentários, Dentição Permanente, Avulsão Dentária.ReferênciasPetersen PE, Bourgeois D, Ogawa H, Estupinan-Day S, Ndiaye C. The global burden of oral diseases and risks to oral health. Bull World Health Organ. 2005;83(9):661-69.Yero MIM, González FB, Mursulí SM, Cruz MMC.Traumatismo dentario. 15 a 18 años. Escuela Militar Camilo Cienfuegos. Sancti Spíritus 2011. Gac Méd Espirit. 2013;15(1):92-102.Santos KSA, Monteiro BVB, Fernandes LV, Carvalho Neto LG, Carneiro FG. Tratamento de traumatismo dento alveolares e reabilitação protética em paciente jovem – relato de caso. Odontol Clín Cient. 2010;9(2):181-84.Percinoto C (org). Abordagem do traumatismo dentário. Manual de referência da Associação Brasileira de Odontopediatria. 2003;21(1):344-76.Oliveira FAM, Gerhardt de Oliveira M, Orso VA, Oliveira VR. Traumatismo dentoalveolar: revisão de literatura, Rev cir traumatol buco-maxilo-fac. 2004;4(1):15-21.Ferreira MC, Batista AM, Marques LS, Ferreira Fde O, Medeiros-Filho JB, Ramos-Jorge ML. Retrospective evaluation of tooth injuries and associated factors at a hospital emergency ward. BMC Oral Health. 2015;15(1):137.Guedes OA, Alencar AHG, Lopes LG, Pécora JD, Estrela C. A retrospective study of Traumatic Dental Injuries in a Brazilian dental urgency service. Braz Dent J. 2010;21(2):153-57.Díaz JA, Bustos L, Brandt AC, Fernández BE. Dental injuries among children and adolescents aged 1-15 years attending to public hospital in Temuco, Chile. Dent Traumatol. 2010;26(3):254-61.Cortes MI, Marcenes W, Sheiham A. Prevalence and correlates of traumatic injuries to the permanent teeth of schoolchildren aged 9-14 years in Belo Horizonte, Brazil. Dent Traumatol. 2001;17(1):22-6.Andersson L, Andreasen JO, Day P, Heithersay G, Trope M, Diangelis AJ, et al. International Association of Dental Traumatology guidelines for the management of traumatic dental injuries: 2. Avulsion of permanent teeth. Dent Traumatol. 2012;28(2):88-96.Santos ME, Habecost AP, Gomes FV, Weber JB, de Oliveira MG. Parent and caretaker knowledge about avulsion of permanent teeth. Dent Traumatol. 2009;25(2):203-8.Poi WR, Sonoda CK, Martins CM, Melo ME, Pellizzer EP, Mendonça MR et al. Storage media for avulsed teeth: a literature review. Braz Dent J. 2013;24(5):437-45.Moura CC, Soares PB, de Paula Reis MV, Fernandes Neto AJ, Zanetta Barbosa D, Soares CJ. Potential of coconut water and soy milk for use as storage media to preserve the viability of periodontal ligament cells: an in vitro study. Dent Traumatol. 2014;30(1):22-6.von Arx T, Filippi A, Buser D. Splinting of traumatized teeth with a new device: TTS (Titanium Trauma Splint). Dent Traumatol. 2001;17(4):180-84. Andreasen JO, Andreasen FM, Bakland LK, Flores MT. Manual de Traumatismo Dental. Porto Alegre: Artes Médicas Sul; 2000.Vasconcellos RJH, Oliveira DM, Nogueira RVB, Maciel AP, Cordeiro MC. Trauma na dentição decídua: enfoque atual. Rev cir traumatol buco-maxilo-fac. 2003;3(2):17-24.Andreasen JO, Andreasen FM, Andersson L. Textbook and color atlas of traumatic injuries to the teeth. 4th ed. Oxford: Blackwell 2007.p.337-71.Losso EM, Tavares MCR, Bertoli FMP, Baratto-Filho F. Traumatismo dentoalveolar na dentição decídua. RSBO. 2011;8(1):e1-20.Granville-Garcia AF, Menezes VA, Lira PI. Prevalence and sociodemographic factors associated with dental trauma in prescholers. Odontol Clín-Cient. 2006; 5(1):57-64.Panzarini SR, Saad Neto M, Sonoda CK, Poi WR, Carvalho AC. Avulsões dentárias em pacientes jovens e adultos na região de Araçatuba. Rev Assoc Paul Cir Dent. 2003;57(1):27-31.

Introduction Burning Man (BM) is a festival of art and music that materialises for one week each year in the Nevada desert. It is considered by many to be the world’s largest countercultural event. But what is BM, really? With record attendance of 69,613 in 2013 (Griffith) (the original event in 1986 had twenty), and recent event themes that have engaged with mainstream political themes such as “Green Man” (2007) and “American Dream” (2008), can BM still be considered countercultural? Was it ever? In the first part of this article, we define counterculture as a subculture that originates in the hippie movement of 1960s America and the rejection of “mainstream” values associated with post-WWII industrial culture, that aligns itself with environmentalism and ecological consciousness, and that is distinctly anti-consumer (Roszak, Making). Second, we identify BM as an art and music festival that transcends the event to travel with its desert denizens out into the “real world.” In this way, it is also a festival that has countercultural connections. Third, though BM bears some resemblance to counterculture, given that it is founded upon “Radical Self-Reliance”, BM is actually anything but countercultural because it interlocks with the current socioeconomic zeitgeist of neoliberalism, and that reflects a “new individualism” (Elliot & Lemert). BM’s ambition to be a commercial-free zone runs aground against its entanglement with market relations, and BM is also arguably a consumer space. Finally, neoliberal ideology and “new individualism” are encoded in the space of BM at the level of the spectacle (Debord). The Uchronian’s structure from BM 2006 (a cavernous wooden construction nicknamed the “Belgian Waffle”) could be read as one example. However, opportunities for personal transformation and transcendent experience may persist as counterculture moves into a global age. Defining Counterculture To talk about BM as a counterculture, we must first define counterculture. Hebdige provided a useful distinction between subculture and counterculture in an endnote to a discussion of Teds versus Rockers (148). According to Hebdige, what distinguishes counterculture from mere subculture and related styles is its association with a specific era (1967–70), that its adherents tended to hail from educated, middle-class families, and that it is “explicitly political and ideological” and thus more easily “read” by the dominant powers. Finally, it opposes the dominant culture. Counterculture has its roots in “the hippies, the flower children, the yippies” of the 60s. However, perhaps Hebdige’s definition is too narrow; it is more of an instance of counterculture than a definition. A more general definition of counterculture might be a subculture that rejects “mainstream” values, and examples of this have existed throughout time. For example, we might include the 19th century Romantics with their rejection of the Enlightenment and distrust of capitalism (Roszak 1972), or the Beat generation and post-War America (Miller). Perhaps counterculture even requires one to be a criminal: the prominent Beat writer William S. Burroughs shot guns and heroin, was a homosexual, and accidentally shot and killed his wife in a drug haze (Severo). All of these are examples of subcultures that rejected or opposed the mainstream values of the time. But it was Roszak (Making) who originally defined counterculture as the hippie movement of 1960s era college-aged middle-class American youth who revolted against the values and society inherited not only from their parents, but from the “military-industrial complex” itself, which “quite simply was the American political system” (3). Indeed, the 1960s counterculture—what the term “counterculture” has more generally come to mean—was perhaps the most radical expression of humanity ever in its ontological overthrow of industrial culture and all that it implied (and also, Roszak speculates, in so much that it may have been an experiment gone wrong on the part of the American establishment): The Communist and Socialist Left had always been as committed to industrialism as their capitalist foes, never questioning it as an inevitable historical stage. From this viewpoint, all that needed to be debated was the ownership and control of the system. But here was a dissenting movement that yearned for an entirely different quality of life. It was not simply calling the political superstructure into question; with precocious ecological insight, it was challenging the culture of industrial cities on which that superstructure stood. And more troubling still, there were those among the dissenters who questioned the very sanity of that culture. These psychic disaffiliates took off in search of altered states of consciousness that might generate altered states of society. (8) For the purposes of this paper, then, counterculture refers specifically to those cultures that find their roots in the hippie movement of the late 1960s. I embrace both Roszak’s and Hebdige’s definitions of counterculture because they define it as a unique reaction of post-WWII American youth against industrial culture and a rejection of the accompanying values of home, marriage and career. Instead, counterculture embraced ecological awareness, rejected consumption, and even directed itself toward mystical altered states. In the case of the espoused ecological consciousness, that blossomed into the contemporary (increasingly mainstream) environmental movement toward “green” energy. In the case of counterculture, the specific instance really is the definition in this case because the response of postwar youth was so strong and idiosyncratic, and there is overlap between counterculture and the BM community. So what is Burning Man? Defining Burning Man According to the event’s website: Burning Man is an annual event and a thriving year-round culture. The event takes place the week leading up to and including Labor Day, in Nevada’s Black Rock Desert. The Burning Man organization […] creates the infrastructure of Black Rock City, wherein attendees (or “participants”) dedicate themselves to the spirit of community, art, self-expression, and self-reliance. They depart one week later, leaving no trace […] Outside the event, Burning Man’s vibrant year-round culture is growing through the non-profit Burning Man Project, including worldwide Regional Groups and associated non-profits who embody Burning Man’s ethos out in the world. (“What is Burning Man?”) I interpret BM as a massive art festival and party that materialises in the desert once a year to produce one of the largest cities in Nevada, but one with increasingly global reach in which the participants feel compelled to carry the ethos forward into their everyday lives. It is also an event with an increasing number of “regional burns” (Taylor) that have emerged as offshoots of the original. Creator Larry Harvey originally conceived of burning the effigy of a man on San Francisco’s Baker Beach in 1986 in honor of the solstice (“Burning Man Timeline”). Twenty people attended the first BM. That figure rapidly rose to 800 by 1990 when for legal reasons it became necessary to relocate to the remote Black Rock desert in Nevada, the largest expanse of flat land in the United States. In the early 90s, when BM had newly relocated and attendees numbered in the low thousands, it was not uncommon for participants to mix drugs, booze, speeding cars and firearms (Bonin) (reminiscent of the outlaw associations of counterculture). As the Internet became popular in the mid-1990s word spread quickly, leading to a surge in the population. By the early 2000s attendance regularly numbered in the tens of thousands and BM had become a global phenomenon. In 2014 the festival turned 28, but it had already been a corporation for nearly two decades before transitioning to a non-profit (“Burning Man Transitions”). Burning Man as Countercultural Event BM has connections to the counterculture, though the organisation is quick to dispel these connections as myths (“Media Myths”). For example, in response to the notion that BM is a “90s Woodstock”, the organisers point out that BM is for all ages and not a concert. Rather, it is a “noncommercial environment” where the participants come to entertain each other, and thus it is “not limited by the conventions of any subculture.” The idea that BM is a “hippie” festival is also a myth, but one with some truth to it: Hippies helped create environmental ethics, founded communes, wore colorful clothing, courted mysticism, and distrusted the modern industrial economy. In some ways, this counterculture bears a resemblance to aspects of Burning Man. Hippie society was also a youth movement that often revolved around drugs, music, and checks from home. Burning Man is about “radical self-reliance”–it is not a youth movement, and it is definitely not a subculture (“Media Myths”). There are some familiar aspects of counterculture here, particularly environmental consciousness, anti-consumer tendencies and mysticism. Yet, looking at the high attendance numbers and the progression of themes in recent years one might speculate that BM is no longer as countercultural as it once was. For instance, psychedelic themes such as “Vault of Heaven” (2004) and “Psyche” (2005) gave way to “The Green Man” (2007) and “American Dream” (2008). Although “Green Man” was an environmental theme it debuted the year after Vice President Al Gore’s “An Inconvenient Truth” (2006) brought the issue of climate change to a mainstream audience. Indeed, as a global, leaderless event with a strong participatory ethos in many respects BM followed suit with the business world, particularly given it was a Limited Liability Corporation (LLC) for many years (though it was ahead of the curve): “Capitalism has learned from the counter culture. But this is not news” (Rojek 355). Similarly, just in time for the 2008 U.S. Presidential election the organisational committee decided to juxtapose “the Man” with the American flag. Therefore, there has been an arguable shift toward engagement with mainstream issues and politics in recent years (and away from mysticism). Recent themes are really re-appropriations of mainstream discourses; hence they are “agonistic” readings (Mouffe). Take for example the VoterDrive Bus, an early example of political talk at BM that engaged with mainstream politics. The driver was seven-time BM veteran Corey Mervis (also known as “Misty Mocracy”) (“Jack Rabbit Speaks”). Beginning on 22 July 2004, the VoterDrive Bus wrote the word VOTE in script across the continental United States in the months before the election, stopping in the Black Rock City (BRC) for one week during the BM festival. Four years later the theme “American Dream” would reflect this countercultural re-appropriation of mainstream political themes in the final months leading up to the 2008 Presidential election. In that year, “the Man,” a massive wooden effigy that burns on the last night of the event, stood atop a platform of windows, each inscribed with the flag of a different country. “American Dream” was as politically as it was poetically inspired. Note the agonistic appeal: “This year's art theme is about patriotism—not that kind which freights the nation state with the collective weight of ego, but a patriotism that is based upon a love of country and culture. Leave ideology at home…Ask yourself, instead…What can postmodern America, this stumbling, roused, half-conscious giant, yet give to the world?” (“2008 Art Theme: American Dream”). BM has arguably retained its countercultural authenticity despite engagement with mainstream political themes by virtue of such agonistic appeals to “American Dream”, and to “Green Man” which promoted environmental awareness, and which after all started out in the counterculture. I attended BM twice in 2006 and 2007 with “The Zombie Hotel”, one among a thousand camps in the BRC, Nevada (oddly, there were numerous zombie-themed camps). The last year I attended, the festival seemed to have come of age, and 2007 was the first in its history that BM invited corporate presence in the form of green energy companies (and informational kiosks, courtesy of Google) (Taylor). Midway through the week, as I stumbled through the haphazard common area that was The Zombie Hotel hiding from the infernal heat of the desert sun, two twin fighter jets, their paths intertwining, disturbed the sanctity of the clear, blue afternoon sky followed by a collective roar from the city. One can imagine my dismay at rumours that the fighter jets—which I had initially assumed to be some sort of military reconnaissance—were in fact hired by the BM Organizational Committee to trace the event’s symbol in the sky. Speculation would later abound on Tribe.net (“What was up with the fighter jets?”). What had BM become after all? Figure 1: Misty Mocracy & the VoterDrive Bus. Photo: Erick Leskinen (2004). Reproduced with permission. “Radical Self-Reliance”, Neoliberalism and the “New Individualism” Despite overlap with elements of counterculture, there is something quite normative about BM from the standpoint of ideology, and thus “mainstream” in the sense of favouring values associated with what Roszak calls “industrial society”, namely consumption and capitalist labor relations. To understand this, let us examine “The Ten Principles of BM”. These include: Radical Inclusion, Gifting, Decommodification, Radical Self-Reliance, Radical Self-Expression, Communal Effort, Civic Responsibility, Leaving No Trace, Participation and Immediacy (“Ten Principles of Burning Man”). These categories speak to BM’s strong connection to the counterculture. For example, “Decommodification” is a rejection of consumerism in favour of a culture of giving; “Immediacy” rejects mediation, and “Participation” stresses transformative change. Many of these categories also evoke political agonism, for example “Radical Inclusion” requires that “anyone may be a part of Burning Man”, and “Radical Self-Expression”, which suggests that no one other than the gift-giver can determine the content of the message. Finally, there are categories that also engage with concepts associated with traditional civil society and democracy, such as “Civic Responsibility”, which refers to the “public welfare”, “Participation”, and “Communal Effort.” Though at first it may seem to connect with countercultural values, upon closer inspection “Radical Self-Reliance” aligns BM with the larger socioeconomic zeitgeist under late-capitalism, subverting its message of “Decommodification.” Here is what it says: “Burning Man encourages the individual to discover, exercise and rely on his or her inner resources.” That message is transformative, even mystical, but it aligns well with a neoliberal ideology and uncertain labor relations under late capitalism. Indeed, Elliot and Lemert explore the psychological impact of a “new individualism”, setting the self in opposition to the incoming forces of globalisation. They address the question of how individuals respond to globalisation, perhaps pathologically. Elliot and Lemert clarify the socio-psychological ramifications of economic fragmentation. They envision this as inextricably caught up with the erosion of personal identity and the necessity to please “self-absorbed others” in a multiplicity of incommensurate realities (20, 21). Individuals are not merely atomised socially but fragmented psychologically, while at the macroscopic level privatisation of the economy spawns this colonisation of the personal Lifeworld, as social things move into the realm of individualised dilemmas (42). It is interesting to note how BM’s principles (in particular “Radical Self-Reliance”) evoke this fracturing of identity as identities and realities multiply in the BRC. Furthermore, the spectre of neoliberal labour conditions on “the Playa” kicks down the door for consumer culture’s entrée. Consumer society “technicises” the project of the self as a series of problems having consumer solutions with reference to expert advice (Slater 86), BM provides that solution in the form of a transformative experience through “Participation”, and acolytes of the BM festival can be said to be deeply invested in the “experience economy” (Pine & Gilmore): “We believe that transformative change, whether in the individual or in society, can occur only through the medium of deeply personal participation” (“Ten Principles”). Yet, while BM rejects consumption as part of “Decommodification”, the event has become something of a playground for new technological elites (with a taste for pink fur and glow tape rather than wine and cheese) with some camps charging as much as US $25,000 in fees per person for the week (most charge $300) (Bilton). BM is gentrifying, or as veteran attendee Tyler Hanson put it, “Burning Man is no longer a counterculture revolution. It’s now become a mirror of society” (quoted in Bilton). Neoliberalism and “new individualism” are all around at BM, and a reading of space and spectacle in the Uchronian structure reveals this encoding. Figure 2: “Message Out of the Future by Night” (also known as “the Belgian Waffle). Photo: Laurent Chavanne (2006). Reproduced with permission. “Long Gone Hippies” Republican tax reformist Grover Norquist made his way to BM for the first time this year, joining the tech elites. He subsequently proclaimed that America had a lot to learn from BM: “The story of Burning Man is one of radical self-reliance” (Norquist). As the population of the BRC surges toward seventy thousand, it may be difficult to call BM a countercultural event any longer. Given parallels between the BM ethos and neoliberal market relations and a “new individualism”, it is hard to deny that BM is deeply intertwined with counterposing forces of globalisation. However, if you ask the participants (and Norquist) they will have a different story: After you buy your ticket to Burning Man to help pay for the infrastructure, and after you pay for your own transportation, food and water, and if you optionally decide to pay to join a camp that provides some services THEN you never have to take your wallet out while at Burning Man. Folks share food, massages, alcohol, swimming pools, trampolines, many experiences. The expenses that occur prior to the festival are very reasonable and it is wonderful to walk around free from shopping or purchasing. Pockets are unnecessary. So are clothes. (Alex & Allyson Grey) Consumerism is a means to an end in an environment where the meanings of civic participation and “giving back” to the counterculture take many forms. Moreover, Thornton argued that the varied definitions of what is “mainstream” among subcultures point more to a complex and multifaceted landscape of subculture than to any coherent agreement as to what “mainstream” actually means (101), and so perhaps our entire discussion of the counterculture/mainstream binary is moot. Perhaps there is something yet to be salvaged in the spaces of participation at BM, some agonistic activity to be harnessed. The fluid spaces of the desert are the loci of community action. Jan Kriekels, founder of the Uchronia Community, holds out some hope. The Belgian based art collective hauled 150 kilometres of lumber to the BRC in the summer of 2006 to construct a freestanding, cavernous structure with a floor space of 60 by 30 metres at its center and a height of 15 metres (they promised a reforestation of the equivalent amount of trees) (Figure 1). “Don’t mistake us for long gone hippies in the desert”, wrote Kriekels in Message Out of the Future: Uchronia Community, “we are trying to build a bridge between materialism and spiritualism” (102). The Uchronians announced themselves as not only desert nomads but nomads in time (“U” signifying “nothing” and “chronos” or “time”), their time-traveller personas designed to subvert commodification, their mysterious structure (nicknamed the “Belgian Waffle” by the burners, a painful misnomer in the eyes of the Uchronians) evoking a sense of timelessness. I remember standing within that “cathedral-like” (60) structure and feeling exhilarated and lonely and cold all at once for the chill of the desert at night, and later, much later, away from the Playa in conversations with a friend we recalled Guy Debord’s “Thesis 30”: “The spectator feels at home nowhere, for the spectacle is everywhere.” The message of the Uchronians provokes a comparison with Virilio’s conceptualisations of “world time” and “simultaneity” that emerge from globalisation and digital technologies (13), part of the rise of a “globalitarianism” (15)—“world time (‘live’) takes over from the ancient, immemorial supremacy of the local time of regions” (113). A fragmented sense of time, after all, accompanies unstable labour conditions in the 21st century. Still, I hold out hope for the “resistance” inherent in counterculture as it fosters humanity’s “bothersomely unfulfilled potentialities” (Roszak, Making 16). I wonder in closing if I have damaged the trust of burners in attempting to write about what is a transcendent experience for many. It may be argued that the space of the BRC is not merely a spectacle—rather, it contains the urban “forests of gestures” (de Certeau 102). These are the secret perambulations—physical and mental—at risk of betrayal. References An Inconvenient Truth. Dir. Davis Guggenheim. Perf. Al Gore. Paramount Pictures, 2006. Bilton, Nick. “At Burning Man, the Tech Elite One-Up One Another.” The New York Times: Fashion & Style, 20 Aug. 2014. 10 Oct. 2014 ‹http://www.nytimes.com/2014/08/21/fashion/at-burning-man-the-tech-elite-one-up-one-another.html› “Burning Man Timeline.” Burningman. 10 Oct. 2014 ‹http://burningman.org/timeline/›. “Burning Man Transitions to Non-Profit Organization.” Burningman 3 Mar. 2014. 10 Oct. 2014 ‹http://blog.burningman.com/2014/03/news/burning-man-transitions-to-non-profit-organization/›. De Bord, Guy. The Society of the Spectacle. 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Neil Jordan’s Breakfast on Pluto (2005) reconceives transience and domesticity together. This queer Irish road film collapses opposition between mobility and home by uncoupling them from heteronormative structures of gender, desire, and space—male/female, public/private. The film’s protagonist, Patrick “Kitten” Braden (Cillian Murphy), wanders in search of a loved one without whom she does not feel at home. Along the way, the film exposes and exploits the doubleness of both “mobility” and “home” in the traditional road narrative, queering the conventions of the road film to convey the desire and possibilities for an alternative domesticity. In its rerouting of the traditional road plot, Breakfast on Pluto does not follow a hero escaping the obligations of home and family to find autonomy on the road. Instead, the film charts Kitten’s quest to realise a sense of home through trans-domesticity—that is, to find shelter in non-heteronormative, mutual care while in both transient and public spaces.I affix “trans-” to “domesticity” to signal both the queerness and mobility that transform understandings of domestic spaces and practices in Breakfast on Pluto. To clarify, trans-domesticity is not queer assimilation to heteronormative domesticity, nor is it a relegation of queer culture to privatised and demobilised spaces. Rather, trans-domesticity challenges the assumption that all forms of domesticity are inherently normalising and demobilising. In other words, trans-domesticity uncovers tensions and violence swept under the rugs of hegemonic domesticity. Moreover, this alternative domesticity moves between and beyond the terms of gender and spatial oppositions that delimit the normative home.Specifically, “trans-domesticity” names non-normative homemaking practices that arise out of the “desire to feel at home”, a desire that Anne-Marie Fortier identifies in queer diasporic narratives (1890-90). Accordingly, “trans-domesticity” also registers the affective processes that foster the connectedness and belonging of “home” away from private domestic spaces and places of origin, a “rethinking of the concept of home”, which Ed Madden traces in lesbian and gay migrant narratives (175-77). Building on the assumption of queer diaspora theorists “that not only can one be at home in movement, but that movement can be one’s very own home” (Rapport and Dawson 27), trans-domesticity focuses critical attention on the everyday practices and emotional labour that create a home in transience.As Breakfast on Pluto tracks its transgender protagonist’s movement between a small Irish border town, Northern Ireland, and London, the film invokes both a specifically Irish migration and the broader queer diaspora of which it is a part. While trans-domesticity is a recurring theme across a wide range of queer diasporic narratives, in Breakfast on Pluto it also simultaneously drives the plot and functions as a narrative frame. The film begins and ends with Kitten telling her story as she wanders through the streets of Soho and cares for a member of her made family, her friend Charlie’s baby.Although I am concerned with the film adaptation, Patrick McCabe’s “Prelude” to his novel, Breakfast on Pluto (1998), offers a useful point of departure: Patrick “Pussy” Braden’s dream, “as he negotiates the minefields of this world”, is “ending, once and for all, this ugly state of perpetual limbo” and “finding a map which might lead to that place called home” (McCabe x). In such a place, McCabe’s hero might lay “his head beneath a flower-bordered print that bears the words at last ‘You’re home’”(McCabe xi). By contrast, the film posits that “home” is never a “place” apart from “the minefields of this world”, and that while being in transit and in limbo might be a perpetual state, it is not necessarily an ugly one.Jordan’s film thus addresses the same questions as does Susan Fraiman in her book Extreme Domesticity: “But what about those for whom dislocation is not back story but main event? Those who, having pulled themselves apart, realize no timely arrival at a place of their own, so that being not-unpacked is an ongoing condition?” (155). Through her trans-domestic shelter-making and caregiving practices, Kitten enacts “home” in motion and in public spaces, and thereby realises the elision in the flower-bordered print in McCabe’s “Prelude” (xi), which does not assure “You are at home” but, rather, “You are home”.From Housed to Trans-Domestic SubjectivitySelf and home are equated in the dominant cultural narratives of Western modernity, but “home” in such formulations is assumed to be a self-owned, self-contained space. Psychoanalytic theorist Carl Jung describes this Ur-house as “a concretization of the individuation process, […] a symbol of psychic wholeness” (225). Philosopher Gaston Bachelard sees in the home “the topography of our intimate being”, a structure that “concentrates being within limits that protect” (xxxii). However, as historian Carolyn Steedman suggests, the mythic house that has become “the stuff of our ‘cultural psychology,’ the system of everyday metaphors by which we see ourselves”, is far from universal; rather, it reflects “the topography of the houses” of those who stand “in a central relationship to the dominant culture” (75, 17).For others, the lack of such housing correlates with political marginalisation, as the house functions as both a metaphor and material marker for culturally-recognised selfhood. As cultural geographer John Agnew argues, in capitalist societies the self-owned home is both a sign of autonomous individuality and a prerequisite for full political subjectivity (60). Philosopher Rosi Braidotti asserts that this figuration of subjectivity in “the phallo-Eurocentric master code” treats as “disposable” the “bodies of women, youth, and others who are racialised or marked off by age, gender, sexuality, and income” (6). These bodies are “reduced to marginality” and subsequently “experience dispossession of their embodied and embedded selves, in a political economy of repeated and structurally enforced eviction” (Braidotti 6).To shift the meaning of “home” and the intimately-linked “self” from a privately-owned, autonomous structure to trans-domesticity, to an ethos of care enacted even, and especially in, transient and public spaces, is not to romanticise homelessness or to deny the urgent necessity of material shelter. Breakfast on Pluto certainly does not allow viewers to do either. Rather, the figure of a trans-domestic self, like Braidotti’s “nomadic subject”, has the potential to challenge and transform the terms of power relations. Those now on the margins might then be seen as equally-embodied selves and full political subjects with the right to shelter and care.Such a political project also entails recognising and revaluing—without appropriating and demobilising—existing trans-domesticity. As Fraiman argues, “domesticity” must be “map[ped] from the margins” in order to include the homemaking practices of gender rebels and the precariously housed, of castaways and outcasts (4-5). This alternative map would allow “outsiders to normative domesticity” to “claim domesticity while wrenching it away from such things as compulsory heterosexuality […] and the illusion of a safely barricaded life” (Fraiman 4-5). Breakfast on Pluto shares in this re-mapping work by exposing the violence embedded in heteronormative domestic structures, and by charting the radical political potential of trans-domesticity.Unsettling HousesIn the traditional road narrative, “home” tends to be a static, confining structure from which the protagonist escapes, a space that then functions as “a structuring absence” on the road (Robertson 271). Bachelard describes this normative structure as a “dream house” that constitutes “a body of images that give mankind proofs or illusions of stability” (17); the house functions, Henri Lefebvre argues, as “the epitome of immobility” (92). Whether the dream is to escape and/or to return, “to write of houses”, as Adam Hanna asserts, “is to raise ideas of shelters that are fixed and secure” (113).Breakfast on Pluto quickly gives lie to those expectations. Kitten is adopted by Ma Braden (Ruth McCabe), a single woman who raises Kitten and her adopted sister in domestic space that is connected to, and part of, a public house. That spatial contiguity undermines any illusion of privacy and security, as is evident in the scene in which a school-aged Kitten, who thought herself safely home alone and thus able to dress in her mother’s and sister’s clothes, is discovered in the act by her mother and sister from the pub’s street entrance. Further, the film lays bare the built-in mechanisms of surveillance and violence that reinforce heteronormative, patriarchal structures. After discovering Kitten in women’s clothes, Ma Braden violently scrubs her clean and whacks her with a brush until Kitten says, “I’m a boy, not a girl”. The public/house space facilitates Ma Braden’s close monitoring of Kitten thereafter.As a young writer in secondary school, Kitten satirises the violence within the hegemonic home by narrating the story of the rape of her biological mother, Eily Bergin (Eva Birthistle), by Kitten’s father, Father Liam (Liam Neeson) in a scene of hyper-domesticity set in the rectory kitchen. As Patrick Mullen notes, “the rendition of the event follows the bubble-gum logic and tone of 1950s Hollywood culture” (130). The relationship between the ideal domesticity thereby invoked and the rape then depicted exposes the sexual violence for what it is: not an external violation of the double sanctity of church and home space, but rather an internal and even intrinsic violence that reinforces and is shielded by the power structures from which normative domesticity is never separate.The only sense of home that seems to bind Kitten to her place of origin is based in her affective bonds to friends Charlie (Ruth Negga) and Lawrence (Seamus Reilly). When Lawrence is killed by a bomb, Kitten is no longer at home, and she leaves town to search for the “phantom” mother she never knew. The impetus for Kitten’s wandering, then, is connection rather than autonomy, and neither the home she leaves, nor the sense of home she seeks, are fixed structures.Mobile Homes and Queering of the Western RoadBreakfast on Pluto tracks how the oppositions that seem to structure traditional road films—such as that between home and mobility, and between domestic and open spaces—continually collapse. The film invokes the “cowboy and Indian” mythology from which the Western road narrative descends (Boyle 19), but to different ends: to capture a desire for non-heteronormative affective bonds rather than “lone ranger” autonomy, and to convey a longing for domesticity on the trail, for a home that is both mobile and open. Across the past century of Irish fiction and film, “cowboy and Indian” mythology has often intersected with queer wandering, from James Joyce’s Dubliners story “An Encounter” (1914) to Lenny Abrahamson’s film Adam & Paul (2004). In this tradition, Breakfast on Pluto queers “cowboy and Indian” iconography to convey an alternative conception of domesticity and home. The prevailing ethos in the film’s queered Western scenes is of trans-domesticity—of inclusion and care during transience and in open spaces. After bar bouncers exclude Kitten and friends because of her transgenderism and Lawrence’s Down syndrome, “The Border Knights” (hippie-bikers-cum-cowboys) ride to their rescue and bring them to their temporary home under the stars. Once settled around the campfire, the first biker shares his philosophy with a cuddled-up Kitten: “When I’m riding my hog, you think I’m riding the road? No way, man. I’m travelling from the past into the future with a druid at my back”. “Druid man or woman?” Kitten asks. “That doesn’t matter”, the biker clarifies, “What matters is the journey”. What matters is not place as fixed destination or gender as static difference, but rather the practice of travelling with open relationships to space, to time, and to others. The bikers welcome all to their fire and include both Kitten and Lawrence in their sharing of jokes and joints. The only exclusion is of reference to political violence, which Charlie’s boyfriend, Irwin (Laurence Kinlan), tries to bring into the conversation.Further, Kitten uses domesticity to try to establish a place for herself while on the road with “Billy Hatchett and The Mohawks”, the touring band that picks her up when she leaves Ma Braden’s. As Mullen notes, “Kitten literally works herself into the band by hand sewing a ‘squaw’ outfit to complement the group’s glam-rock Native American image” (Mullen 141). The duet that Kitten performs with Billy (Gavin Friday), a song about a woman inviting “a wandering man” to share the temporary shelter of her campfire, invokes trans-domesticity. But the film intercuts their performance with scenes of violent border-policing: first, by British soldiers at a checkpoint who threaten the group and boast about the “13 less to deal with” in Derry, and then by members of the Republican Prisoners Welfare Association, who throw cans at the group and yell them off stage. A number of critics have noted the postcolonial implications of Breakfast on Pluto’s use of Native American iconography, which in these intercut scenes clearly raises the national stakes of constructions of domestic belonging (see, for instance, Winston 153-71). In complementary ways, the film queers “cowboy and Indian” mythology to reimagine “mobility” and “home” together.After Kitten is forced out by the rest of the band, Billy sets her up in a caravan, a mobile home left to him by his mother. Though Billy “wouldn’t exactly call it a house”, Kitten sees in it her first chance at a Bachelardian “dream house”: she calls it a “house of dreams and longing” and cries, “Oh, to have a little house, to own the hearth, stool, and all”. Kitten ecstatically begins to tidy the place, performing what Fraiman terms a “hyper-investment in homemaking” that functions “as compensation for domestic deprivation” (20).Aisling Cormack suggests that Kitten’s hyper-investment in homemaking signals the film’s “radical disengagement with politics” to a “femininity that is inherently apolitical” (169-70). But that reading holds only if viewers assume a gendered, spatial divide between public and private, and between the political and the domestic. As Fraiman asserts, “the political meaning of fixating on domestic arrangements is more complex […] For the poor or transgendered person, the placeless immigrant or the woman on her own, aspiring to a safe, affirming home doesn’t reinforce hierarchical social relations but is pitched, precisely, against them” (20).Trans-Domesticity as Political ActEven as Kitten invokes the idea of a Bachelardian dream house, she performs a trans-domesticity that exposes the falseness of the gendered, spatial oppositions assumed to structure the normative home. Her domesticity is not an apolitical retreat; rather, it is pitched, precisely, against the violence that public/private and political/domestic oppositions enable within the house, as well as beyond it. As she cleans, Kitten discovers that violence is literally embedded in her caravan home when she finds a cache of Irish Republican Army (IRA) guns under the floor. After a bomb kills Lawrence, Kitten throws the guns into a reservoir, a defiant act that she describes to the IRA paramilitaries who come looking for the guns as “spring cleaning”. Cormack asserts that Kitten “describing her perilous destruction of the guns in terms of domestic labor” strips it “of all political significance” (179). I argue instead that it demonstrates the radical potential of trans-domesticity, of an ethos of care-taking and shelter-making asserted in public and political spaces. Kitten’s act is not apolitical, though it is decidedly anti-violence.From the beginning of Breakfast on Pluto, Kitten’s trans-domesticity exposes the violence structurally embedded in heteronormative domestic ideology. Additionally, the film’s regular juxtaposition of scenes of Kitten’s homemaking practices with scenes of political violence demonstrates that no form of domesticity functions as a private, apolitical retreat from “the minefields of this world” (McCabe x). This latter counterpoint throws into relief the political significance of Kitten’s trans-domesticity. Her domestic practices are her means of resisting and transforming the structural violence that poses an existential threat to marginalised and dispossessed people.After Kitten is accused of being responsible for an IRA bombing in London, the ruthless, violent interrogation of Kitten by British police officers begins to break down her sense of self. Throughout this brutal scene, Kitten compulsively straightens the chairs and tidies the room, and she responds to her interrogators with kindness and even affection. Fraiman’s theorisation of “extreme domesticity” helps to articulate how Kitten’s homemaking in carceral space—she calls it “My Sweet Little Cell”—is an “urgent” act that, “in the wake of dislocation”, can mean “safety, sanity, and self-expression; survival in the most basic sense” (25). Cormack reads Kitten’s reactions in this scene as “masochistic” and the male police officers’ nurturing response as of a piece with the film’s “more-feminine-than-feminine disengagement from political realities” (185-89). However, I disagree: Kitten’s trans-domesticity is a political act that both sustains her within structures that would erase her and converts officers of the state to an ethos of care and shelter. Inspector Routledge, for example, gently carries Kitten back to her cell, and after her release, PC Wallis ensures that she is safely (if not privately) housed with a cooperatively-run peep show, the address at which an atoning Father Liam locates her in London.After Kitten and a pregnant Charlie are burned out of the refuge that they temporarily find with Father Liam, Kitten and Charlie return to London, where Charlie’s baby is born soon after into the trans-domesticity that opens the film. Rejoining the story’s frame, Breakfast on Pluto ends close to where it begins: Kitten and the baby meet Charlie outside a London hospital, where Kitten sees Eily Bergin with her new son, Patrick. Instead of meeting where their paths intersect, the two families pass each other and turn in opposite directions. Kitten now knows that hers is both a different road and a different kind of home. “Home”, then, is not a place gained once and for all. Rather, home is a perpetual practice that does not separate one from the world, but can create the shelter of mutual care as one wanders through it.The Radical Potential and Structural Limits of Trans-DomesticityBreakfast on Pluto demonstrates the agency that trans-domesticity can afford in the lives of marginalised and dispossessed individuals, as well as the power of the structures that militate against its broader realisation. The radical political potential of trans-domesticity manifests in the transformation in the two police officers’ relational practices. Kitten’s trans-domesticity also inspires a reformation in Father Liam, the film’s representative of the Catholic Church and a man whose relationship to others transmutes from sexual violence and repressive secrecy to mutual nurturance and inclusive love. Although these individual conversions do not signify changes in structures of power, they do allow viewers to imagine the possibility of a state and a church that cherish, shelter, and care for all people equally. The film’s ending conveys this sense of fairy-tale-like possibility through its Disney-esque chattering birds and the bubble-gum pop song, “Sugar Baby Love”.In the end, the sense of hopefulness that closes Breakfast on Pluto coexists with the reality that dominant power structures will not recognise Kitten’s trans-domestic subjectivity and family, and that those structures will work to contain any perceived threat, just as the Catholic Church banishes the converted Father Liam to Kilburn Parish. That Kitten and Charlie nevertheless realise a clear contentment in themselves and in their made family demonstrates the vital importance of trans-domesticity and other forms of “extreme domesticity” in the lives of those who wander.ReferencesAgnew, John. “Home Ownership and Identity in Capitalist Societies.” Housing and Identity: Cross Cultural Perspectives. Ed. James S. Duncan. New York: Holmes and Meier, 1982. 60–97.Bachelard, Gaston. The Poetics of Space. 1957. Trans. Maria Jolas. 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